The Political Impact of Crusading Ideology in Sweden 1150 – 1350
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THE POLITICAL IMPACT OF CRUSADING IDEOLOGY IN SWEDEN 1150 – 1350 Raymond Johansen Masters Thesis in Nordic Viking and Medieval Studies Department of Linguistics and Scandinavian Studies University of Oslo, spring 2008 Index 1 Chapter 1 Introduction 4 Swedish Crusading Historiography 4 Comparative View on Danish and Norwegian Crusading Historiography 7 Definitions of Terms 9 Sources and Method 11 Theoretical Approach 12 Chapter 2 The Crusade of King Erik IX 14 Two Hagiographic Legends 14 Was it a Crusade? 14 Possible Absence of Papal Involvement 16 The Motive of Conversion 16 The Remission of Sins 17 The Campaign of King Erik in a Crusading Context 18 Conclusion 19 The Political Impact of Crusading Ideology 20 King Erik’s Honour Capital 21 King Erik and the Papacy 23 Crusading for Plunder 23 Crusading for Territorial Conquest 24 Conclusion 25 Chapter 3 The Second Swedish Crusade 27 Source Criticism 27 The Dating of the Second Swedish Crusade 28 The Role of Birger Magnusson 30 Was it a Crusade? 31 Erikskrönikan’s Account of Birger Magnusson’s Campaign 31 1 Comparison with the Passage on Junker karl 34 The Contemporary Campaign 35 Conclusion 38 The Political Impact of Crusading Ideology 38 Territorial Conquest 38 The Political Career of Birger Magnusson 39 Conclusion 44 Chapter 4 The Third Swedish Crusade 46 Was it a Crusade? 46 Evidence of Papal Involvement 47 The Motive of Conversion 48 The Remission of Sins 49 The Problem of Anachronism in Erikskrönikan 50 Conclusion 51 The Political Impact of Crusading Ideology 51 Dichotomy between Secular and Spiritual Agendas 52 A Crusade against Christians? 55 Crusading Glory and Political Influence 57 Conclusion 62 Chapter 5 The Crusade of Magnus Eriksson 64 The Sources 64 Was it a Crusade? 65 The Problematic Papal Involvement 66 The Motive of Conversion 68 The Remission of Sins 71 Were there One or Two Campaigns? 72 Conclusion 74 The Political Impact of Crusading Ideology 74 Religious Idealism or Political Calculation 75 2 The Fall of Magnus Eriksson 80 Birgitta’s Stake in the Campaign 82 Conclusion 84 Chapter 6 Conclusion 86 The Ideologial Impact of the Crusade 86 Crusading Ideology as Legitimisation and Motive 87 The Political Consequences of Crusading Ideology 89 A Comparative Perspective on the Political Impact of Crusading Ideology in Denmark and Norway 91 Bibliography Primary Sources 93 Secondary Works 94 Front page: “Discovery of the True Cross” by Gustave Doré (1832 – 1883). 3 Chapter 1: Introduction The Danish crusades historian Kurt Villads Jensen writes in an article concerning crusading historiography since the 1970s that whereas there has been an increased interest in the Church’s and the religious orders’ part in the organization of the crusades, similar studies of the kings’ role and their interest in the crusading movement beyond appearing as pious men is strangely lacking. He also mentions an increased interest in the impact the crusades had on the societies that initiated them, as for example how they affected the position of those in power, and how such studies have been made on England, Scotland and the Spanish kingdoms.1 With this historiographical background in mind, I would like to do a similar study on Sweden in the period from the alleged crusade of King Erik IX in the 1150s to the last major crusading enterprise in the east by King Magnus Eriksson around 1350. Over a period of approximately 200 years the Swedes colonised Finnish tribes and incorporated their lands into the Swedish kingdom while occasionally threatening the Russian city-state of Novgorod. In 19th century historiographical tradition these developments were summarily ascribed to three Swedish crusades; one led by King Erik IX in the 1150s, another led by Birger Magnusson in 1249 and lastly one led by Tyrgils Knutsson in 1293, King Magnus Eriksson’s fruitless campaign against Novgorod being excluded. At the same time there is not a single trace of evidence for the presence of Swedish crusaders in the Holy Land. Could this be telling us that crusading ideology in Sweden was a highly politicised force used mainly to legitimise worldly ambitions? Further, one could ask if the campaigns should even be considered as crusades, and if so; how important were the ideological motives of fighting for the Christian faith and the remission of sins compared with the more worldly motives of territorial conquest, plunder, controlling the Baltic trade and winning personal glory? Perhaps the importance of certain motives fluctuated over time and between individuals? In providing answers to these questions I hope to reach some conclusions regarding the political impact of crusading ideology in medieval Sweden, and considering the Swedish crusaders’ seemingly ambiguous motivations this seems to be a fertile field of study. Swedish Crusading Historiography Swedish historiography has occasionally touched on the political impact of crusading ideology but the topic cannot be said to have attracted any great deal of research and only in recent decades have certain scholars given it their undivided attention. The scholars can be 1 Jensen 1997: 4 4 grouped as either positivists or negativists according to what extent they are willing to accept that crusading ideology impacted political developments. Most of them agree crusading ideology provided a legitimising tool at some point in my period, while there is less harmony as to when this can be dated at the earliest. Another issue concerns whether crusading ideology might have provided not just legitimisation but also a motive in itself, and if so at what point it ceased being a mere legitimisation and how important did it become compared with secular motives. When it comes to the political consequences a major question is to what extent the conquest of Finland and the wars against Novgorod were fuelled by crusading ideology, and in what measure some of the more prominent participants derived their political influence from prestige won as crusaders. The positivists can be said to be more inclined to believe crusading ideology impacted political developments in Sweden from an early age, possibly as early as the middle of the 12th century, and that it at some point was more than a legitimisation and improved the standing of those who were seen as successful crusaders. The negativist view disagrees with this and claims the impact of crusading ideology in Sweden was insignificant and did not provide a motive until Magnus Eriksson’s days, if ever. Naturally then no one strengthened their position through glory won on crusades and crusading ideology did not play a large part in the conquest of Finland or the wars with Novgorod. This is a rough and artificial outline as most of the scholars fall somewhere in between these two extremes, even so they all lean slightly towards either positivism or negativism. The general tendency can be said to be a movement from a somewhat uncritical positivism operating without a clear definition of the crusade, towards a more questioning, negativist approach where the significance of crusading ideology is held in greater doubt. Among the former can be listed Erik Anthoni, Kustavi Grotenfelt, Jarl Gallén, Seppo Suvanto, Gisela Nordstrandh and to some extent John Lind. Anthoni takes the presence of crusading ideology for granted throughout my period and concludes its main consequence was the expansion of the Swedish state and Christendom, the motives being both religious and secular.2 Grotenfelt, in dealing with the alleged crusade of King Erik IX, not only believes it took place but also that Erik built his very kingship on the prestige derived from it.3 Suvanto has dealt with the alleged crusade of Birger Magnusson and concluded that the Papacy considered Finland to be Sweden’s crusading provinces and that Birger’s “so-called” crusade changed Tavastia for all posterity by incorporating it administratively in the Swedish 2 Anthoni 1955: 165, 168 3 Grotenfelt 1920: 118, 124 – 125 5 realm.4 Gallén, Nordstrandh and Lind all agree Birger led a crusade and derived his later political strength from the glory he won;5 Lind also argues that King Magnus must have been possessed by genuine zeal in his campaign of 1348,6 while Gallén holds there were both spiritual and worldly motives in the picture.7 Eric Christiansen, Dick Harrison and Thomas Lindkvist are three recent and source critical scholars who might be deemed negativists, although their views are not in complete compliance. What separates them from many of the earlier scholars is that they operate with a clear conception of what crusading ideology was and specifically attempt to analyse its impact on Sweden. Christiansen believes the Baltic crusades were a result of how the Scandinavians (and Germans) saw their neighbours in a new light after having been integrated into Catholic Christendom, and now saw themselves as a bulwark against the unbelievers, a world view which provided a fertile ground for crusading ideology. Christiansen claims it was unnecessary to brand these campaigns as crusades in order to legitimise them, and that any efforts in that direction had a purely religious basis.8 However, when it comes to the nature alleged Swedish crusades he is far more critical; the first Swedish crusade Christiansen dismisses as a literary construct,9 the second and third he believes show no signs of being motivated by crusading ideology in the source material although he admits they might have been infused with religious significance to nurture support for them,10 and while Christiansen does brand Magnus Eriksson’s eastern campaigns as crusades he believes it was only an ideological façade created in the hopes of getting the enterprise authorised by a crusading bull.11 It could be said Christiansen comes dangerously close to contradicting himself with these arguments. Lindkvist is less critical than Christiansen and claims the idea of the crusade was present in Sweden probably as early as the 12th century, but that the crusades carried out at this time were mainly a continuation or development of the Viking Age expeditions, although under somewhat different auspices.