The Homomonument. a Public Space of Transgression Cuadernos Inter.C.A.Mbio Sobre Centroamérica Y El Caribe, Núm

Cuadernos Inter.c.a.mbio sobre Centroamérica y el Caribe ISSN: 1659-0139 [email protected] Universidad de Costa Rica Costa Rica

Álvarez Hernández, Carlos The Homomonument. A Public Space of Transgression Cuadernos Inter.c.a.mbio sobre Centroamérica y el Caribe, núm. 8, 2010, pp. 69-87 Universidad de Costa Rica San Pedro de Montes de Oca, Costa Rica

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The Homomonument. A Public Space of Transgression

Carlos Álvarez Hernández 1

Recepción: 4 de abril de 2010 / Aprobación: 3 de junio de 2010

Resumen Abstract

Este artículo examina la adqui- This article examines how sexual sición del espacio público por disi- dissidents claim public space as dentes sexuales como un medio de a way to challenge hegemonic desafío de la heterosexualidad hege- heterosexuality. This is achieved by mónica. Esto fue alcanzado median- analyzing literature of spaces, sexual te el análisis de literatura relevante citizenship, and the Homonument a espacios y ciudadanía sexual y el in Amsterdam as well as taking into Homomonumento de Amsterdam, consideration data obtained from in así como de información obtenida situ interviews and observations of por entrevistas en el lugar y obser- daily and special activities. This reveals vaciones de actividades diarias y the economic and social context of especiales. Esto reveló el contexto the place and its relationship with económico y social del lugar al igual pre-established holders of power. que su relación con lugares de poder The Homomonument is an important preestablecidos. Se muestra que el reference site for sexual citizenship Homomonumento es un sitio impor- where new opportunities for all sexual tante de referencia para la ciudadanía dissidents can be created. sexual, donde nuevas oportunidades para disidentes sexuales deben de ser creadas.

1 Bachiller en Geografía, Universidad de Costa Rica. Agosto 2008 a agosto 2009: Universiteit Van Ams- terdam. International School for Humanities and Social Sciences. Undergraduate Certificate Program- me. Correo electrónico: [email protected]. El autor desea agradecer a Mattias Duyves (Universi- 69 teit Van Amsterdam) por la colaboración brindada.

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Palabras clave Keywords

Homomonumento de Amsterdam, Homomonument, Amsterdam, Sexual Ciudadanía Sexual, Espacio Público, Citizenship, Public Space, Gay Mo- Monumentos Gay. numents

Resumo

Este artigo examina a demanda do espaço público por dissidentes sexuais como uma forma de desafiar a heterossexualidade hegemônica. Isto foi alcançado através da revisão da literatura relevante a espaços e cidadania sexual e o Homomonumento de Amsterdam, assim como informações obtidas por entrevistas presenciais e observações de atividades diárias e especiais. Isto revelou o contexto econômico e social do lugar e a sua relação com lugares de poder pré-estabelecidos. É demonstrado que o Homomonumento é um importante lugar de referência para a cidadania sexual, onde novas oportunidades para dissidentes sexuais devem ser criadas.

Palavras-chave

Homomonumento de Amsterdam, Cidadania Sexual, Espaço Público, Monumentos Gay

Introduction

pace can be defined and claimed by different actors who can use it to perform and proclaim identities. Some have perceived and understood Sthe claim of public space by sexual dissidents as basic for the struggle and achievement of civil rights2. Obtaining and administering space as a way to develop new ways of promoting tolerance and acceptance of queerness has become a new standard in the quest for equal opportunities. In addition,

2 Rubin Gayle. ‘Thinking sex: notes for a radical theory of the politics of sexuality’, in Vance, Carole (ed.) Pleasure and Danger: Exploring Female Sexuality. London: Pandora. 1989. And Kitchin, Rob. “Sexing the city: the sexual production of non-heterosexual space in Belfast, Manchester and San Francisco”. City, Vol 6, Issue 2, pp. 205-218. 2002. I adapt this term from its use by Kitchin who uses it to refer to “individuals who do not perform as ‘good’ heterosexuals, for example, gay men, lesbians, bisexuals, and 70 heterosexuals who practice ‘deviant’ sexual acts”. I also include individuals who challenge their immediate spaces by bonding or breaking normative gender rules.

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sites of transgression have been es- The Homomonument in Amsterdam5 tablished as new places for market- is notoriously known as a site of pub- ing strategies and for the commodifi- lic sexual dissidence listed in articles, cation of exclusions books, tourist guides, and maps. Placed on a public square, its limits Angela Jones combines queer are well defined. Nonetheless, as I will theory and the use of space into queer argue, these limits are fluid and either heterotopias that are defined as real constrict the monument within visible spaces for the transgressive “other”. boundaries, or go beyond its physical She draws from the work of Michel placement to include new elements Foucault, arguing that queer hetero- and actors. topias are places where individuals can challenge the heteronormative Even if “the social organization of regime and are “free” to perform their sexual culture and the use of space gender and sexuality without fear of frequently overlap”6 there is a lack of being labeled, marginalized, or pun- studies of public space and their re- ished3. Queer relates to unspecified lationship with the concept of sexual social practices, as opposed to het- citizenship. In this article, I will there- eronormative social practices, that fore answer the following: Is claiming challenge the hegemonic discourses and acquiring public space by sexual on sex, gender, sexuality. To perform dissidents an effective way to chal- queer through everyday practice lenge hegemonic heterosexuality? means to constantly behave in ways, More specifically, in what way does whether through sexual practice Amsterdam’s Homomonument fulfill or aesthetically transforming one’s this challenge? In order to answer body, that defy the conventional sex/ both questions and to achieve a bet- gender system4. ter understanding of the past and present role of the Homomonument, A practical and concrete way to I will start by performing an analysis of understand the effects of acquiring literature on sexual citizenship, on the public space with the intention to chal- use of space, and on the monument lenge heteronormativity is to study a itself. I will furthermore draw conclu- public monument, one that was spe- sions from a case study on the Ho- cifically designed to transgress tradi- momonument by looking at data from tional values and in which visibility and in situ interviews and observations. interactions are constantly present.

3 Foucault, Michel. Discipline and punish: The birth of the prison ( A. Sheridan, Trans) New 5 Karin Daan, Homomonument, 1987, York: Vintage. 1977. And Idem. “Of Other Amsterdam. (fig, 1). Spaces,” Diacritics Vol 16. Spring, pp. 22- 27.1986. Jones, Angela. “Queer Heterotopias: 6 Duyves, Mattias. “Framing Preferences, Framing Homonormativity and the Future of Queer- Differences: Inventing Amsterdam as a Gay Capi- ness”. Interalia 4, p. 1, 2009. tal”. In: Parker, Richard. Gagnon, John. (comps) . Conceiving Sexuality, Approaches to sex Research 71 4 Jones, Angela, Op.cit., pp. 1-2, in a Postmodern World. 1995. p. 52.

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Spaces of Sexual “the body, its possibilities, needs and pleasures” and a second one that in- Citizenship troduces sexuality as a factor “in the allocation of the rights (and to a less- The concept of social spatializa- er extent, responsibilities) associated tion designates the “ongoing social with citizenship”.9 construction of the spatial, which is a formation of both discursive and The spaces of sexual citizen- non-discursive elements, practices ship are “locations where a citizen- and processes at the level of the so- ship, constituted through the citizen’s cial imaginary (collective mythologies, sexuality, whether autonomously or presuppositions) as well as interven- by some regulatory regime, can be tions in the landscape (for example, played out”.10 Boundaries can limit 7 the built environment)”. Social spa- and contain these locations and bind tialization can be used as a tool to them to specific private and public fully understand the performance of spaces. The performance of queer sexuality and its processes. Duyves, gender and sexuality in public spaces for example, uses the concept to de- can furthermore create tension and scribe Amsterdam as a gay capital rejection and can leave the public- according to different manifestations private dichotomy metastable, in con- of urban gay life. stant change without plunging it into crisis, by affecting heteronomartivity. The sociologist Ruth Lister notes that citizenship goes far beyond the As an example of how sexual body and sexuality. “The sexual per- spaces are limited, the social geogra- tains to the ‘private’ sphere, where- pher David Bell notes how gay male as citizenship is quintessentially citizenship can be mapped in specific of the ‘public’ sphere. The idea of and exclusive territories, and how, ‘sexual citizenship’ thus defies and within a late-capitalist context, spaces disrupts the public-private divide, of sexual citizenship are constituted which has traditionally underpinned through consumption.11 For instance, citizenship”.8 Defined by the same male gay citizenship can be articu- author, the concept itself has two lated through the consumer market. clear meanings, one that induces Examples of these are gay tourism, the concept of citizenship to include gay-oriented services, and leisure places that partly define what sexual citizenship is. On the other hand, the

7 Shields, Rob. Places on the Margin: Alternative Geographies of Modernity, Routledge, London. 1991 in Duyves, Mattias. Framing Preferences, 9 Idem. Framing Differences: Inventing Amsterdam as a Gay Capital. Routledge, New York, 1995. 10 Bell, David. “Pleasure and danger: the paradoxical spaces of sexual citizenship”, Political 8 Lister, Ruth. “Sexual Citizenship”. In: Isin, Geography, Vol. 14, Issue. 2, p. 139, 1995. 72 Engin. Turner, Bryan (comps), Handbook of Citizenship Studies. 2002. pp. 191. 11 Idem.

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use of consumer market as a tool to Normalization, and encourage- defend certain aspects of public per- ment, of the idealized nuclear family formance of sexuality can bring about establishes two kinds of sexual acts: confrontations and promote public one good side, related to complexity awareness. An example of this is the and reciprocity, and one associated boycotts by the gay public on com- with repulsive and deviant notions.14 panies that fund homophobic institu- In this way, other heterosexualities can tions or organizations. be prevented from being accepted, thus contributing to the terminology of Transgressing Hege- sexual dissidence. Hennessy argues monic Heterosexuality that visibility can become a tool in em- powering and legitimating minorities, thereby achieving civil rights or pro- An emerging topic in social ge- tecting previous accomplishments.15 ography is the study of spaces that By doing so, new referents for more transgress established norms by political fights can be established with challenging and defying official con- more safe spaces for emancipation. In- cepts of sexuality and gender. Phil novative aspirations and relations can Hubbard analyzes private sexual be achieved, and therefore more op- fantasies publicly displayed and de- portunities for the well-being of sexual fines them as powerful political tools dissidents are possible. against conventional norms. The places where this happens become The efforts by sexual dissidents politicized and are used by gay rights in creating new civic spaces are ei- campaigns to establish a space for ther directed at the use of space in sexual transgression.12 In comparing an equal and unrestricted way, or at these places to queer heterotopias, establishing material transgression we can see that they have similar symbols that will facilitate the former. functions; they bring needed spaces Public exhibition of transgressive for the multiple expressions of sexu- sexualities begins either by individu- alities. Nevertheless, as Angela Jones als, by openly proclaiming their ‘de- argues, many academics and activ- viant’ sexuality within their immediate ists use the concept of queer to fur- spaces or by the organization of civil ther a political program, centered on society into special interest groups. gaining civil rights, therefore missing Hence, claiming spaces can be highly its utility for individual and human politicized. growth. They are working against the term’s original power13.

12 Hubbard, Phil. “Sex Zones: Intimacy, Citizen- 14 Hubbard, Phil, Op.cit., p.8. ship and Public Space”. Sexualities, Vol. 4, Num. 1. p.12, 2001. 15 Hennessy, Rosemary. “Queer Visibility in Com- modity Culture”. Cultural Critique, 29, Winter, 73 13 Jones, Angela, Op.cit., p. 3, 1994-1995. pp. 31. 1994.

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Monuments in Public it over its former function. Fights to Spaces obtain space shift between political and economical realms, as explained below. Challenging these pre-estab- Johnson emphasizes the great lished orders can be achieved by cre- attention paid by scholars to the po- ating monuments that are generally litical and cultural meaning of public there to stay. monuments. Their spatiality is inher- ent to the symbolism they come to The placement of monuments represent, which is created in the in public space can be analyzed by junction between a physical location identifying the proximity of power. and public interpretation.16 These Space for monuments, in this sense, “Lieux de mémoire’ -sites of memory- can be quantified by its closeness to become the landmarks of a remem- places of political importance. This is bered geography and history, and achieved by measuring distances to they form the intersection between centers of power or to other previous- official and vernacular cultures.17 In ly defined centers of remembrance or order to be effective as sites of re- symbolism. membrance or social encounters, both elements (monument and culture) must be present and achieve a Creating balance in order to avoid going un- Homonormativities noticed. Remembrance provides opportunities for rituals, thus injecting The right to acquire and manage life and meaning to monuments. space can also be analyzed through concepts of economic geography. Burk stresses the importance of Hubbard argues that the organization materiality in social relations. Space of space has served to give a natu- can represent and validate ideas, ral meaning to heterosexuality, by the actions and groups. The ideals of use of economical activities related to a group need to consolidate them- work, leisure, and consumption.19 A selves in spatial manifestation or risk huge amount of resources and time being an abstraction or fantasy.18 is daily invested in reaffirming hege- This shows that establishing and ac- monic heterosexuality, by placing it quiring space also means claiming as a mandatory requisite to play a part in the consumerist society.

16 Johnson, Nuala. “Mapping monuments: the Studies about the use of space shaping of public space and cultural identities”. Visual Communication, Vol 1, Num. 3, pp. 293- show the large array of forms of queer 298, 2002. consumption, and the possibilities of use by different actors at private and 17 Johnson, Op. cit.,. p. 294.

74 18 Burk, A.L. “Private griefs, public spaces”. Politi- cal Geography, 22, 3. pp. 317-320, 2003. 19 Hubbard, Op cit. p. 54

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public levels. Bell and Binnie establish differential mobilities of the bodies three main categories of study when that inhabit them”.21 analyzing queer populations and their use of space in cities: queer tourism, Paradoxically, new forms of exclu- spatial formations of sexual practice, sions can be produced within these and gentrification. Another focus is new commodified areas. Duggan de- the ‘counterpublic’ sexualized space fines the concept of homonormativ- such as cruising grounds and red- ity, one that excludes ‘undesirable’ light districts.20 The argument behind forms of sexual expression and that these categories continues to be the reduces the public manifestation to relation between sexual politics and consumption spaces and gentrified the politics of space. neighborhoods, rejecting political or cultural mobilization.22 Bell and Bin- Sexual dissident identities have nie argue that the production of new sparked new market niches, in part ‘gay’ villages and spaces fits well in because of their diversity. Rushbrook the concept of homonormativity as explains how the traditional rejec- well as in the entrepreneurial gover- tion by the state facilitated gentrifica- nance agenda. Therefore, the claim tion of central-city neighborhoods by of public spaces by sexual dissidents sexual minorities. Opportunistic lo- can create and maintain exclusions cal governments perceived them as based on gender, ethnic group and solid enough to develop marketing, resource accessibility. and started acknowledging them as “ethnic spaces”. This led to private A Homomonument as entrepreneurship that then took over a Sign of Struggle and profits and prices. “Authentic” other Remembrance or others in consumable forms were shown, and notably, in spaces that Thijs Bartels in Dancing on the are thought as markers of cosmo- Homomonument explains how the politanism, diversity and tolerance. Homomonument in Amsterdam was Such places can be exemplified by designed to fulfill two functions re- the well known gay streets and dis- lated to the the persecution of ho- tricts throughout the western world. mosexuals during the Second World “…[Q]ueer and ethnic spaces are of- War: as a place of contemplation and fered as equivalent venues for con- of celebration. The commemoration sumption at a cosmopolitan buffet in of the homosexual victims of the War a manner that erases their individual histories and functions, as well as the

21 Rushbrook, Dereka. “Cities, queer space, and the cosmopolitan tourist”. GLQ: a journal 20 Bell, David; Binnie, Jon. “Authenticating Queer of lesbian and gay studies. Vol 8, Num 1–2. Space: Citizenship, Urbanism and Gover- pp.188. 2002. nance”. Urban Studies, Vol 41, Num 9, p. 75 1810, 2004. 22 Bell, Binnie, Op.cit., p. 1811.

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is translated into a public monument that shows the presence of gay men and lesbian women. Debates on its design led to the desire of having a living monument, one that would not stand alone, “lie in state” and go unnoticed by the public. Even though the care and maintenance of the Homomonument is done by the Mu- nicipality of Amsterdam, celebrations and parties held throughout the year are organized by local gay and lesbian associations.23 Homomonument, looking up the stairs from the point of the triangle situated Dancing on the Homomonument in the canal Keizersgracht. Amster- gives an account of the process that dam, The Netherlands. Source: Carlos Alvarez, 2009 lead to its creation. The original reason behind the creation of a homomonument was to pay tribute to and com- Bartels explains that homosexual memorate the homosexual victims of men in Nazi concentration camps the Nazi concentration camps. Gay were obliged to wear a pink triangle Liberation in the Netherlands during that distinguished them from the rest the 70s facilitated political approval of the prisoners, which could be com- of the initiative and the original idea bined with other forms and colors to was upheld throughout the process denote, for example, a Jewish homo- of funding and completion of the proj- sexual. This demarcation led to the ect. Later, the idea of remembering pink triangle as a sign of gay pride, and commemorating not only men and gave Karin Daan the basic de- but also women who are or have sign of the Homomonument.24 Three been subject of oppression and dis- crimination based on their sexual orientation surfaced and was adopted 24 Interview with Mattias Duyves, March 20th, 2010. There are recent disagreements on the as the official objective together with scale of homophobic persecution in the Neth- celebration and visibilization of the erlands under the years of German occupa- gay and lesbian community. Although tion. However, within months of occupation a stricter law (article 81/1940) against all male the process of gathering funds to homosexual behavior was introduced on July build it was a long and tedious one, 31, 1940, worsening their situation. Gays and lesbians in the Netherlands were not forced to the Monument was officially unveiled wear a pink triangle nor have they been deport- in September 1987. ed categorically and systematically to German concentration camps due to sexual orientation despite such beliefs. The persecution of Dutch gays and lesbians under the occupation took different forms of repression. Duyves refers to 23 Bartels, Thijs. Dancing on the Homomonu- his unpublished article for the Dutch Auschwitz 76 ment. First edition, Schroer Books, Amster- Bulletin and to public sources: Schuyf 2003; dam. 2003. Müller 2005; Müller en Schuyf 2006

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smaller triangles that refer to past, like a dais makes the whole sculp- present and future create a larger ture hover on the border of invisibil- one, bound by pink tiles, each side 36 ity”. Laid on the ground, the design meters long. Each triangle points to- was chosen by the Homomonument wards different prominent instances. Foundation “creating a zone not im- Pointing towards Anne Frank House, mediately recognizable but then sud- the past triangle is inscripted with a denly overwhelming in its scale… the quote from a poem by Jacob Israël Homomonument disappears as art in de Haan (1881 - 1924) who was the order to emerge as the embodiment first Dutch Jewish writer to publish of a community”.26 The Homomonu- openly gay prose and poetry under ment was rebuilt in 2003 after the ini- his own name. The phrase “Such an tial structure began to show signs of endless desire for friendship” on this weakening and deterioration. triangle joins both the silence and ex- termination suffered by Jewish and Case Study gay communities and the hidden re- lationships during the war. The other A public monument serves its two triangles represent the present public by remembering particular and the future, pointing respectively events or individuals linked to its lo- towards Dam Square and the COC, cation. In this sense, it stimulates 25 a Dutch gay rights organization. analysis of history. The Amsterdam These meanings, however, were not Homomonument, as mentioned in part of Daan’s design. The directions the introduction, provides an oppor- in which the monument points made tunity to check the concepts of spac- the organizers believe that the archi- es, sexual citizenship, and the new tect had them in mind. homonormativity in a substantial and controlled way. Under the terms and Reed refers to the design as “not concepts in which it was created, it shy about alluding to oppression. does not only offer an opportunity to The placement of the elements at understand particular events related some distance from each other - one to Dutch history but also promotes in the canal, one in the pavement interaction between diverse visitors. of the city square, the third raised The Homomonument is not standing still does not ‘lie in state’; its borders interact and complement its sur- 25 COC Nederland. COC Netherlands, [online] [ rounding elements. Amsterdam, The Netherlands], 2010, http:// www.coc.nl/dopage.pl?thema=any&pagina= algemeen&algemeen_id=274. [Request date: My case study took into consider- 27 March 2010] C.O.C. meant Cultuur en ation ten in situ interviews with visitors Ontspannings-Centrum, or Centre for Culture and Leisure, a reminder of the pseudonym the organisation initially adopted after its foundation in 1946. COC is the oldest Lesbian, Gay, 26 Reed, Christopher. “Imminent Domain: Queer Bisexual and Transgender organisation in the Space in the Built Environment”. Art Journal, 77 world. Vol 55, Num 4, p. 65, 1996.

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to the Homomonument, performed in visitors who come to dance and have the course of an afternoon, as well as a good time. May 4th draws hundreds with different persons directly related of older and younger attendants, of- to its functioning and creation. Work- ficials as well as ordinary people, who ers from the Pink Point of Presence commemorate, partly in silence, the were also interviewed. The conducted gay and lesbian victims of repression interviews obtained information about and persecution during and after the general aspects of the Homomonu- war, and for victims around the world. ment and the way that its visitors The following is an examination of the perceived it. These were conducted data obtained in the process. through short questions in English to ten different groups of visitors, select- Economic Context ed randomly, in two consecutive days in May, 2009. Situated in the junction of Rozen- gracht, a street with important busi- The interviews were designed to nesses in the area of Jordaan, and be anonymous and short in order to Keizersgracht, one of Amsterdam’s fa- allow visitors and especially tourists mous canals, the Westermarkt (West to feel comfortable while answering Square) is a highly dynamic zone in them. Originally intended to be aimed the middle of the historical center towards individuals in a more private of Amsterdam. Its vicinity to previ- way, the interview was modified to in- ously established sites of consump- clude whole groups of visitors. While tion, such as the landmark church this modification allowed a better in- Westerkerk and the Anne Frank’s teraction with the visitors, it also lim- House, awards the area with an enor- ited the acquiring of personal percep- mous potential for economical activi- tions of the Homomonument. Larger ties mostly related to tourism. Wes- groups were less likely to answer, termarkt was not a random choice. whereas small groups, such as cou- The Homomonument Foundation’s ples or three-person-tourist groups, suitable placement of the Monument were more likely to cooperate. shows its advanced political capital within the local government. The lo- Finally, visits were conducted to cal chapter of the national gay rights the annual open air public parties held organization COC, involved in the or- on Queen’s Day, the most famous na- ganization of May 4th events on the th tional Dutch holiday on April 30 , on Monument, achieved the naming of Liberation Day, a celebration of the the adjacent bridge after the Monu- end of the occupation by Nazi forces ment’s founder, Niek Engelschman. th on May 5 , and at the Remembrance Despite reports of invisibility, gay th of the Dead celebration on May 4 , all groups have successfully claimed the three in 2009. Queen’s Day and Lib- spaces next to the Homomonument. eration Day draw a mixed gay, lesbian Its physical borders are not static but 78 and straight crowd of 1000 to 3000 are blurred and have expanded.

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The Westerkerk is considered a Uses of the substantial part of the city’s imag- Homomonument ery. The painter Rembrandt was, for example, buried here in 1669 and Since visibility and flows of people members of the Dutch Royal House characterize the environment of the are married here, creating a highly monument, the ultimate strategy is politicized space. From this perspec- using the monument itself as an in- tive, the Homomonument finds itself strument for the rituals. The raised associated to a center of power. Al- triangle serves as a stage for speech- though Westerkerk was not officially es, while the lowered one acts as a opposed to the placement of the Ho- seating location. Both of them boost momonument and its present loca- interaction. As a clear example, the tion, divisions among its internal au- 4th of May wreaths placed close to thorities have prevented the church the tip of the lowered triangle in re- from cooperating with local gay orga- membrance of the deceased are nizations to create joint activities for noticeable, particularly because tour- 27 the public. ist guides finish their free tours on the stairs of the lower triangle. Facts Moreover, the closeness to the about the Homomonument are spo- Anne Frank House creates flows of ken at this point by the tour guides, people, especially foreigners, who who clearly place themselves in favor use the Homomonument as a transit of the already conquered civil rights route. The fact that this is a notorious such as gay marriage. spot for tourism is clearly mirrored in the use of the place by Taxi drivers as As a place of relative quietness a base. Several souvenir stores are right next to a bustling street, the Mon- present, one of them being the Pink ument serves as a resting place with Point of Presence. a fine view towards Keizersgracht. Groups of people are usually seen sit- As described above, the area ting on the lower triangle’s stairs, as shows a big potential for transgres- well as on the raised triangle and the sion and the establishment of new benches nearby. Information plaques rituals have the potential to facilitate are present. Nevertheless, the appre- an increase in visitors. A public mon- ciation of the Homomonument could ument in the space described above be complemented with additional would obtain visibility because of its background information on its short association to previously established history in service of a living past and a powers, such as the Westerkerk. living present. Although quite visible, yet discreet, the main plaque is only written in three languages, whereas the second plaque with information cannot be easily appreciated and is 27 Duyves, Mattias. (2010, March 20). Skype in- 79 terview. only written in English and Dutch.

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This is inconvenient, considering the ing point for a demonstration against vast array of tourists that visit the area homophobic violence, organized and each day. communicated by Facebook users. This successful event drew a crowd Several celebrations are held each of thousand attendants, including year since 1992. The place validates the influential Member of Parliament its presence and its use through Ahmed Marcouch and the vice may- a calendar of formal and informal or of Amsterdam Lodewijk Asscher. events. On Queen’s Day and Lib- The event marks the discovery and eration Day big parties are held with use of the Homomonument by the different kinds of visitors who gather Facebook-generation. On top of the to dance, watch street theatre and use of the Homomonument for col- drink beer. Young and adult men and lective experiences that connects the women gather in celebration. In 2009 community with the city and the na- the parties were no longer organized tion, individuals use the Homomonu- by gay rights organizations but by a ment for commemorating private mo- private company. An updated format ments. They use it in celebration of a took over, with food and drink shacks same-sex marriage or even 100 days right next to a professional stage with of friendship, in commemoration of an a DJ. There were family entertainment aids- burial, or simply a photo oppor- in the afternoon and outdoor dancing tunity for a couple of happy tourists from the early evening till midnight. stating “we were there”. TV journal- Although this might inject diversity ists use the Homomonument as a site and dynamism to the traditional cel- for gay and lesbian related news, and ebrations since 1992, there was a educators training new immigrants lack of resources which was reflected in Dutch society visit the monument on the dependency in selling beer with their pupils. A series of activities to cover expenses. Tampered down is thus localized at the Homomonu- by the weather, Liberation Day 2009 ment. It is presented in different ways was not as flamboyant or crowded as that attract different segments of the Queen’s Day 2009, however, fami- local population and tourists. lies with their children were present, an atypical element that is not often present in other manifestations of sexual dissidence in other countries.

Other examples of public activities are: the Transgender Olympics on the opening night of the annual Gay Canal Parade in the first weekend of August, Pink point of Presence, situated be- photo exhibitions, a transgressive kiss tween Rozenstraat (business street) day, and a focal point for the Gay Pa- and the raised triangle. Amsterdam, rade in August. On Sunday June 13th, 80 The Netherlands. Source: Carlos Alva- 2010, the Monument served as rally- rez, 2009

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Pink Point of Presence Visitors

There exists a daily symbiotic re- As stated before, the conducted lationship between the Homomonu- interviews obtained information about ment and the Pink Point of Presence. how the visitors in the Homomonu- While workers and volunteers take ment perceive it. The results showed care of the Pink Point, the monument how little people knew about the ori- in return attracts and sends custom- gins, uses and objectives of the Ho- ers. Using terminology to name it, momonument. Four out of ten groups conjugating gay imaginary and busi- of respondents previously knew the ness, the Pink Point was created in existence of it by the use of tourist 1996 as an outdoor information kiosk guides or media articles. The monu- for the expected flux of global -visi ment seems therefore to be widely tors at the Amsterdam Gay Games advertised. Nevertheless, only two in 1998. It started as a mobile struc- groups had an interest in visiting it, ture, a former ice cream car that dis- only three were interested in knowing tributed information, fliers, gay health more about it, going online or buying related products, journals, and back- books, and none had formerly visited ground articles and, over the years, any other public monuments related turned into a stable and permanent to homosexuality. Four groups were structure. As another clear coloniza- aware of the celebrations but none tion of space by gay groups, the Pink had planned or were planning to at- Point today is used as a site for the tend any of them, and only three had distribution of magazines, post-cards been or were planning to visit the Pink and the selling of memorabilia. The Point of Presence. most notable are granite fragments of the old Homomonument structure As for the origins of the persons that was completed in 1987. The fact interviewed, a lesbian local couple that very little or no profit came from was the only native resident example. This reflects the overwhelming -tour selling books about the history of the isty character that is present on a Homomonument is very notable. The daily basis at the Homomonument, staff did not develop or market at- contrasted with a lack of presence by tractive products with background locals who do not choose the place information for tourists or school kids as a leisure option except when par- on the past and presence of gay and ticipating in parties and celebrations. lesbian history, diversity and citizenship. The interview with the Pink Point Among the general impressions of Presence sellers revealed that the given by each group, an impression Pink Point has not ordered new stacks of the Homomonument as being sim- of Bartel’s book, the only recent ac- ple with a lack of visibility was con- count of the Monument, in years. stant, “We were expecting a bigger 81 thing, like a statue”. Respondents

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described difficulties in finding the All over Amsterdam, more than 100 Monument, and how they did not smaller neighborhood events are perceive a clear connection to homo- held that include the laying of flowers sexuality before reading the plaques. and 2 minutes silence at 8PM. At the The deficiency of clear information Homomonument, this day has been, was another complaint. The answers since its unveiling, a day to honor the show a huge gap in the distribution homosexuals who died in the Sec- of information and promotion of the ond World War. Members of the lo- place. This also reinforces the fact cal government and gay and lesbian that in each group of the free tours, groups are present, including offi- the guides asked if somebody knew cials from the Amsterdam municipal why the pink triangle was chosen as staff, the vice mayor, eldermen, the the form of the Homomonument. In president of the members of the city three consecutive cases, none of the council, deputations of political par- attendants knew the answer. ties, the police, the cleaning depart- ment, the fire brigade and members As mentioned above, taxi cabs of the Dutch army in full fig. Preceded use the street that runs through the by a group of people coming from the Homomonument as a base. This COC-headquarters in the adjacent might prevent visitors from appreciat- Rozenstraat with wreaths to be laid ing the wholeness of the monument. on the lower triangle, the ceremony On the other hand, it acts as a lure to- started with acts of presentation by gether with the trees and light poles. the military and the police. In a very This in fact builds upon the idea of a strict ceremony, with timings to match metaphorical appreciation of homo- the ones in Dam Square, two minutes sexuals and their lack of visibility and of silence are observed to honor the distraction caused by other elements deceased. Afterwards, speeches and in defined times and spaces. the laying of wreaths by other officials and attending citizens follow. In spite of the lack of knowledge and information, all groups presented In a ceremony with military pre- positive attitudes towards the Monu- sentation that falls back on concepts ment and towards being interviewed of tradition and nationalism, notions about it, “How good it is for gays to of deep masculinity, embedded have a place for themselves”. with patriotic honor, contrast with Queen’s Day and Liberation Day. In Remembrance of the relation to age, the crowd had shifted Dead from being diverse to consist mostly of people aged 35 and up. In contrast Remembrance of the Dead, May to the celebration at Dam Square, the 4th, is a Dutch national holiday dedi- event at the Homomonument is only cated to those who lost their lives in attended by local and provincial rep- resentatives and not national repre- 82 war. A main national event is held at Dam, the main square of Amsterdam. sentatives.

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issues about public and private space also come across gender, ethnicity, and representation. The commodifi- cation of exclusions is reflected on the absence of gender bending individuals, who might choose to assist only to specially designed events such as the Drag Queen Olympics later on in the year. Also, there was a clear absence of immigrants in the festivi- ties, as different cultural values clash and might prevent them from publicly expressing their sexual preferences. However, as soon as ethnic music was performed, individual immigrants were observed hanging around the dance floor unnoticed as if they are A moment of silence during the Re- not there. Here, the gay and lesbian membrance of the Dead celebration crowd is not the fly on the wall, but (May 4th, 2009), with the presence of the tables are turned and others are. members of civil society and the government. Homomonument, Amster- Physical and social boundar- dam, The Netherlands. Source: Carlos ies shift and accept diverse crowds, Alvarez, 2009 quite different in composition according to the occasion. The Homomonu- ment has therefore achieved its mis- Children from homoparental sion of acknowledging and celebrat- families were among the people who ing diversity within a framework of a walked from COC towards the monu- calendar that distributes visibility and ment to lay flowers. Furthermore, the transgression to different groups of gender-bending community was rep- sexual dissidents in defined days of resented by Fabiola, who wore a flam- the year. Yet, celebrations and par- boyant and flashy costume. Wreaths ties can make different people come were laid as well by gay groups on together and stimulate recognition of behalf of the immigrant communities, differences, an essential tool in build- whose absence was noticeable. ing a space for sexual citizenship.

Framed at a local level, the cel- Final conclusions ebrations at the Homomonument occupy an important place in local The act of claiming and occupying politics. While being differently fo- public spaces by sexual dissidents cused, each of them shows symbols has the potential to challenge fixed rules and create new opportunities to of transgression and rebellion against 83 pre established norms. Nevertheless, develop its users’ own sexual citizen-

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ship. The concept of social spatializa- private dichotomy metastable by pro- tion can be used to describe how the moting the act of showing sexual di- Homomonument has constructed versity and sexual citizenship. Diversi- a new set of social imaginary, one ty proves not to be enough due to the based on form, history, and place to- epiphenomenon that diversity, some- gether with acts by sexual dissidents. times, really divides. This call upon di- The Homomonument can thus be versity and citizenship is achieved by classified as a space for queer- het the monument’s form and design and erotopias. by the social activities that take place in it. By doing this, the Homomonu- As the relationship between the ment effectively sets up conditions surrounding institutions and the Ho- to give opportunities to sexual dissi- momonument flows and changes, dents to achieve well-being at differ- pre-established civic spaces or hold- ent levels. ers of power can be used to claim the use of other public spaces in a less re- The relationship with the stricted way and grant more visibility. Westerkerk and other institutions Since the organization of civil society show that a great amount of politi- into interest groups makes the claim cal capital has been achieved. This of space easier, the process can be can be effectively used to establish highly politicized. However, boundar- security and continuity to the public ies can change or expand, and vis- visibility of the diversity of sexuality. ible expressions of diversity can be Therefore, the argument that space seen elsewhere and not exclusively can represent and validate ideas and in queer-identified spaces. Bringing efforts is proven by the great political sexual expression to the public realm capital that the Homomonument has is a powerful tool that has been used gained since its construction. for political struggle, and visibility is essential in this process. The space claimed by the Ho- momonument has already been mod- There is a double character in ified and cannot continue being mea- public monuments: material experi- sured by its closeness to other places ences and the social symbolism they of political importance; it has already posses. The Homomonument in Am- begun to emanate power by being a sterdam has proved to be an excep- defined center of remembrance and tional piece of architecture, one that symbolism. Gay groups started to ex- takes a privileged place among public pand the already claimed territory by monuments related to sexuality in the claiming new spaces in the surround- western world28. It leaves the public- ings, such as the adjacent bridge and the Pink Point of Presence.

28 See Matt & Andrej Koymasky - Memorial Hall – Gay Holocaust, [online], http://andrejkoymasky. The exclusions that it creates can 84 com/mem/holocaust/ho08.html[Request date: be compared and contrasted to the 27 March 2010]

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ones that the new homonormativity Also, a lack of information for tourists reflects. It is arguable that some of at every level is clear. New plaques, these processes of exclusion can be with comprehensible texts in differ- seen, in the case of the Homomonu- ent languages, should substitute the ment, in the profits generated by dif- present ones. ferent actors, such as the Pink Point and its lack of sales of books related The impressions of a general lack to the Homomonument itself, the new of visibility can be understood as part organization of the parties and the in- of each visitor’s interpretation. How- novative stages and music, and the ever, this should not be blamed just participation, or lack thereof, at the on the horizontal design of the Ho- Remembrance of the Dead celebra- momonument. The information avail- tion. All of these issues are related to able both on the plaques and in tour- factors such as education and eco- ist guides must show the real char- nomic expectations. acter and historical meaning of the site and its components. Sign posts Sexual dissidents have already at inner-city cross-roads guiding visi- opened new spaces of interaction that tors to must see destinations do not contrast with normative gender rules, mention the Homomonument conse- such as the Drag Queen Olympics quently. The positive general impres- and the first Facebook-related dem- sions about the place confirm that the onstration that took place. A clear ex- idea of translation of remembrance ample present in the observation was into celebration, and the coexistence Fabiola and her eye catching perfor- of both in the same place, brings ap- mance during Remembrance of the proval in the general public. Dead. Nevertheless, new activities should be continuously created and The Remembrance of the Dead new opportunities of interaction for was, comparably with the rest of the immigrants must be incorporated. aspects celebrated, the ‘least transgressive’ celebration; its drawing on On daily interaction, the inter- patriarchal and traditional concepts views showed that the area becomes proved to be a reflection of the nor- a path for tourists and that locals are mal one at Dam Square. Even if the estranged. Activities by local groups Homomonument is contrasting to its could bring back public attention to surroundings, this celebration and its the Homomonument and promote annually growing numbers of atten- the use of this space for more di- dants points out how the monument verse purposes. The contrast to the can easily fit into tradition by chang- intensive educational use of the Anne ing the context of the celebrations Frank House 50 meters further away held in it. is striking. The Homomonument is so far not structurally included in the In the future, celebrations for daily school tours in Amsterdam. all sexual dissidents should be per- 85

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