Early Christian Masculinity and Lucian's the Passing of Peregrinus

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You are not a man, none of you are men! Early Christian masculinity and Lucian’s the Passing of Peregrinus

Author: Much recent work on the masculinities enacted by early Christians has focused upon Christian 1,2 Eric Stewart texts and claims about their heroes and practices among elite Christians. Lucian’s Passing of Affiliations: Peregrinus offers another avenue for thinking about early Christian masculinity. Lucian denies 1Department of Religion, Peregrinus’ claim to masculinity on the basis of his over-concern for honour, especially from Augustana College, Rock the masses, his inability to control his appetites regarding food and sex, his being a parricide, Island, United States his enacting ‘strange’ ascetic practices and his lack of courage in the face of death. By tying Peregrinus to a Christian community in Judea, Lucian both demonstrates the lack of manliness 2Department of New in the Christian movement, which he suggests is populated mostly by gullible women and Testament and Related Literature, Faculty of children, and further ‘unmans’ Peregrinus by linking him to a community of easily duped Theology and Religion, people whose praise is not worthy of a philosopher. By presenting this Christian community University of Pretoria, as a group that not only accepts Peregrinus as a member but also quickly establishes him as Pretoria, South Africa their leader, almost at par with Jesus himself, according to Lucian’s account, these early Research Project Registration: Christians show their lack of self-control by being deceived by a charlatan. Early Christian Project Leader: E. van Eck writers who claimed that their heroes were manly, even more manly than the Greek or Roman Project Number: 2400030 heroes, were writing in part to rebut the types of claims made by writers like Lucian.

Description: Keywords: Lucian; Peregrinus; Early Christianity; Masculinity; Honour. Prof Stewart is partcipating in the research project ‘Hermeneutics and Exegesis’ It is my great privilege to contribute to this special issue of Hervormde Teologiese Studies (HTS) directed by Prof. Dr Ernest celebrating the 75th anniversary of the journal issued by the Faculty of Theology at the University van Eck, Department of New Testament and Related of Pretoria and to celebrate the contributions of Maake Masango to their mission. The research Literature, Faculty of conducted at the Faculty of Theology, together with the hospitality they have shown in hosting Theology and Religion, international scholars, is a cause for celebration both in South Africa and throughout the world. University of Pretoria. May they continue to provide a model for an engaged scholarship for those in their homeland and Corresponding author: for those around the world. Eric Stewart, [email protected] Introduction Dates: In a now two-decade-old book, Leon J. Podles (1999) argues that the church is being feminised. Received: 10 June 2019 Accepted: 13 Sep. 2019 Published: 24 Oct. 2019 Disparities in church attendance among men and women can be explained based on feminisation. Podles is clear that his book addresses the North American, Western European and Australian How to cite this article: contexts (and most directly Catholicism). In these places, church attendance by men has been on Stewart, E., 2019, ‘You are not a man, none of you are the decline. Women, for a number of reasons according to Podles, are now in control of the men! Early Christian churches (even as most are still led by men). Men’s religion is masculinity (Podles 1999:xii). masculinity and Lucian’s the Moreover, it is non-masculine men who are more likely to attend churches (Podles 1999): Passing of Peregrinus’, HTS Teologiese Studies/ Because Christianity is now seen as a part of the sphere of life proper to women rather than to men, it Theological Studies 75(4), sometimes attracts men whose own masculinity is somewhat doubtful … men who are fearful of making a5609. https://doi.org/ the break with the secure world of childhood dominated by women. (p. xiv) 10.4102/hts.v75i4.5609 Whatever one makes of Podles’ arguments and that there is no room to respond to them with any Copyright: © 2019. The Authors. type of seriousness here, the idea that Christianity represents something feminine is far older than Licensee: AOSIS. This work the 20th century. From the inception of the Jesus movement, followers of Jesus have been derided is licensed under the as unmanly. In fact, the specific combination of children and women as dominant among Christians Creative Commons that Podles claims is a trope at least as old as the 2nd century. These accusations of unmanliness Attribution License. provoked responses by Christians who sought to portray Jesus and his followers as demonstrating masculine virtues or as practising an alternative masculinity sanctioned by a powerful male deity. Read online: Scan this QR code with your Scholars have produced numerous works on masculinity in early Christianity in the last several smart phone or mobile device decades (for descriptions of many of these works and the current state of the field in this area, to read online. Note: HTS 75th Anniversary Maake Masango Dedication.

http://www.hts.org.za Open Access Page 2 of 8 Original Research see Stewart 2016b:91–102, 2018:n.p.). One of the points of masculine ideology and enactment as ‘hegemonic’ are contestation in these studies is the extent to which early regularly contested. One of the main questions regarding Christians mimicked or practised the dominant Greek and early Christian masculinity is whether early Christian Roman masculinities. Much of this work has been conducted masculinities are hegemonic, complicit, marginalised or in light of Connell’s notion of hegemonic masculinity. This voluntarily subordinate (Conway 2017:17–27; Wilson notion, first developed by Carrigan, Connell and Lee 2017:28–48). Different groups of Christians positioned (1985:551–604), stresses that masculinities exist in relational themselves differently regarding hegemonic masculinity terms (Connell 2005:67–86). Carrigan et al. (1985) describe a (Stewart 2015:1–9, 2016b:1–7). variety of relational masculinities, including hegemonic, complicit, subordinate and marginalised masculinities, and Cobb (2012:esp. 1–32) uses the Social Identity Theory for others have put these concepts to use for understanding understanding how early Christians framed stories about various early Christian texts (Asikainen 2018:1–18; Stewart martyrs in the light of potential critique from Romans about 2015:1–9, 2016a:1–7). Hegemonic masculinity is the form of the masculinity of Christians. In so doing, she describes a masculinity which is dominant in any given culture at any range of measures that early Christians used to rebut critique given time (Connell & Messerschmidt 2005:830–833; Levy that they were, by their very participation in a movement 2007:832–33). According to Levy (2007:254), hegemonic devoted to a crucified saviour, unmanly. The notion that masculinity can refer to: ‘(1) a position in the system of Jesus himself was perceived as unmanly because of his gender relations; (2) the system itself; and (3) the current crucifixion made his followers, by extension, unmanly in the ideology that serves to reproduce masculine domination’. eyes of hegemonic Greek and Roman ideals in the 1st and In this way, hegemonic masculinity can refer to the male(s) 2nd centuries of the Common Era (Conway 2008:3–14; at the top of the hierarchical system, the patriarchy itself Gleason 2003:325–327). From a Roman point of view, then, that keeps some man or men dominant over most men and early Christians practised a marginalised form of masculinity over women or the particular features of masculinity valued (Asikainen 2018:184–87). For Cobb, however, instead of in a particular culture at a particular time. Most of the accepting the verdict that early Christians were unmanly Western history is marked clearly by patriarchy, but the because they were executed, the martyrdom tales framed particular elements considered ‘manly’ change from time to Christians as enacting a superior masculinity, ‘a masculinity time and from place to place. These elements relegate some that pagans, Jews, and Christian apostates, to differing men to the status of ‘marginalised’ masculinities. degrees, lacked’ (Cobb 2012:6). By depicting their heroes as ‘Marginalization is always relative to the authorization of (Cobb 2012): the hegemonic masculinity of the dominant group’ (Connell 2005:80–81). Connell provides an example of the way that [G]ladiators, athletes, and soldiers … the texts illustrate Christian black masculinities in American culture ‘play symbolic masculinity by the favorable juxtaposition of types of individuals roles for white gender construction’ (Connell 2005:80). who would have been expected to be unmanly (e.g. women, young or old men, slaves) with those at the height of masculinity According to Levy (2007:254), men in subordinated (the governor or pronconsul). (p. 7) positions ‘possess the necessary physical attributes to aspire to hegemony’ but they ‘run the risk of subordination Importantly, the stories of early Christian female martyrs when they do not practise gender consistent with the ‘underscored the superiority of Christian masculinity: even hegemonic system and ideology’. Christian women were manlier than their male persecutors’ (Cobb 2012:126). Most men, including some whose masculinity is subordinated or marginalised, practise complicit masculinity (Levy 2007): Early Christians, however, would not have told these stories These men accept and participate in the system of hegemonic in this way except for the fact that their ability to live up to masculinity so as to (1) enjoy the material, physical and symbolic ideals of masculinity was in question in the Roman world benefits of the subordination of women, (2) through fantasy experience the sense of hegemony and learn to take pleasure in (see, e.g., Origen, Against Celsus 3.55). it, and (3) avoid subordination. (p. 254) A key text that links Christians with an unmanly hero is Even a man in a subordinate position (for Connell [2005], a Lucian’s The Passing of Peregrinus. Lucian clearly identifies homosexual man is a primary example in modern western Peregrinus as a charlatan, and also calls him a Christian, cultures) might enact complicity with hegemonic masculinity describing his affiliation with a Christian group in Palestine. in order to enjoy the benefits that come with being a man in a In fact, it is characteristic of Christians, for Lucian, that they patriarchal society. Connell (2005:81) summarises this theory are easily duped by a charlatan like Peregrinus. His by suggesting ‘that terms such as “hegemonic masculinity” insufficient enactment of masculinity regarding his own and “marginalized masculinities” name not fixed character ‘noble death’ is the distinguishing characteristic of Peregrinus types but configurations of practices generated in particular for Lucian. But this lack of enacting a perfectly noble death is situations in a changing structure of relationships’. For this prefigured throughout the text, as Lucian informs the readers reason, the ways in which men and women relate to all along the way that Peregrinus is not masculine because of ‘hegemonic masculinity’ and the continuation of any type of his love of honour, his lack of self-control regarding sexuality

http://www.hts.org.za Open Access Page 3 of 8 Original Research and eating, the fact that he killed his own father, his lack of the interweaving of embodiment and social context be magnanimity and his emotional display of fear at key addressed’. moments in his life. These two ways of enacting masculinity sat uneasily aside Preserved within the text of the Passing of Peregrinus is a one another in Roman notions of what it meant to be contestation over Peregrinus’ masculinity. Lucian seeks to masculine. On the one hand, to be a Roman vir meant to be marginalise Peregrinus’ masculinity, although there are dominant over others, women and men alike, accomplished suggestions throughout the work that an alternative memory in government and warfare, inviolable in terms of one’s of Peregrinus, one that highlighted his endurance and body and to demonstrate control over one’s self (Parker bravery, his death for others and his magnanimity, linked 1997:47–65; Richlin 2007:265–267; Stewart 2016a:94–96; Peregrinus to a masculinity that exhibited full self-control, Walters 1997:29–43; Williams 2010:177–197). Martyrs and not unlike other well-known philosophers and divine figures sometimes others facing death lacked such bodily who preceded him. Even in death, Peregrinus’ masculinity is inviolability but exhibited near-total control of the self in not fully established and continues to be contested. Lucian’s every other way (Cobb 2012:60–91, 2014:224–240; Moore & associating Peregrinus with groups that were considered Anderson 1998:249–273). What Asikainen does well to show, unmanly, like Christians and Cynics, borrows from well- however, is that there is evidence of significant contestation established tropes and contributes to his efforts to marginalise among masculine ideologies in the ancient Roman world, Peregrinus’ masculinity. and her understanding of masculine ideologies is useful for assessing Lucian’s description of Peregrinus. Masculinity in early Christianity Early Christians did not create notions of manliness from The masculinity of Peregrinus nothing. There were several competing notions of what it Peregrinus, like any philosopher, is not expected to meant to be a man in the Roman world. Because of space demonstrate the ideal form of masculinity that involves constraints, we will consider here only two of these notions. domination of other people, but philosophers (at least the Susanna Asikainen’s recent book, Jesus and Other Men, details most praiseworthy ones) were widely known for their self- two ideal forms of masculinity in the Roman world (Asikainen control, especially in the face of tyrants who could dominate 2018:19–45). Building upon and modifying Connell’s model them physically by imprisoning or killing them (Moore & of relational masculinities, Asikainen argues that one ideal Anderson 1998:249–273). That Peregrinus, according to masculinity involved the domination of others, while another Lucian, lacked such self-control, as will be demonstrated ideal masculinity involved demonstrating control over one’s below, moved him into the category of ‘unmanly’. Moreover, self. These two masculinities, although sometimes possibly that he was able to persuade a group of Christians to follow embodied in the same person, often were portrayed as in him makes, for Lucian, the whole movement unmanly. tension with one another. Although Lucian himself is unimpressed with Jesus’ death, Peregrinus represents an emulation of Jesus that is even more Asikainen (2018:4–5) focuses upon gender ideology, and she unmanly. Not only is Peregrinus unable to undergo a noble describes masculine ideology as ‘the idea that a group has: death, those Christians who follow him are liable, according what the ideal man is like, or how a man should behave’. to Lucian, to replace following Jesus with following Asikainen (2018:10) critiques Connell’s work, arguing that Peregrinus. Lucian counts on the notion that Christians are more than one gender ideology might be in the hegemonic considered unmanly in order to further castigate Peregrinus’ position, and ‘the masculinities competing for the hegemonic masculinity. position can have completely different ideals’. On this point, Asikainen incorrectly, in my view, critiques Connell. Connell The story of Peregrinus opens with a summary of his death, is clear that masculinities are relational and that there can be occurring as he threw himself into a pyre after the Olympic competition for the hegemonic position. As Connell games. This account is summarised from Lucian’s perspective (2005:77–78) directly says, ‘[h]egemony, then, is a historically in sections 1–10 of the book. mobile relation. Its ebb and flow is a key element of the picture of masculinity proposed in this book’ (see also my Following a brief speech by the Cynic Theagenes in copious forthcoming review of Asikainen’s book in Biblical Theology praise of Peregrinus (4), Lucian relates a speech by an Bulletin 49.3). unnamed critic of Peregrinus (8–30) who is most certainly Lucian himself as the narrator (König 2006:227–254). That one type of masculinity is in the hegemonic position at any given time does not preclude competition from other Theagenes had favourably compared Peregrinus, whom he masculinities for the position at the top of a hierarchy of calls Proteus, with Heracles, Asclepius, Dionysius and even masculinities. Moreover, in rethinking the concept of Zeus (4–6). Furthermore, Theagenes claimed that Peregrinus hegemonic masculinity, Connell and Messerschmidt donated an inheritance worth 5000 talents to his home city of (2005:851) note that ‘[i]t is important not only that Parium, got himself banished from the city of Rome on masculinities be understood as embodied but also that account of his philosophy, ‘is more conspicuous than the sun’

http://www.hts.org.za Open Access Page 4 of 8 Original Research and ‘is able to rival Olympian Zeus himself’ (4). Clearly, done it at the Olympic games because of the crowds (21), Theagenes’ speech was meant to honour the one he called although at that point the narrator makes a joke about ‘Proteus’ (6). The unnamed critic, whose speech follows parricides and atheists deserving death by fire. Theagenes’, claims: I have observed his character and kept an eye on his career from Of his wish to die in a holy place wherein one should not the beginning, and have ascertained various particulars from his even be buried, the narrator attributes this to ‘the craving for fellow-citizens and people who cannot have helped knowing fame that has penetrated him to the core’ (τοσοῦτος ἔρως τῆς him thoroughly. (Passing of Peregrinus 8) δόξης ἐντέτηκεν αὐτῷ: 22). Elsewhere the narrator refers to him as ‘a man so desperately in love with glory beyond all others Lucian’s narrator’s speech seeks to undo the praise and who are driven by the same Fury’ (δυσέρωτα τῆς δόξης honour given to Peregrinus in the speech of Theagenes. The ἄνθρωπον ὑπὲρ ἅπαντας ὅσοι τῇ αὐτῇ Ποινῇ ἐλαύνονται: 34), and narrator concentrates especially on Peregrinus’ concern for someone who ‘always did and said everything with a view to honour, especially from the masses, his lack of self-control in glory and the praise of the multitude’ (ἐπὶ δόξῃ δὲ καὶ τῷ παρὰ his sexual practices, his role as a parricide, his lack of τῶν πολλῶν ἐπαίνῳ ἅπαντα εἰπόντος ἀεὶ καὶ πράξαντος: 41). It is magnanimity and his fear of death. clear that Peregrinus’ love of honour was problematic for the narrator. Peregrinus is overly concerned with honour, especially from Lucian’s sexual behaviour the masses A second key problem for Lucian’s narrator is Peregrinus’ As Downing makes clear, ancient Greeks and Romans were sexual behaviour. Among the details of his reputation that fully capable of recognising too much concern for honour, Lucian raises are that he was caught in the act of adultery and and they regularly used terms like ‘vainglory’ and ‘hypocrisy’ paid 3000 drachmas to the parents of a ‘handsome boy’ for describing it (Downing 1999:63–68). Lucian’s description whom he had ‘defiled’ (διαφθείρας) to avoid ‘being brought of Peregrinus throughout the Passing of Peregrinus is as a before the governor of the province of Asia’ (9). Each incident figure who seeks honour but is unable to attain true manliness lent itself to a judgement that Peregrinus lacked control of because of his overwhelming desire for it: himself sexually. After turning into everything for the sake of notoriety (δόξης Both of these incidents happened when Peregrinus had just ἕνεκα) and achieving any number of transformations, here at last he has turned into fire; so great, it seems, was the love of notoriety ‘come of age’ (ἐπεὶ εἰς ἄνδρας τελεῖν ἤρξατο: 9). Of the former, (τῷ ἔρωτι τῆς δόξης) that possessed him. (Passing of Peregrinus 1) Lucian tells us that: [H]e was taken in adultery (μοιχεύων ἁλοὺς) in Armenia and got a (1: all translations of this text, unless otherwise specified, are sound thrashing (μάλα πολλὰς πληγὰς ἔλαβεν), but finally jumped taken from Harmon in the Loeb Classical Library). Even in down from the roof and made his escape, with a radish stopping death ‘this gentleman waited for that one of the Greek his vent. (ῥαφαωῖδι τὴν πυγὴν βεβθσμένος: 9) festivals which draws the greatest crowds’ (1). Throughout the text, Lucian’s narrator relates details of Peregrinus’ life to Putting a radish in a man’s anus for committing adultery his love of honour. When Peregrinus was imprisoned, the was a well-known punishment for adultery in the Greek governor of Syria, recognising that Peregrinus ‘would gladly world and continued into the Roman period (Glancy die in order that he might leave behind him a reputation for 2003:260). With respect to the ‘defiling’ of the ‘handsome it’ (ὠς δόξαν ἐπὶ τούτῳ ἀπολίποι: 14), let him go, ‘not considering boy’, Williams (2010:122–136) notes that both pederasty and him worthy even of the usual chastisement’ (14). This adultery were of significant concern to moralists in the governor, according to the narrator, clearly saw through Roman period. Most significantly, these were accusations Peregrinus an attempt to use hostility from the governor as designed to undermine the praise of Peregrinus in the an opportunity to increase his reputation. A short time later, speech of Theagenes and were part of a standard invective arriving in Italy, Peregrinus attempted to bait a ‘mild and against opponents in the Roman period (Williams gentle’ emperor into exiling or martyring him by verbally 2010:111–112, 118–122). Lucian does not tell us that Peregrinus abusing the emperor (18). In spite of the emperor’s lack of was the penetrated partner in either of these sexual concern for Peregrinus’ behaviour, ‘even from this his encounters, but, as Williams (2010) puts it: reputation grew, among simple folk anyhow’ (καὶ ἀπὸ τούτων A man might lose his grip on masculine control in various τὰ τῆς δόξης ηὐξάνετο, παρὰ γοῦν τοῖς ἰδιώταις: 18). When the ways … by seeking to be dominated or even penetrated by his city prefect sent him away because he would not shut up, sexual partners, by subjugating himself to others for the sake of ‘this too made for his renown (κλεινὸν), and he was on pleasuring or entertaining them, or by yielding to his own everybody’s lips as the philosopher who had been banished passions, desires, and fears. Masculinity was not fundamentally for his frankness and excessive freedom’ (διὰ τὴν παρρησίαν a matter of sexual practice; it was a matter of control. (p. 155) καὶ τὴν ἄγαν ἐλεθερίαν ἐξελαθείς: 18). In critiquing his death in particular, Lucian suggests that he should have waited for By seeking illicit sexual partners, Peregrinus clearly acted death instead of hastening its arrival and certainly not have outside the bounds of masculine decorum.

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Other challenges to Peregrinus’ In addition, this episode contributes further to the evidence of sexual debauchery treated above (even if we do not masculinity consider the taking and receiving of blows on the buttocks Another significant challenge to Peregrinus’ masculinity, as sexual in nature). Lucian tells us that here Peregrinus according to the narrator, was that he committed parricide by was ‘demonstrating what they [the Cynics] call “indifference” strangling his father so that he would not age beyond 60 years. (αἰδοῖον καὶ τὸ ἀδιάφορον) by erecting (ἀναφλῶν) his yard Duties towards one’s parents, a part of the concept of piety in among a thronging mob of bystanders’ (17). Harmon’s the Graeco-Roman world, rendered parricide among the most (1972) translation in the Loeb Classical Library obscures a horrific acts one could commit (Asikainen 2018:29–31; sexual connotation in this passage. The Greek verb D’Angelo 2003:66–71). After the incident ‘had been noised ‘ἀναφλῶν’ has to do with masturbation. The English term abroad, he condemned himself to exile and roamed about, ‘erecting’ in Harmon’s translation is probably meant to going to one country after another’ (Passing of Peregrinus 10). indicate that at the same time it obscures it. Putting together For Lucian, Peregrinus had no choice but to leave home after the ‘asceticism’ of the Egyptians with this type of this shameful act. When he returned to Parium later in the inappropriate sexual behaviour, masturbation in front of a account, ‘the people themselves were enraged, mourning large crowd of people, clearly effeminates Peregrinus. As over a good old man (as he was called by those who had seen we shall see below, there is a parallelism to be observed him) so impiously slain’ (ἀσεβῶς ἀπολωλότα: 15). Peregrinus between the strange (and therefore effeminate) actions of was able to gain his compatriots’ praise when he gave to the Peregrinus when he goes to Egypt and the actions he city all of his father’s property. Here Lucian designates these undertakes when he is in Palestine. people as ‘poor’ and ‘agape for largesses’ (πένητες ἄνθρωποι καὶ πρὸς διαωομὰς κεχηνόντες: 15). As in discussing Peregrinus’ Finally, it is worth noting that Lucian often makes thirst for honour and fame, it is merely the common people, suggestions that Peregrinus is not as willing to die or as not anyone noble who offers such praise. brave as he seems to be. While Peregrinus himself (according to Lucian’s account) says of his own death that Even as he conceeds that Peregrinus did donate his father’s it is ‘to benefit mankind by showing them the way in property, Lucian attempts to undercut Theaganes’ praise for which one should despise death’ (33), Lucian is convinced Peregrinus, as he states that all that was left was his father’s that he would have skipped his death altogether if the property worth only 15 talents, and that the entire estate was opportunity had presented itself. When Peregrinus had not worth more than 30, not 5000 as asserted by Theagenes, finished his speech just before his death, Lucian tells us: which is utterly ridiculous. Even the entire city of Parium, ‘he hoped that all would cling to him and not give him taking along with it the five that are its neighbours, would not over to the fire, but to retain him in life – against his will, fetch that much, including the men, the cattle and all the rest of naturally’ (33). Only a small handful of people (the ‘more their belongings (14). witless among the people’; ἀνοητότεροι τῶν ἀνθρώπων [33]) asked him to preserve himself, whereas the majority of the In short order, however, Peregrinus runs into financial trouble crowd told him ‘Carry out your purpose!’ (33). This crying and attempts to retrieve his father’s property, ultimately unsuccessfully (16). One of the virtues for which real men out from the crowd caused him to turn still paler (ὠχριᾶν were known, at least since the time of Aristotle, was ἔτι μᾶλλον ἐποίησεν), although his colour was already magnanimity (Asikainen 2018:29–31). By describing deathly (καίτοι ἤδη νεκρικῶς τὴν χροιὰν ἔχοντι), and even to Peregrinus as the type who sought to undo his previous tremble slightly (ὑποτρέμειν), so that he brought his speech generosity toward his hometown, Lucian suggests that he is to an end (Passing of Peregrinus 33). not magnanimous and only made the ‘donation’ to ward off the ill will regarding his father’s death (15). Prior to this speech, Lucian had already castigated Peregrinus for choosing a quick method of death (25) and started a Two more factors of Lucian’s description are worth rumour that Peregrinus had wanted to change his mind mentioning before considering his description of the before ever arriving at the games (26). As Williams (2010:151) Christians with whom Peregrinus interacted. Firstly, stresses, in the Roman world ‘yielding to the fear of death Peregrinus fell in with Agathobulus, an Egyptian and a was held to be a sure sign of effeminacy’. Cynic, wherein he began some kind of ascetic practices. The strangeness of the practices (e.g. shaving half of the head, Toward the very end of the text, after Peregrinus’ death, beating one another on the backside with some type of stick: Lucian recounts a time when he and Peregrinus were on a 17) links Peregrinus to marginalised masculinities. The ship together that encountered a significant storm. He says notion that Greeks and Romans were more manly than their of Peregrinus, ‘this wondrous person who was thought neighbours is a rather consistent trope of both Greek and superior to death fell wailing along with the women!’ (43). Roman literature (Asikainen 2018:20–23; Lopez 2008:26–55; Peregrinus’ lack of conviction and endurance, together Williams 2010:148–151). This rhetorical trope may also with his ‘womanish’ display of emotion on the sea, all feature in the description of Peregrinus’ adultery as ‘in point to further elements of Lucian’s ‘unmanning’ of Armenia’ (Passing of Peregrinus 9). Peregrinus.

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Peregrinus – for he still went by that name – was called by them Peregrinus and the Christians of ‘the new Socrates’. (Passing of Peregrinus 12) Palestine The Passing of Peregrinus is most notable, at least in terms of Other Christians arrived from the cities of Asia, eager to scholarly attention, because it describes Peregrinus’ support Peregrinus from their common fund (13). In Lucian’s relationship with a Christian community in Palestine (Jones view, all of this support had the consequence not of making 1986:117). ‘It was then that he learned the wondrous lore of Peregrinus more honourable but making him rich: ‘he the Christians’ (τὴν θαθμαστὴν σοφίαν τῶν Χριστιανῶν, 11). procured not a little revenue from it’ (13). Peregrinus met with ‘their priests and scribes in Palestine’ (11). Bremmer says the occurrence of these titles together (not Lucian goes on to describe two characteristics of Christians: attested elsewhere in 2nd-century Christianity) ‘strongly The poor wretches have convinced themselves, first and foremost, suggests that Peregrinus had joined one of the Judaeo- that they are going to be immortal and live for all time, in Christian congregations that existed, not surprisingly, in consequence of which they despise death and even willingly give Palestine and Syria’ (2007:731). More significantly, Lucian themselves into custody, most of them. (Passing of Peregrinus 13) reports that ‘in a trice, he made them all look like children’ (παῖδας αύτοὺς ἀπέφαηνε) by taking on the roles of ‘prophet, One interesting element of this description is that, in the very cult-leader (θιασάρχης), head of the synagogue (ξυναγωγεὺς next section of the text, Lucian says the governor of Syria as [sic]), and everything, all by himself’ (11). This is a significant ‘aware of his recklessness and that he would gladly die in point for Lucian’s understanding of the Christians. He has order that he might leave behind him a reputation for it (καὶ already made clear that Peregrinus is no kind of man, unable ὅτι δέξαιτ’ ἄν ἀποθαιωεῖν ὡς δόξαν ἐπὶ τούτῳ ἀπολίποι), he freed to control himself sexually or in terms of the piety and him’ (14). Because, as was discussed above, later in the text, reverence because of his father. In this case, however, Lucian cast aspersions on Peregrinus’ bravery and endurance Peregrinus demonstrates control over others. He is able to in the face of death, it is an open question whether Lucian turn the priests and scribes of the Christians into ‘children’ thinks that Peregrinus’ time with the Christians made him by dominating them with his leadership among them. These more willing to face death. If so, it undercuts one aspect of Christian leaders and their community: Lucian’s characterisation of Peregrinus to some extent. Secondly, Lucian says that the ‘first lawgiver’ of the Christians [R]evered him as a god (ὡς θεὸν αὐτὸν ἐκεῖωοι ᾐδοῦντο), made use (by whom he clearly means Jesus): of him as a lawgiver (νομοθἐτῃ), and set him down as a protector (προστάτην), next after that other, to be sure, whom they still [P]ersuaded them that they are all brothers of one another after worship, the man who was crucified in Palestine because they have transgressed once for all by denying the Greek gods he introduced this new cult (καινὴν ταύτην τελετὴν) into the and by worshipping the crucified sophist himself and living world. (Passing of Peregrinus 11) under his laws. (Passing of Peregrinus 13)

Bremmer (2007) rightly notes that it is: It is for this reason that ‘they despise all things indiscriminately [A]bsolutely unthinkable that a Christian community could have and consider them common property’ (13). This notion leads worshipped Peregrinus as a god’ (2007:733) and argues that this to another critique of Christianity from Lucian: ‘[s]o if any appellation is better understood in the same way that other charlatan and trickster, able to profit by occasions, comes philosophers ‘attracted the term “divine” over time’. (pp. 733–734) among them, he quickly acquires sudden wealth by imposing upon simple folk’ (ἰδιώταις ἀνθρώποις: 13). As at the outset of Even this understanding seems like a stretch for actual his description of the Christians, so here Lucian concludes by Christians in the 2nd century, and it is more probably lumping them into the category of simpletons. They are hyperbolic vitriol on Lucian’s part. easily duped and, for that reason, their praise is not worth having. But, if they follow an obviously unmanly charlatan Sections 12–13 of the text summarise Peregrinus’ like Peregrinus, clearly they do not demonstrate masculine imprisonment and the subsequent reaction of his Christian virtue themselves. Lucian’s description of these Christians community. Firstly, his imprisonment ‘gave him no little lumps them together with the common folk described reputation as an asset for his charlatanism and notoriety- elsewhere in the text who offer praise and honour to seeking that he was enamoured of’ (ὅπερ καὶ αὐτὸ οὐ μικρὸν Peregrinus. Linking such gullible folks, who are most αὐτῷ ἀξίωμα περιεποίησεν πρὸς τὸω ἑξῆς βίον καὶ τὴν τερατείαν appropriately linked to women and children, allows Lucian καὶ δοξοκοπίαν ὧν ἐρῶν ἐτύγχανεν: 12). Here Lucian repeats the to use them further to unman Peregrinus. accusation that Peregrinus is motivated by a thirst for glory and notoriety. The Christians mobilised, and unable to get According to Lucian’s account, Peregrinus’ relationship with him released from prison: the Christians comes to an inglorious end when ‘after he had [F]rom the very break of day aged widows and orphan children transgressed in some way against them – he was seen, I think, (γρᾴδια χήρας τινὰς καὶ παιδία ὀρηανά) could be seen waiting near eating some of the food that is forbidden to them – they no the prison, while their officials even slept inside with him longer accepted him’ (16). This indulgence of forbidden food after bribing the guards. Then elaborate meals were brought in, is yet another way that Lucian characterises Peregrinus as and sacred books of theirs were read aloud, and excellent unable to exhibit self-control. To be sure, Lucian does not

http://www.hts.org.za Open Access Page 7 of 8 Original Research think that the Christian group’s refusal to eat whatever type and martyrs. Peregrinus is too interested in the honour of the of food may be at issue here is reasonable (on the possibilities masses as opposed to the honour of other philosophers; he for the nature of the prohibited food, see Jones 1986:743–744), does not exhibit self-control in relation to sexuality or to food but he suggests that his lack of control in this regard is the consumption at key moments in his life, and he displays a very thing that sees him expelled from the group. lack of magnanimity. For Lucian, Peregrinus is not a man. He is subject to passions that prevent him from displaying the There is one other way in which Lucian uses the story of fearlessness necessary for a proper display of masculinity. In Peregrinus to reveal Christians’ gullibility. accepting him as a leader in their community, the Christians of Palestine demonstrate that they, too, lack the qualities of Lucian claims to be the inventor of tales regarding masculinity according to Roman codes. Peregrinus is able to appearances by Peregrinus after his death. Meeting people bamboozle them into following his teachings and to coming out to see Peregrinus, expecting him to still be alive, providing material support for him both inside and outside Lucian informs them that he had already thrown himself into of Roman custody. the fire (39). Whenever he encountered ‘a man of taste’, he would relay the story without embellishment: Most significantly, he makes their leaders into ‘children’ [B]ut for the benefit of the dullards, agog to listen, I would thicken and is attended to by ‘women and children’ while he is in the plot a bit on my own account, saying that when the pyre was custody. These accusations against Christians might have kindled and Proteus had flung himself bodily in, a great earthquake some support in historical reality (Jones 1986:736), but they first took place, accompanied by a bellowing of the ground, and then a vulture, flying up out of the midst of the flames, went off to also form part of a pattern of slander against early Christians Heaven, saying, in human speech, with a loud voice, ‘I am through relating to their lack of masculine virtue (MacDonald with the earth; to Olympus I fare’. (Passing of Peregrinus 39) 2003:157–162). Lucian’s linking of Peregrinus to the Christians tells us less about the Christians than it does Lucian notes that these gullible folks believed his made up about Lucian’s efforts to unman Peregrinus. Linking him to stories. In fact, in answer to questions they asked, ‘I made Christians aids in this unmanning for his 2nd-century them whatever reply occurred to me’ (39). When Lucian audience. returned to the site of the festival, however, a ‘grey-haired man’ (πολιῷ ἀνδρὶ) with a ‘general air of importance’ (καὶ τῇ However, we think about the masculinity of Christians; it is λοιπῇ σεμνόνητι) told Lucian a story about Peregrinus clear that Podles’ work on the feminisation of the church appearing in a white garment and wearing a crown from an represents an ancient, rather than a modern, species of olive tree (40). rhetoric. Whether we should be concerned about male participation in Christianity then or now probably depends Moreover, he told Lucian ‘he himself had seen it [the vulture] to a significant extent on how we define ‘masculinity’ and flying out of the top of the pyre, when I myself had just whether we think hegemonic masculinity is a good and previously let it fly to ridicule fools and dullards’ (τῶν noble, or deeply troubling, enactment of the virtues ἀνοήτων καὶ βλακικὼν: 40). After this description, Lucian represented by Jesus. predicts that cultic rites will be made in his honour and statues of him will be made in many cities. König is clear that there are allusions to classical texts in the descriptions that Acknowledgements Lucian provides, but he does not preclude influence from My thanks to Zeba A. Crook for reading and commenting on Christian tales about Jesus influencing these stories either. an earlier draft of this paper.

The significant point for this analysis is that gullibility Competing interests characterises even those who seem to be people of importance The author has declared that no competing interests exist. when it comes to believing tales made up in light of a hero’s death. This perspective helps to explain both why Lucian suggests that the Palestinian Christians might begin to Author(s) contributions worship Peregrinus and why he understands Jesus to be I declare that I am the sole author of this research article. worshipped for having introduced a ‘new cult into the world’ (11). Lucian’s larger point here is that gullibility with respect to stories of dead charlatans (a category in which he would Funding information include both Jesus and Peregrinus) can influence not only the This research received no specific grant from any funding masses, but also those who should know better. agency in the public, commercial or not-for-profit sectors.

Conclusion Data availability statement The chief complaints that Lucian raises against Peregrinus Data sharing is not applicable to this article as no new data regard the lack of self-control that characterises philosophers were created or analysed in this study.

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