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Sensory Processes 7

CHAPTER OUTLINE

LEARNING OBJECTIVES

INTRODUCTION

HOW DO WE GATHER INFORMATION? Light Sound The chemical senses The somatosenses SENSE ORGANS How do we see? How do we hear? Tasting and smelling Invisible forces and phantom limbs FINAL THOUGHTS

SUMMARY

REVISION QUESTIONS

FURTHER READING PSY_C07.qxd 2/2/05 2:43 pm Page 135

Learning Objectives

By the end of this chapter you should appreciate that:

n psychologists have developed rigorous, objective methods for investigating sensory processes;

n processing of sensory information relies on transduction (or transformation) of energy by sensory receptors;

n information conveyed by light differs from that conveyed by sound;

n light travels very fast and in straight lines over large distances, gives highly precise directional information, and can tell us about properties of distant objects;

n different types of light radiation are perceived differently by different animal species;

n many tasks are made much easier for humans by the way in which we process colour information;

n sound travels in lines that are not straight, so we cannot use it to determine locations in space as well as we can with light;

n sound also travels less quickly than light, so its time-of-arrival information can tell us about the direction of the sound source and the locations of sound-reflecting surfaces around us;

n the analysis of speech is one of the most important tasks of the auditory system for humans;

n we have other important senses apart from vision and hearing; for example, the perception of pain has probably been very important for human survival.

INTRODUCTION

It seems clear that in order to survive and func- dog. Sensing those traces will tell it that there is tion well in the world, an animal needs to know an intruder who needs to be persuaded to leave. what is in its environment. What kinds of things it This chapter is about ‘sensation’ – the process needs to know will depend on the kind of animal of ‘sensing’ information about our environment. it is. We can see from the hawk and dog examples that For example, a hawk flying high above ground there are two major aspects to the process, and and looking for prey needs some system of therefore the study, of sensation: detecting that prey at a great distance; it seems equally obvious that it would be in the prey’s 1. Understanding what is ‘out there’ to be interests to be able to see the hawk and take eva- sensed: what types of information are avail- sive action. In another situation, a dog may need able that could, in principle, be used to tell to know whether another dog has been present us what lies around us? This first area in its territory, and therefore needs some way of involves thinking about the physical proper- detecting faint chemical traces left by the other ties of the world. PSY_C07.qxd 2/2/05 2:43 pm Page 136

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2. How this information may be utilized by a the first in which psychological techniques were biological system. perfected, long before the word ‘psychology’ was coined. This chapter shows you how these tech- It is no good having information all around us niques allow us to study the function of mechan- if we have no means of sensing it. So a major isms without requiring a person to describe his or part of this chapter will be about the sense her sense experiences in detail. organs and the type of information they send to But first we will be moving within the realms of the brain. This process is often placed within the physical science, which might feel a little strange domain of physiology, which is the study of the to students of psychology. From here, we move detailed functioning of biological systems in through physiology towards psychology. terms of their ‘hardware’. We will make the link Hopefully, what will emerge is an appreciation into psychology by asking how psychological tech- of the amazing cleverness of the sense organs, niques can be used to study the process of sen- and the intricate nature of the information that sation in humans. Historically, this area is one of they send for further processing by the brain.

of UV radiation around you. Sunburn is the first stage of the pro- HOW DO WE GATHER INFORMATION? cess of the skin dying as a result of damage. So we know that UV radiation is damaging to skin, and Our world is a complex place. Right now, I am sitting at a desk. presumably other biological tissue too. This is the most likely I see the computer screen, and beyond that a window through explanation for our eyes having an in-built filter to remove UV which I see a garden and then a pine forest. I hear the faint radiation. To put it simply, if we were able to see UV rays, they whirring noise of the fan in the computer and the buzz of cicadas would be likely to damage our eyes. outside. I can smell the jasmine and pine sap from the garden – Some animals do possess UV vision, especially insects and these smells become more potent if I concentrate on them. I can birds. It is thought that they are less vulnerable to this hazardous taste the coffee, which I recently sipped. My skin feels pleasantly radiation because they live a shorter timespan than humans. Our warm in the summer heat, but my knee hurts where I grazed it a eyes must function throughout a long lifetime. few days ago. I also feel the itching from some mosquito bites. Other forms of short-wavelength information, such as X-rays How does all this information reach me? Examining the above and gamma rays, are even more damaging to tissue, but these are description in more detail, especially the physical sources of infor- filtered out by the earth’s atmosphere. mation, will help to explain what is going on when we receive information from the world. Infra-red radiation

Why are we unable to see infra-red (IR) radiation? Would it be LIGHT helpful if we could? The answer to the second question is cer- tainly ‘yes’. IR radiation is given off in proportion to an object’s Arguably our most important perceptual ability is vision. We temperature. This is why it is used in night-vision devices, which know that vision depends on light: when there is no light, we can- can locate a warm object, such as a living body, even in the not see. What are the important characteristics of light, and how absence of light. This information could be extremely useful to do these affect the kind of information it conveys to us? us. So why do we not see it? Light is a form of electromagnetic radiation. ‘Visible’ light Precisely because we are warm creatures ourselves. Imagine forms just a small part of the full spectrum of this radiation (see trying to see while holding a strong light just below your eyes. figure 7.1). The sun emits radiation over a much larger part of the The glare from the light prevents you from seeing other objects. spectrum than the chunk of it that we can see. Why might this In the same way, we would suffer from glare if we could see IR be so? radiation. It would be like having light-bulbs inside your own eyes. To answer this question, it may help to consider why we do not Again, some animals do see IR radiation, but these are cold- see the two parts of the spectrum that border on the visible part. blooded creatures, such as pit vipers, which do not suffer from this glare problem. The IR information is very useful in helping Ultra-violet radiation them to locate warm objects, such as the small mammals they hunt for food. There is plenty of ultra-violet (UV) radiation about, especially as Humans build devices that transform IR into visible light – use- you get nearer to the equator and at high altitude. You will have ful for armies (and the psychopath in the movie Silence of the heard about your skin being at risk of sunburn when there is a lot Lambs) needing to ‘see’ warm objects at night, such as vehicles PSY_C07.qxd 2/2/05 2:43 pm Page 137

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1 mm Wavelength 0.001 nm 1 nm 10 nm 1 mm 1 cm 1 km

Ultra- Micro- Cosmic rays Gamma rays X-rays Infra-red TV Radio violet waves UHF FM AM

Visible spectrum

Ultra-violet Infra-red (danger) (confusion)

300 400 500 600 700 1600 Wavelength (nm)

Figure 7.1

The range of electromagnetic radiation. Note the small range of this spectrum (wavelengths from about 400 nm to 700 nm, where 1 nm is 10−9 metres) which gives rise to visual sensation.

with hot engines and living humans. More humane uses of this Visible light – speed and spatial precision technology include looking for living earthquake victims. Figure 7.2 shows an example of an IR terrain image. A Landrover is Light travels extremely quickly, at a rate of about 300,000 km clearly visible from its engine’s heat. A normal photo of this scene per second. In effect, this means that light transmission is instan- would simply look black. taneous. So we cannot determine where light is coming from by perceiving differences in arrival time. No biological system exists that could respond quickly enough to signal such tiny time intervals. One of the fastest neural systems in humans is the auditory pathway, which can sense differences in the time of arrival of sound waves at each side of the head. Such differences are of the order 1 ms, or one-thousandth of a second (see Moore, 2003, pp. 233–67). As light travels so much faster, the equivalent dif- ference in time-of-arrival we would need to detect would be one millionth of a millisecond. This is impossible for neurons to resolve. Fortunately, the other major property of light means that we do not need time-of-arrival information to know where the light is coming from. In transparent media such as air, light rays Figure 7.2 travel in straight lines, enabling it to convey information with high spatial precision. This means that two rays of light coming A terrain image of a scene at night in the infra-red range (approx- imately 1000 to 1500 nanometres). Visually, this image would to me from adjacent leaves on the tree outside the window, or be completely dark. However, because infra-red radiation is adjacent letters on this page, fall on different parts of the retina emitted by hot objects, the engine of the vehicle shows up – the part of the eye that translates optical image information clearly. The military use this kind of imaging device to enable into neural signals. As a result of this simple property (travelling night vision of such objects. in straight lines), we can resolve these separate details. In other PSY_C07.qxd 2/2/05 2:43 pm Page 138

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Colour image Red Green Blue

Figure 7.3

A coloured scene and its decomposition into three primary-colour maps (red, green and blue). Adding these three pictures together gener- ates the full-colour scene. The fact that three primary colours are sufficient to yield a full-colour scene is a consequence of us having three different cone types in the retina, each responding to a different range of wavelengths.

words, we have a high degree directional sensitivity similar to acuity of directional sensitivity, or a high acuity. Without this property, the light from adjacent letters acuity the finest detail that the visual on this page would become (or other) system can distinguish irretrievably jumbled and we would not be able to resolve the letters.

The benefits of colour

When light hits a solid object, it can either be reflected or absorbed. An object that absorbs all the light hitting it will look black. One that reflects all light will look white. Inter- reflectance the relative proportion of mediate levels of reflectance each wavelength reflected by a surface: (the term given to the ratio the higher the reflectance, the lighter of incident to reflected light) the object will look will elicit shades between black and white. Also, objects reflect different amounts of light at different wavelengths. Fig- ure 7.3 shows how different objects in an image reflect different amounts of red, green and blue light. So the ability to distinguish between the amounts of differ- ent wavelengths of light reaching us from a given surface can convey a lot of information about the composition of the surface, without us having to come close to it. This is the basis of colour vision. It is possible to tell whether a fruit is ripe or not, or whether meat is safe to eat or putrid, using the colour informa- tion from the surface of the fruit or meat. Equally, it is possible to break camouflage. Figure 7.4 compares a monochrome and a coloured display of a scene. The ripe fruit is virtually invisible in the monochrome Figure 7.4 version because its luminance A colour and monochrome version of the same scene – a (the amount of light that luminance the intensity of light cor- red fruit among leaves. The fruit is very hard to find in the comes to us from it) is not monochrome version, and is easily seen in the colour version. rected for the degree to which the sufficiently different from the Recent theories of the evolution of colour vision suggest that, in visual system responds to different canopy of leaves that sur- primates, it developed partly to enable detection of fruit in leafy wavelengths canopies. round it, the canopy serving PSY_C07.qxd 2/2/05 2:43 pm Page 139

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as camouflage because it contains large random fluctuations in Wavelength luminance. As soon as colour is added, we can see the fruit clearly. It has been argued (Osorio & Vorobyev, 1996; Sumner & Mollon, 2000) that the need to find fruit is the main reason for primates’ trichromatic colour vision. ‘Trichromatic’ simply means that there are three types of cone cells in the retina (see figure 7.3).

Curiously, though, other mammals have only dichromatic colour Amplitude vision, which means they only have two cone types – one corres- ponding to medium-to-long wavelengths and another respond- ing to short wavelengths. As a result, they cannot discriminate between objects that look green or red to us. So a red rag does not look particularly vivid to a bull! Interestingly, most animals (i.e. all birds and insects) have four cone types, one responding to UV radiation. Figure 7.5

Sound waves and how they vary in wavelength and amplitude. SOUND Each wave can be measured as the pressure of air at a point in space, and the lower part of the figure depicts the density of air molecules, i.e. the pressure at each point of the wave. The Those cicadas are still chirping outside the window, and the com- frequency of a wave is the number of wavelengths passing a puter is whirring. These sensations are clearly conveyed to me by given point per second. sound. But what is sound?

The mechanical nature of sound information can be encoded by neurons (Moore 2003; see also chapter 3), giving information about what direction the sound is Like light, sound is also a form of physical energy, but this type of coming from. energy is mechanical. Sources of sound cause the air molecules Sound also gets reflected or absorbed by surfaces. Think about next to them to vibrate with certain frequencies; these vibrations echoes in a cave. These are extreme examples of a process that are transmitted to neighbouring molecules and cause waves of happens less spectacularly, but more usefully, in everyday life. vibration to spread outwards from the source, just like waves Subtle echoes give us clues about the location of large objects, spread on a calm pond if you throw a pebble into it. even in the absence of vision. Blind people tend to develop this In this way, sound can travel around corners, unlike light. So skill to a higher level, using sticks to tap the ground and listen for sound conveys a very different form of information than light. new echoes. Bats use echolocation to fly at night (see figure 7.6). Since it is not constrained to travel in straight lines, it can tell us about things that are out of sight – but at a price. The price is that Communication sound cannot tell us about spatial location with as much precision as light can; this is a consequence of its physical properties, and Dolphins use a similar echolocation mechanism, both for finding nothing to do with our ears. their way and for communication. As sound travels through In general, communication is the other main use for sound, the air, the air pressure at frequency the rate at which a periodic since it is generally easier for animals to produce sound than light. a given point will change signal repeats, often measured in cycles Speech production and recognition in humans is a spectacularly according to the frequency of per second or Hertz (Hz); the higher impressive process, which is crucial to our success as a species. the sound. We are sensitive the frequency, the higher the perceived The fact that sound can travel around corners is an added bonus to a range of frequencies pitch – the person you are talking with does not need to be in a direct from about 30 Hz (Hertz in line of sight. full, which means cycles per second) to about 12 kHz (or kiloHertz, meaning thousands of cycles per second). Figure 7.5 shows the patterns of waves reach- THE CHEMICAL SENSES ing us from objects vibrating at a given frequency. Light travels virtually infinitely fast; sound travels more slowly Using sound to locate objects but is still unable to linger in one spot for any length of time. In our efforts to gather useful information about the world out there, As we have already seen, sound also travels much more slowly we really could use a source of information that sticks around for than light, with a speed of about 300 metres per second. Even much longer. though this is still pretty fast, it is slow enough for our brains to This is where the chemical senses – smell and taste – prove use- process time-of-arrival information. It takes sound just under one ful. Biological systems have developed an ability to detect certain millisecond to travel from one side of the head to the other. This types of molecule that convey information about sources of food, PSY_C07.qxd 2/2/05 2:43 pm Page 140

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Exploring through touch

Our skin contains nerve endings which can detect sources of energy. Some parts of our bodies, such as our fingers, have a higher density of nerve endings than other parts, and so fingers and hands are used in active exploration of the world immedi- ately around us. Mostly, this is to corroborate information that is also provided by other senses, such as vision; but of course we can still touch things without seeing them. I recently played a game with some friends in New York, where there is a park with small statues of weird objects. We closed our eyes, were led to a statue, and had to tell what it was. Through active exploration lasting many minutes, we were able to give a pretty precise description of the object, but it was still a big surprise to actually see it when we opened our eyes. This experiment shows that the sense of touch can be used to give a pretty good image of what an object is, but the information takes time to build up. Also, for the process to work efficiently, we need a memory for things that we have experienced before – in this case, a tactile memory. Figure 7.6

A bat uses echolocation to detect sound waves reflected off Sensing pain and discomfort another object – in this case, a fly. The bat emits high-frequency sound waves and senses their reflection from other objects and The same nerve endings that respond to mechanical pressure and surfaces nearby. That way, it can locate such things without allow this kind of tactile exploration also respond to temperature light. Blind people do a similar trick when tapping their white and any substances or events that cause damage to the skin, cane – they listen to the reflected echo from nearby objects. such as cuts, abrasions, corrosive chemicals or electric shock. The sensation of pain associated with such events usually initiates a response of rapid withdrawal from the thing causing the pain. There are similar nerve endings inside our bodies, which enable other animals and possible hazards and poisons. To appreciate us to sense various kinds of ‘warning signals’ from within. An ex- this information, just watch a dog sniffing for a buried bone – or ample of this is that dreadful ‘morning-after’ syndrome, comprising tracking the path taken by another dog. Here we have a source of headache, stomach ache and all the other cues that try to persuade information that comes with a level of persistence, a spatial mem- us to change our lifestyle before we damage ourselves too much! ory of previous events. In humans, the sense of smell seems to be less developed than in other animals. But we do have a well-developed sense of taste, which tells us about the chemical composition of the food we eat SENSE ORGANS and warns us (together with smell) of toxins, for example in food that is putrid. The role of our sense organs Clearly this is a very different type of information from that is to ‘capture’ the various transduction the process of transform- provided by light and sound. It requires physical contact or at least forms of energy that convey ing one type of energy (e.g. sound close proximity, but the information persists for much longer. information about the exter- waves, which are mechanical in nature) nal world, and to change it into another kind of energy – usually into a form that the brain can the electrical energy of neurons THE SOMATOSENSES handle. This process is called transduction. There are senses which we use to explore the world immediately As a transducer, a sense organ captures energy of a particular around us – just outside our bodies and also on or within our kind (e.g. light) and transforms it into energy of another kind – bodies. Somatosenses respond to: action potentials, the neural system’s code for information. Action potentials are electrical energy derived from the exchange of elec- n pressure trically charged ions, which inhabit both sides of the barrier n temperature between the neuron and its surroundings (see chapter 3). So our n vibration eyes transduce electromagnetic radiation (light) into action poten- n information signalling dangers to our bodies (e.g. cuts tials, our ears transduce the mechanical energy of sound, and so on. and abrasions, corrosive chemicals, extreme heat, electrical Transduction is a general term, which does not apply only to discharges) sense organs. A microphone is a transducer, which (rather like the n possible problems inside our bodies ear) transduces mechanical sound energy to electrical potentials – PSY_C07.qxd 2/2/05 2:43 pm Page 141

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but in a wire, not in a neuron. There are many other examples of ability to preserve spatial information from incident light. Where transduction in everyday equipment. is each ray coming from? As we gradually move away from physics and into psychology, To achieve this, there photoreceptor a cell (rod or cone) in we pass through an area of physiology – how biological trans- must be some means of let- the retina that transforms light energy ducers work. ting the light strike a particu- into action potentials lar photoreceptor. This is the name given to the smallest HOW DO WE SEE? unit that transduces light. If a given photoreceptor always receives light coming from a given direction, then the directional We know that light travels in straight lines. It therefore makes information inherent in light can be preserved. sense for a biological transducer of light to preserve information about the direction from which a particular ray of light has come. In fact, this consideration alone accounts for a large swathe of Pinhole cameras and the need visual evolution. for a lens As creatures have become larger and therefore begun to travel further, they have developed an ever greater need to know about The simplest way to illustrate light transduction is to make a pin- things that are far away – so eyes have developed an increasing hole camera – a box with a small hole in it (see figure 7.7). From

Film advance Cardboard

7 1 /16 2 inches inches

3 5 /4 inches

Black paper 126 film cartridge

Aluminium foil with pinhole

Figure 7.7

Above, a pinhole camera, which is quite simple to construct, and requires no lenses or mirrors. Below, a picture taken with this camera. PSY_C07.qxd 2/2/05 2:43 pm Page 142

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often abbreviated to Al Hazen, in the eleventh century AD. Al- Haytham was born in Basra – now an Iraqi town, which has had a sadly turbulent history recently.

Looking at the eye in detail

In human vision, there are rods cells in the retina that transform two types of photoreceptors, light energy into action potentials and called rods and cones. Rods are only active at low light levels (e.g. at are cells that only work at night) low levels of illumination, at night; cones are cells that give us our vision in normal daylight levels of illumina- cones cells in the retina that transform tion. There is only one kind light energy into action potentials, dif- of rod, but three different ferent kinds responding preferentially Figure 7.8 kinds of cone, each respond- to different wavelengths ing preferentially to a differ- An image taken through a larger pinhole. Note that the image is ent range of wavelengths of brighter than that in figure 7.7, but also more blurred. light – the basis of colour vision. Figure 7.9 shows how light travels through the cornea, pupil the geometry of rays travelling in straight lines, it is possible to and lens, eventually falling on the retina, which is illustrated in see that a given place on the rear surface of the pinhole camera more detail in figure 7.10. will only receive light from one direction. Of course, this is only When a ray of light hits a photoreceptor (a rod or a cone), true until you move the camera. But even then, the relative posi- it sets up a photochemical reaction, which alters the electrical tional information is usually preserved – if something is next to potential inside the photoreceptor. This, in turn, produces a something else out there, its ray will be next to its neighbour’s ray change in the firing rate of the neuron connected to that photo- on the back surface of the camera. receptor. There are four types of neuron in the retina (see One of the drawbacks with a pinhole camera is that the image figure 7.9) – horizontal, bipolar, amacrine and ganglion cells. (the collection of points of light on the back of the box) is very dim, Now we meet with a and can only be seen in very bright, sunny conditions. If you make problem: there are about optic nerve conveys information from the pinhole bigger to let more light through, the image becomes 100 million photoreceptors the retina to the visual cortex fuzzy, or blurred, because more than one direction of incident but only about one million light can land on a given point on the back surface (figure 7.8). neurons in the optic nerve. With this fuzziness we begin to lose the ability to encode direction. Nobody really knows why, but the most persuasive argument is The solution is to place a lens over the now-enlarged hole. The that if you made the optic nerve thick, then the eye could not lens refracts (bends) the light so that the sharpness of the image move! How can all the important information be squeezed into is preserved even if the pinhole is large. Add film and you have these few neurons? The only way is to discard a lot of redundant a normal camera. The same construction in your head is called information. Think about how you would give instructions for an eye. someone to find your home. It is usually a waste of time to Nature evolved lenses millions of years ago. We then rein- describe exactly how long they need to walk in a straight line. vented them in Renaissance Italy in about the 16th century. Instead, you might say, ‘turn left, then right, then second left’. Possibly the earliest description of the human eye as containing a What you are doing is noting the points of change in the route lens was given by Arab scholar Abu-’Ali Al-Hasan Ibn Al-Haytham, information. The retina does pretty much the same thing. It signals the points of change in the image – i.e. the places where intensity or Pioneer colour alter – and ignores regions where no changes occur, such as a blank uniform surface. Abu-’Ali Al-Hasan Ibn Al-Haytham (965–1040) often Figure 7.11 shows how abbreviated to Al Hazen, was born in Basra, Iraq. He each retinal ganglion cell has receptive field a region of the visual studied the properties of the eye and light at a time when a receptive field – a particular world where a change in the intensity European science was singularly lacking in progress. He is part of the visual world. If you of light results in changes in production remembered for the discovery that the eye has a lens change the amount of light in of action potentials in a neuron which forms an image of the visual world on the retina this field, you will produce a at the back of the eyeball. change in the cell’s activity. A neuron only changes its firing rate when there is an abrupt change in the amount of light falling on PSY_C07.qxd 2/2/05 2:43 pm Page 143

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Figure 7.9

A section through the human eye which shows how light reaches the retina, which is shown in expanded section in the lower part of the figure. Note that the retina is the only piece of brain that we can observe directly in a living human. We can look into the eye with a device called an ophthalmoscope, and take pictures of the retina in a similar way. Figure 7.10 shows such images – a healthy retina, and one which is afflicted by a common illness called age-related macular degeneration. An ophthalmologist is trained to spot the onset of retinal pathology. Source: http://webvision.med.utah.edu/ sretina.html

the receptive field – for example the boundary between a white Pioneer object and a dark background. The retina contains many such receptive fields in any one loca- Thomas Young (1773–1829) was a physicist who postu- tion, so there is a large degree of overlap between them. They lated that there are only three different kinds of photo- are smallest in the area called receptors in the retina, even though we can distinguish the fovea, the high-acuity part thousands of different colours. The basis of this argument fovea the central five degrees or so of of which occupies approxim- was that, to have thousands of different photoreceptors human vision, particularly the central, ately the central one degree would compromise the acuity of the eye, since the acuity high-acuity part of this area (about one of the visual field. This is is determined by the distance to the nearest neighbour of degree in diameter) the part of the retina that the same type. Later, Hermann von Helmholtz added the receives light rays from the physiological basis of this argument. Thomas Young also direction you are looking in. Since a receptive field cannot distin- studied the mechanical properties of materials, defining a guish between different locations within it, the smaller the recep- number later known as Young’s Modulus to describe how tive field is, the finer the spatial detail that can be resolved. So the stretchable a material is. In Young’s days, there was no dis- fovea is able to resolve the finest detail. tinction between the subjects which we now call physics, To convince yourself of this, try looking at the opposite psychology and physiology. page out of the corner of your eye and then try to read it. If you PSY_C07.qxd 2/2/05 2:43 pm Page 144

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Figure 7.10

A view of a normal human retina (on the left). Note the fovea, which is the area which gives high-acuity vision with densely packed photo- receptors and no retinal blood vessels. On the right is a retina of a patient with age-related macular degeneration, a common retinal con- dition affecting elderly people. Note the ‘splodgy’ abnormal structure of the retina in the area near the fovea. Such a patient would be unable to use their central, high-acuity vision and would probably be registered blind. The images at the bottom attempt to demonstrate the vision as seen by people with normal vision and by those with age-related macular degeneration. Source: http://webvision.med.utah.edu/sretina.tml

cannot do so, it is because the receptive fields in the periphery of Figure 7.12 presents the results of two studies. One is a classic your retina are larger and incapable of resolving the small print. study by the Russian psychologist Yarbus (1967), which shows how we move our eyes when looking at a visual object. The other is a study by Gilchrist, Brown, and Findlay (1997), which Vision as an active process investigated similar scan patterns by a young woman (a female university undergraduate aged 21) who had no ability to move Of course, our eyes are able to move in their sockets, and this her eyes due to a condition called extraocular muscular fibrosis. allows the visual system to choose new parts of the image to look Instead, she moved her whole head using the neck muscles. at. These rapid eye move- There are strong similarities between the two sets of scan pat- ments, called saccades, occur terns, indicating that, even if the eye cannot move, the image saccades rapid eye movements in which several times per second. We scan sequence needs to be broadly similar. the fovea is directed at a new point in are mostly unaware of them All of this raises the question of exactly why the eye needs the visual world and, during a saccade, vision to be moved to so many locations. Presumably it is to resolve is largely ‘switched off’ so fine detail by using the fovea with its small receptive fields. that we do not see the world moving rapidly in the opposite Moving the eyes in this manner is usually associated with a shift direction to the saccade (see also p. 255). of attention. PSY_C07.qxd 2/2/05 2:43 pm Page 145

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Inhibitory Excitatory Inhibitory surround centre surround

Excitatory Excitatory synapse synapse

Surround Electrode Inhibitory Centre synapse

Inhibitory

Excitatory − +

Inhibitory

Figure 7.11

The basis of receptive fields in the retina. The diagram shows how retinal signals from different photoreceptors are combined and organized into ‘excitatory’ and ‘inhibitory’ regions, which can be mapped by placing an electrode in the ganglion cell neuron and waving a light around in different regions of the visual field. Those regions where light produces more neuronal firing are called excitatory, and those where light stimulation results in less neuronal firing are called inhibitory. The panel shows a variant of the Hermann Grid illusion, in which illusory grey spots are seen at the intersections of the light crosses. The traditional explanation for these illusory grey spots is from the action of centre/surround receptive fields. Finally, we show a natural scene and the ‘edges’ that are output by centre/surround receptive fields. These edges occur where there is a sudden change in intensity on the retina, which often corresponds to edges of real objects in the image, e.g. the people.

When we move our eye to a given location, we are more likely without a detailed representation of objects (see Milner & to be processing the information from that location in greater Goodale, 1995). detail than information from elsewhere. This is the concept of selective attention (see chapter 8). The process is intimately related to physical action, in this case movement of the eyes (or Seeing in colour head). This implies that vision is not just a passive process, but an active one. In fact, there appear to be two streams of visual So far, we have looked at how the retina responds to rapid spatial information in the cortex – ventral and dorsal. The former pro- changes in illumination. But it also selectively signals temporal cesses information about the nature of objects; the latter allows changes, such as occur when there is a flash of lightning or (more you to interact with ‘stuff out there’ – i.e. to plan actions – usefully) when a tiger suddenly jumps out from behind a tree PSY_C07.qxd 2/2/05 2:43 pm Page 146

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+

÷

÷

Luminance Red–Green Yellow–Blue

Figure 7.13

A combination of colour information from the three types of retinal cone resulting in three ‘opponent’ channels signalling luminance (intensity), the red–green dimension of colour, and the yellow–blue dimension of colour.

because there is only one type of rod but three different types of cone, and the cones have a dual function: they encode the amount of light present, but they also encode colour, since they are maximally sensitive to different wavelengths in the visible Figure 7.12 spectrum. Figure 7.13 shows how the outputs of the cones are com- At the top, a photograph of a girl used as a stimulus by Yarbus pared. It is important to realize that they must be compared, (1967) in a study designed to measure rapid eye movements (saccades) made by the observer. The panel next to the photo- since the output of a single cone cannot unambiguously encode graph shows the locations of these eye movements, which go wavelength. to regions of interest in the image and allow them to be Suppose you have a cone maximally sensitive to light which resolved by the high-acuity fovea. At the bottom, a scan pattern measured by Gilchrist, Brown and Findlay (1997) in an observer has a wavelength of 565 nm. By using an electrode to measure the who had no eye movements due to a failure of the ocular mus- output of this cone (do not try this at home!), suppose you find cles, and instead moved her whole head with her neck muscles that the cone is producing a ‘medium’ level of output. Can you to scan the same image. Sources: top, Yarbus (1967); bottom, deduce that the cone is being stimulated by a ‘medium’ amount Gilchrist et al. (1997). of light whose wavelength is 565 nm? No – because precisely the same response would arise from stimulation by a larger quantity of light of a slightly different wavelength – say 600 nm. This is or moves against a background of long grass, so breaking its because cones do not respond in an ‘all or none’ manner to rays camouflage. of light of a given frequency. Instead, they show a graded There are various mechanisms involved in processes of adapta- response profile. tion to static scenes (see chapter 8). Perhaps the best-known form We have three different types of cone in the retina. They are of adaptation occurs when we enter a dark room on a sunny day. sometimes called ‘red’, ‘green’ and ‘blue’ cones. More strictly, we At first we cannot see anything, but after a few minutes we begin refer to these cones as ‘L’, ‘M’ and ‘S’ cones, which refers to the to notice objects in the room, visible in the faint light there. This fact that the L cones respond most to long-wavelength light, M phenomenon occurs because our receptors become more sensit- cones to medium-wavelength light, and of course S to short- ive when they are not stimulated for a while, and also because wavelength light. there is a change from cone vision to rod vision. So the output of a single cone is fundamentally ambi- You may have noticed that in a faint light all objects appear guous, and for a meaningful colour sensation to arise, we must to have no colour, quite unlike our daylight vision. This is know how much one cone type responds compared to another PSY_C07.qxd 2/2/05 2:43 pm Page 147

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Research close-up 1 How do we know when things are moving? The research issue Motion blindness, also known as akinetopsia, is very rare. It is usually the result of trauma or other lesions to the parieto- temporal area of the cerebral cortex. As with many other neuropsychological conditions, it helps us to understand not only impaired functioning, but also the functional characteristics of the non-damaged system. Zihl, von Cramon and Mai (1983) identified a patient with bilateral posterior brain damage to an area considered to be similar to the monkey brain area MT (also called V5), which is believed to be responsible for motion perception. The findings of this study indicate that the patient (M.P.) experienced disturbance of movement vision in a rather pure form.

Design and procedure The specificity of the deficit in M.P.’s movement perception was systematically investigated. Tests included those for the perception of: colour, form, depth, movement, after-effects as well as acoustic and tactile perception. Where relevant, visual perception in both the central and peripheral regions of the visual field was evaluated.

Results and implications Both colour perception and form perception were found to be within the normal range. But M.P. apparently had no impres- sion of movement in depth, and she could only discriminate between a stationary and a moving target in the periphery of her otherwise intact visual fields. It was apparent that M.P. had some movement vision in the central part of her visual fields, but this was observed reliably only if the target velocity did not exceed 10 degrees of arc per second. M.P. also failed to demonstrate perceptual signs such as visual movement after-effects (see chapter 8) or apparent visual movement phe- nomena. Visually guided eye and finger movements were impaired too. In contrast to the disturbance of movement perception in the visual modality, movement perception elicited by acoustic and tactile stimuli was not impaired in M.P. This suggests there was selectivity of her lesion with respect to (a) the sens- ory modality of vision and (b) movement perception within this modality. On the basis of the localization of M.P.’s cerebral damage (as evaluated via brain scanning as well as the kind of neu- ropsychological testing just described), it was concluded that selective impairment in movement perception is due to bilat- eral cerebral lesions affecting the parieto-temporal cortex and the underlying white matter in this region of the brain. The selectivity of the visual disturbance in M.P. supports the idea that movement vision is a separate visual function, depending on distinctive neural mechanisms. Subsequently, other similar clinical cases have been reported. Other areas of research which are relevant to address the questions raised by patient M.P. include electrophysiological studies, lesion-based methodologies and functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) recordings of brain activity in awake non-brain-damaged humans while they are viewing moving stimuli. Taken together, these findings support the idea that there are bilateral regions of the parietotemporal cortex that are selectively involved in the processing and perception of motion.

Zihl, J., von Cramon, D., & Mai, N., 1983, ‘Selective disturbance of movement vision after bilateral brain damage’, Brain, 106, 313–40.

cone type. This is achieved Figure 7.14 shows how these opponent processes encode detail chromatic opponency a system of through chromatic opponency, in natural scenes. This effect was achieved using a special kind of encoding colour information origin- a process that also explains camera, first constructed by Parraga, Troscianko and Tolhurst ating in retinal ganglion cells into red– why we can see four ‘pure’ (2002), which produces different cone responses for each point in green, yellow–blue and luminance colours – red, yellow, green the scene (or pixel in the image). Parraga et al. found that the signals; so, for example, a red–green and blue – even though there red–green system is suited to encoding not just the colour prop- neuron will increase its firing rate if are only three kinds of cone. erties of images of red fruit on green leaves, but also the spatial stimulated by a red light, and decrease The ‘yellow’ sensation arises properties of such images for a foraging primate. it if stimulated by a green light when L and M cones receive We know that the receptive fields for colour are different equal stimulation. Their from the receptive fields for luminance. Specifically, they lack the combined output is then compared to that of the S cones. If L+M ‘centre-surround’ structure that makes the centre effectively as is much greater than S, we see yellow, and if less, we see blue. If big as the whole receptive field. As a result, we are less sensitive L+M is about the same as S, we see white. to fine detail in colour than in luminance. PSY_C07.qxd 2/2/05 2:43 pm Page 148

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Figure 7.14

Two images encoded via the cones and opponent processes. On the left are the two images. Next, we show the L, M, and S cone responses to these images. Finally, we show the three opponent responses to these two scenes. Note that the red–green mechanism removes shadows from an image of red fruit on green leaves, and therefore allows the visual system to see a ‘clean’ image of the fruit and its background.

Figure 7.15 shows an early attempt to capitalize on this. Early photographs were only in black and white, but the technique of using watercolours to paint the various objects (e.g. blue sky) on top of the photograph became quite popular. The interesting point is that the paint only needed to be added in approximately the right areas – some creeping across object boundaries did not seem to matter. About fifty years later, the inventors of colour TV rediscov- ered this fact. The trick is to find a way of transmitting as little information as possible. So only a sharp luminance image is trans- mitted. The two chrominance (colour) images are transmitted in blurred form, which means that less information needs to be transmitted without a perceived loss of picture quality (Troscianko, 1987). The main consequence of this ‘labour-saving’ trick in the brain is that the optic nerve can contain relat- ively few neurons. Figure 7.15 The optic nerve conveys primary visual cortex a region at the A postcard of the Thames Embankment from 1904, with the the action potentials gener- back of the visual cortex to which the colour information added by hand-tinting. Close inspection ated by the retina to other optic nerves project, and which carries reveals that the colour tint has been added in an imprecise parts of the brain, principally manner. Modern colour TV uses the same principle, based on out an initial analysis of the information the primary visual cortex, also the idea that the human visual system processes colour informa- conveyed by the optic nerves tion at a coarser scale than intensity information. known as Area V1, where the PSY_C07.qxd 2/2/05 2:44 pm Page 149

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an organ called the cochlea. cochlea coiled structure in the inner ear Pioneer These bones function like a responsible for transforming mechanical gear-box, transforming the vibration (sound energy) into action amplitude of the vibration to John Lythgoe (1937–92), a biologist at Bristol University, potentials in the acoustic nerve studied the relationship between the sense organs and one which is useable by the visual apparatus of an animal, and between its surround- cochlea. ings and the tasks it has to perform within these surround- The cochlea (so called be- ings. Lythgoe’s main research was on fish living at different cause its structure resembles amplitude the difference between the depths of water, since the depth of water affects the wave- a snail’s shell), shown in fig- peaks and troughs of a waveform length composition of daylight reaching that point. He ure 7.16, contains a membrane found a marked relationship between where the fish lived stretched along its length. and what their cones were like. His research founded This is the basilar membrane, a flourishing new research discipline called ‘ecology of and all parts of it are attached hair cells long, thin cells in the cochlea vision’ with the publication of his book in 1979 (The Ecology to very delicate elongated and the vestibular system, which, when of Vision). cells, called hair cells. When bent, produce an action potential a given part of the basilar membrane vibrates, a defor- mation occurs in the group information is then analysed and distributed further to other of hair cells that are attached visual areas (see chapter 8). acoustic nerve conveys information there. This deformation is from the cochlea to the auditory cortex the stimulus for the pro- HOW DO WE HEAR? duction of action potentials in the neuron attached to the hair cell. The neurons auditory cortex a region of the cortex Since sound does not travel in straight lines, it is not important to are bundled together and devoted to processing information from have a particular sound receptor pointing in a unique direction become part of the acoustic the ears in space in the way that photoreceptors do. This considerably nerve, which transmits infor- simplifies the design of an ear (figure 7.16). mation to the auditory cortex. The outer part of the ear – the pinna – routes the sound pinna the structure made of skin and waves in towards the passage cartilage on the outer part of the ear Volume, pitch and timbre leading to the eardrum. The incoming sound waves then Vibrations reaching the ear can differ in amplitude and frequency. set up mechanical vibrations Different frequencies cause the basilar membrane to vibrate in eardrum a membrane between the of the eardrum, which is con- different places, stimulating different sub-populations of hair cells. outer and middle ear that vibrates nected via a system of tiny For low frequencies, the site of maximal vibration lies further when sound waves reach it bones to the oval window of from the oval window of the cochlea than for high frequencies.

Cochlea Eardrum

Pinna

Figure 7.16

A diagram of the three parts of the ear. Source: www.iurc. montp.inserm.fr/cric/ audition/english/ear/ fear.htm PSY_C07.qxd 2/2/05 2:44 pm Page 150

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Everyday Psychology Development, diagnosis and treatment of visual defects among infants Imagine that you have recently become a proud parent. But a few months later you notice that your child is squinting in order to see. What can be done? Can psychology help? Binocularity, the mechanism by which signals from two eyes interact, is a key feature of cortical organization. Binocular function among infants first appears between 12 and 17 weeks. Studies show that from this age onwards recordings of electrical brain activity can help us to understand the nature of the problem (see Braddick & Atkinson, 1983, for a review). When non-corresponding random dot patterns seen by the two eyes suddenly come into exact correspondence, an elec- trical signal can be detected from the surface of the scalp (an evoked potential; see chapter 3), indicating a brain response to a sensory event. These findings imply a form of selectivity: it appears that there are neurons that require a correlated input from both eyes for optimal activation to occur. In circumstances where binocularity does not develop properly, how- ever, two abnormal conditions may arise: amblyopia and strabismus. Amblyopia is a functional loss of visual performance, usually in one eye. Physiological studies in cats and monkeys (see Blakemore, 1978, for a review) demonstrate that if an animal has one eye covered in early life, or its image grossly blurred, that eye loses almost all connections to the visual cortex. Similarly, in humans, it appears that having a dense cataract clouding one eye produces the strongest form of human amblyopia. This might be explained in terms of a key adaptive func- tion of the brain: nerve fibres carrying signals from the two eyes effectively compete for access to cortical neurons, the brain becoming more responsive to significant inputs at the expense of inactive ones. Essentially, if one eye is not frequently stimulated by visual input, it may become functionally disconnected from the brain. Strabismus (squint) is a condition in which the two eyes become permanently mis- aligned. While both eyes retain their input to the visual cortex, the cortex lacks neurons stereopsis the ability to see objects that combine inputs from the two eyes. This suggests that to establish and maintain three-dimensionally based on having cortical connections requires not just activity but correlated activity that occurs when the two eyes that give us two slightly two eyes are receiving the same stimulus (Atkinson & Braddick, 1989). If children with different views of those objects and strabismus lack cortical neurons with binocular input, we would expect impairment their relative locations in space in functions such as stereopsis. This has been confirmed in clinical and experimental studies. But why does strabismus develop? Infants with the condition may intrinsically lack cortical neurons with binocular input. Most, however, initially have normal cortical binocularity. One explanation for why infants go on to develop strabismus is linked to hypermetropia (or hyperopia). This is a form of refractive error in which the eye, when relaxed, is focused beyond infinity, resulting in the blurring of objects at all distances. Children suffering from this disorder need to accommodate more rigorously than normal even for distant objects, but if the child has difficulty focusing with both eyes on one point, neurons that respond to binocular input may become inactive. Fortunately, research on perception can be used to minimize abnormal visual conditions of this kind if there is early screening for vision. Hypermetropia in infancy has been found to have a high correlation with pre-school onset of both stra- bismus and amblyopia, and once hypermetropia is detected in infants they can be given prescription spectacles to reduce accommodation and thus prevent the development of strabismus in later childhood. Atkinson (1989) undertook a random- ized controlled trial in which half the infants (aged between six and nine months) diagnosed with hypermetropia were offered a spectacle correction that brought their refraction close to the norm for their age group. Compared to a control group of uncorrected infants, the correction led to significantly better vision at three and a half years compared to the control group.

Atkinson, J., 1989, ‘New tests of vision screening and assessment in infants and young children’ in J.H. French, S. Harel and P. Casare (eds), Child Neurology and Developmental Disabilities. Baltimore: Brookes Publishing.

This is how the cochlea frequency selectivity the degree to Pioneer achieves frequency selectivity. which a system (e.g. a neuron) responds Differences in the physical more to one frequency than another Georg von Bekesy (1899–1972) was a Hungarian physio- variable we refer to as sound logist working on hearing at Harvard University whose frequency give rise to differ- most famous discovery was that different parts of the ences in the psychological basilar membrane in the cochlea are stimulated by differ- attribute we refer to as pitch. pitch auditory sensation associated ent frequencies of sound. He won the Nobel Prize for The physical amplitude of with changes in frequency of the sound medicine in 1961 for this type of work. the incoming wave translates wave into the sensation of loudness. PSY_C07.qxd 2/2/05 2:44 pm Page 151

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This is encoded by a combination of (a) increased firing rate in P auditory neurons and (b) a greater number of neurons firing. Finally, acoustic signals can vary in their complexity. The same note played on a piano and p violin sound different, even timbre the complexity of a sound though their fundamental t wave, especially one emitted by a frequencies are the same. musical instrument, allowing us to dis- This difference in sound tinguish the same note played on, say, a quality gives rise to the sen- piano and a guitar sation of timbre. Pure tone Of course, our auditory system did not evolve to hear musical instruments. More likely, it is there to make sense of complex signals occurring naturally in P nature. Figure 7.17 shows how different sources of sound pro- duce a different pattern of amplitude and frequency over time. p These different patterns are recognized as different sounds – in the case of speech, as different phonemes. A phoneme is a speech sound, such as the ‘sh’ in t ‘rush’. The English language phonemes basic building blocks of contains around 40 phonemes speech: English contains around 40 dif- (Moore, 2003, p. 301). We ferent phonemes can look more closely at the sounds in a word by plot- Music tone ting the relationship between the amplitude and frequency spectrogram a way of plotting the Figure 7.17 of the sound over time in amplitude and frequency of a speech a spectrogram – so called The upper diagram represents the waveform of a pure tone with sound-wave as we speak individual period P (wavelength), which gives the pitch of the tone. p = air because it displays the spec- phonemes pressure at eardrum. The lower diagram shows the waveform trum of sound (figure 7.18). produced by playing the same note (pitch) on a musical instru- ment – in this case, a violin. The period (wavelength) of the waveform is the same, hence the similarity in pitch. The extra Deducing sound direction complexity in the waveform gives the sound its timbre, which is what distinguishes the same note played on (say) a violin and a Although sound is less directional than light, information about trumpet. direction can be deduced from sound. The role of the pinna

Figure 7.18

The spectrogram of the word ‘phonetician’, showing the individual phonemes along the x-axis and the frequencies in Hz along the y-axis. The darker the blob, the more of the frequency is present. So, for example, the ‘f’ sound has a much broader spectrum of frequencies than the ‘o’ sound – which is why the ‘f’ sound is more like the sound of a waterfall (noise which contains all frequencies is called ‘white noise’). Each phoneme has a different frequency composition, and also varies across time. Source: www.ling.lu.se/research/speechtutorial/ tutorial.html PSY_C07.qxd 2/2/05 2:44 pm Page 152

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seems to be to route the sound towards the eardrum, but they into charged ions) when they dissolve in the saliva. Bitter and also produce small echoes, which allow us to distinguish some- sweet sensations arise from large non-ionizing molecules. Sour thing that is high up above us from something that is below us. tastes are produced by acids, which ionize to give a positively Horizontal information is given by comparing signals from the charged hydrogen ion. The umami taste is produced by specific two ears. For low frequencies (up to about 1000 Hz) the time of salts such as monosodium glutamate. arrival of each peak of the sound vibration contains this informa- tion. A sound wave coming from the right will reach our right ear about 1 ms before it reaches our left ear, and this 1 ms difference The mystery of smell is detected by the auditory system. For higher frequencies, where Olfaction (smell), on the other hand, is shrouded in mystery there are too many wave crests per second for a 1 ms difference (figure 7.20 shows the olfactory system). We do not understand to be meaningful, it is the amplitude of the sound that matters. much about how the receptors in the nose respond to different A source to our right will project a higher amplitude to the right trigger molecules carried in the air that we breathe. It seems a fair ear than to the left ear, since the head attenuates sound (in assumption that these airborne molecules interact with specific other words, sound reduces in amplitude as it passes through the receptors to elicit certain sensations. Unlike the other senses, head by being partially absorbed). This, too, provides directional there is a vast array of receptor types, possibly up to 1000 (see information. Axel, 1995). Subjectively, it seems that smell elicits certain memories and TASTING AND SMELLING is notoriously hard to describe verbally. The flavour of a food

We know that information travels to our chemical senses (taste and smell) much more slowly and lingers after the stimulus has gone. Simple logic will therefore suggest that the time-course of the transduction is less critical than for hearing and vision. A matter of taste

Gustation (taste) is relatively simple in that it encodes only five dimensions of the stimulus: sourness, sweetness, saltiness, bitter- ness, and ‘umami’, which is a taste similar to monosodium gluta- mate. The receptors for taste – our taste buds – are on the surface of the tongue. Figure 7.19 shows a microscope image of mammalian taste buds. Different types of chemical molecules interact differently with the taste buds specialized for the five different taste sensa- tions. Salty sensations arise from molecules that ionize (separate

Figure 7.20

The human olfactory system. Molecules containing those chem- Figure 7.19 ical substances that produce the sense of odour interact with cilia in the olfactory epithelium. Source: www.sfn.org/content/ Taste buds on the mammalian tongue. Publications/BrainBriefings/smell.html PSY_C07.qxd 2/2/05 2:44 pm Page 153

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is conveyed by a combination of its smell and taste. Flavours system, and without it we could not walk without staggering. You are described by a complex set of references to substances that can see impairment of this system in someone who has con- possess elements of these flavours. For example, wine experts sumed too much alcohol. Motion sickness and dizziness are asso- talk about the ‘nose’ of a wine, meaning its smell; the early taste ciated with unusual output from the vestibular system. sensation is the ‘palate’, and the late taste sensation is the ‘finish’. In the skin senses, the transducers are nerve endings located The tasting terminology is esoteric and has a poetic quality, with around the surface of the body. There are also inner senses words like ‘angular’, ‘lush’, and ‘rustic’. that tell us, for example, about muscle tension and joint position, which have detectors distributed in all the muscles and joints of the body. These work together with our vestibular sys- INVISIBLE FORCES AND PHANTOM LIMBS tem to coordinate our movements and maintain balance and posture. The somatosenses, which detect things like pressure, vibration Many people who have had limb amputations report that and temperature, are normally grouped into the skin senses, the they still feel that they have the amputated limb, and often say internal senses and the vestibular senses. It is important for us that this ‘phantom limb’ is causing them great pain. Research by to know which way up we are, and how we are moving (espe- Ramachandran and Blakesee (1999) on patients who have such cially how we are accelerating). This is achieved by a part of the feelings shows that the representation of touch by neurons in inner ear called the semicircular canals, which contain small the brain can be changed, resulting in a remapping of the body’s lumps immersed in a viscous fluid. When we move, these lumps tactile representation of itself. So, for example, touching the move within the fluid. The lumps are in contact with hair cells cheek of a patient elicited an apparent sensation in the phantom (like those in the cochlea), and the motion of the lumps in the thumb. fluid bends the hair cells and results in neural messages, which The ‘motor homunculus’ (see chapter 3) shows the sensory are relayed to the vestibular representations of different parts of the body in the cortex. The nuclei in the brainstem (see proximity of the representations of the different parts of the body vestibular system located in the inner chapter 3). in this mapping, and the remapping of neurons within this after a ear, this responds to acceleration and This type of sense is limb amputation, is the probable reason for these remarkable allows us to maintain body posture referred to as the vestibular effects.

Research close-up 2 Are faces special? The research issue Prosopagnosia is the inability to identify familiar faces. This disorder occurs rarely as an isolated deficit, but when it does it can help us to understand whether there is a specific region of the brain devoted to the processing and identification of familiar faces. Prosopagnosia has previously been associated with damage to the medial occipito-temporal region of the brain, espe- cially on the right. But in brain-damaged patients it is almost impossible to locate the precise site of damage accurately. There is also a question mark over whether we can necessarily infer the functioning of any part of a complex system from the effects of damaging or removing (i.e. in surgical cases) that part. (This last point is very important conceptually and applies to the types of inferences that we can validly make in any case of brain injury; for example, it also applies to patient M.P. referred to in Research close-up 1.) Fortunately, in recent years it has been possible to investigate the brain regions involved in prosopagnosia in another way: by using functional brain imaging (see chapter 3) to study neural activity in the brains of prosopagnosic patients when they are shown familiar faces and are asked to identify them. We can also compare how the brains of prosopagnosic patients become activated relative to the brains of non-prosopagnosic individuals who are given the same familiar face identification task. Using this approach, functional imaging has revealed a focal region in the right fusiform gyrus activated specifically dur- ing face perception. Because no investigative technique is perfect, and we want to be absolutely certain that we have identified the correct brain region, we can give similar tasks to patients with brain damage in the fusiform gyrus.

Design and procedure This study attempted to determine whether lesions of the fusiform gyrus are associated with deficits in face perception in patients with prosopagnosia. PSY_C07.qxd 2/2/05 2:44 pm Page 154

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Five patients with prosopagnosia due to acquired brain injury were tested. The patients were asked to discriminate faces in which the spatial configuration of the facial features had been altered. Face stimuli in the study differed quantitatively with respect to vertical mouth position and distance between the eyes.

Results and implications The findings of the study revealed:

1. that all four patients whose lesions included the right fusiform face area were severely impaired in discriminating changes in the spatial position of facial features; 2. the fifth patient who manifested more anterior bilateral lesions was normal in this perceptual ability; and 3. when participants knew that only changes in mouth position would be shown, face processing performance improved markedly in two of the four patients who were impaired in the initial test.

Finding (1) indicates that perception of facial configuration is impaired in patients with prosopagnosia whose lesions involve the right fusiform gyrus. Finding (2) indicates that this impairment does not occur with more anterior bilateral lesions, while finding (3) indicates that this impairment is especially manifested when attention has to be distributed across numerous facial elements. The researchers concluded that the loss of ability to perceive this type of facial configuration may contribute to the identification deficits that occur in some forms of prosopagnosia. It might also be possible for the findings to be employed in developing techniques for prosopagnosic patients to identify faces more efficiently, for example by encouraging them to focus their attention on individual facial features. Note also that the findings of this study are consistent with a study conducted by Hadjikhani and de Gelder (2003). They found, using functional neuroimaging techniques, that patients suffering from prosopagnosia showed no activation of the fusiform gyrus when viewing faces compared to normal controls.

Barton, J.J.S., Press, D.Z., Keenan, J.P., & O’Connor, M., 2002, ‘Lesions of the fusiform face area impair perception of facial configuration in prosopagnosia’, Neurology, 58, 71–8.

FINAL THOUGHTS

We have explored the nature of the information in the outside world, and the methods by which this can be transduced to neural mes- sages by sense organs. It remains to ask precisely what ‘sensation’ is and how it differs from ‘perception’. In this chapter, there has been no talk of object recog- nition, of knowing how far away something is, or of knowing what shape it is. These are all examples of perception, which will be dealt with in the next chapter. Sensation refers to a process that occurs earlier in the stream of processing and works out general descriptions of stimuli in terms of features such as brightness, colour, loudness, smell, and so on. These features have nothing to do with a particular object, but can be used to describe any object. This seems to be the goal of early sensory processing – to reduce the incoming stream of information to a code, a set of descriptors or features, which can describe any stimulus in a way that can then drive higher-level processes such as recognition. PSY_C07.qxd 2/2/05 2:44 pm Page 155

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Summary

n There are different types of physical energy, which convey various types of information about the external and the internal world. Different forms of energy require different types of apparatus to detect them. n Light information is instantaneous, works over large distances, gives highly precise directional information, and can tell us about properties of distant objects. n There are good reasons why certain animals have vision that responds in the ultra-violet and infra-red light. n Information from retinal cones in humans is processed in a manner that describes each point in the scene in terms of its colour and relative intensity. n Sound information travels in lines that are not straight, so we cannot use it to determine locations in space as well as we can with light. n Sound travels less quickly than light, so its time-of-arrival information can tell us about the direction of the sound source and also the locations of reflecting surfaces around us. n We can produce sound both by tapping the ground with sticks and, even more importantly, by using our in-built speech pro- duction system. This makes sound the medium of choice for complex interpersonal communication. n Sound information is analysed, at the moment of transduction, into frequency and amplitude components, and these give rise to the sensations of pitch and loudness. More complex sounds are analysed on this scheme as well, allowing the possibility of analysing speech and other complex signals.

REVISION QUESTIONS

1. Why do you think there are problems with asking people to describe their subjective experiences? Might it be difficult to interpret such data? 2. How does information conveyed by light differ from that conveyed by sound? For which tasks are these different kinds of information useful? 3. Why are humans unable to see infra-red and ultra-violet radiation? What animals respond to these types of radiation? 4. How does the sensation of colour arise from the cone responses to light of a given wavelength com- position? What tasks are made much easier by having colour vision? 5. How does the human auditory system transpose sound energy into an internal representation? How does speech get analysed by this system? 6. Why do we have senses other than vision and hearing? What are their properties, and what happens when these senses malfunction?

FURTHER READING Bruce, V., Green, P.R., & Georgeson, M. (2003). Visual Perception: Physiology, Psychology and Ecology. 4th edn. Hove: Psychology Press. A detailed and up-to-date account of research on visual perception, with an emphasis on the functional context of vision. Gazzaniga, M., Ivry, R.B., & Mangun, G.R. (2002). Cognitive Neuroscience: The Biology of the Mind. 2nd edn. New York: Norton. Excellent textbook dealing with the material covered here in greater detail. Gregory, R.L. (1997). Eye and Brain: The Psychology of Seeing. 5th edn. Oxford: Oxford University Press. A very readable account of visual perception. Moore, B.C.J. (2003). An Introduction to the Psychology of Hearing. 5th edn. London: Academic Press. An excellent textbook on hearing. Sekuler, R., & Blake, R. (2001). Perception. 4th edn. New York: McGraw-Hill. A textbook which deals with all the senses covered in this chapter.

Contributing author: Tom Troscianko PSY_C08.qxd 1/2/05 3:33 pm Page 156

Perception 8

CHAPTER OUTLINE LEARNING OBJECTIVES INTRODUCTION PERCEPTION AND ILLUSION When seeing goes wrong Theories of perception Spotting the cat in the grass Explaining after-effects MAKING SENSE OF THE WORLD Grouping and segmentation Visual search – or finding the car How do we know what we see? Seeing without knowing SEEING WHAT WE KNOW Perception or hallucination? Resolving visual ambiguity Tricks of the light Non-visual knowledge and perceptual set PERCEPTUAL LEARNING How training influences performance Top-down mechanisms FINAL THOUGHTS SUMMARY REVISION QUESTIONS FURTHER READING PSY_C08.qxd 1/2/05 3:33 pm Page 157

Learning Objectives

By the end of this chapter you should appreciate that:

n the efficiency of our perceptual mechanisms is acquired over many years of individual learning experience;

n as perceptual knowledge grows and accumulates, it enables ever more efficient interpretation of the stimuli that impinge upon our sensory receptors;

n our almost effortless ability to perceive the world around us is achieved by a number of inter-connected regions in the brain;

n corresponding to these anatomical connections, there are continual interactions between conceptually driven processes and the current sensory inflow from the environment;

n usually this two-way interaction improves the operation of the system, but sometimes this is not the case, and illusions occur;

n the study of illusions and the effects of brain injury provide valuable information about the mechanisms of perception;

n there is an important interaction between psychological and biological studies of perception.

INTRODUCTION

Which is the harder of these two problems? 2018, choose a smaller number and try again. If this answer is smaller than 2018, choose a larger 1. Work out the square root of 2018 in your number (but smaller than the initial number you head. thought of), and so on. It is possible to program 2. As you walk past your neighbour’s garden, a computer to find the square root of any number decide whether the cat in the long grass is by following rules like this. moving or not. The goal of people who study perception is to For most people, the answer is the square root discover the rules that the brain uses to solve problem. Indeed, the second problem does not problems like that demonstrated by the ‘cat in the seem like a problem at all. We usually make such garden’ example. Although we have made some judgements effortlessly every day without thinking progress towards this goal, it is much easier to about them. But when it comes to saying how we program a machine to find a square root than to might solve the problems, the order of difficulty program it to see. Perhaps one third of the human probably reverses. brain is devoted to seeing, which not only demon- Think of a number smaller than 2018 and strates that it must be difficult, but also perhaps multiply it by itself. If the answer is greater than explains why it seems to be so easy. PSY_C08.qxd 1/2/05 3:33 pm Page 158

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of coherence in the pattern of motion on the retina suggests PERCEPTION AND ILLUSION the motion of objects, instead of (or as well as) motion of the observer. Think back to what happened as you were walking past your WHEN SEEING GOES WRONG neighbour’s garden. The patterns of movement in the retinal images caused by the movements of your body and your eyes One way of uncovering the processes of seeing is to look at the were mostly coherent. The exceptions were caused by the move- circumstances in which they go wrong. For example, returning to ments of the long grasses in the breeze and the tiny movements the ‘cat in the garden’ problem, suppose that, when you were of the cat as it stalked a bird, which were superimposed on the walking past your neighbour’s garden, you were on your way to coherent movements caused by your own motion. the station. When you arrived, you boarded your train, then you The visual system needs to detect discrepancies in the pattern waited, and waited...At last you sighed with relief as the train of retinal motion and alert its owner to them, because these dis- started to move...but then the back of the train on the adjacent crepancies may signal vital information such as the presence of track went past your carriage window and you saw the motion- potential mates, prey or predators (as in the case of the cat and less platform opposite. Your train had not moved at all, but your the bird). Indeed, when the discrepancies are small, the visual sys- brain had interpreted the movement of the other train – incor- tem exaggerates them to reflect their relative importance. rectly – as caused by your own movement, not that of the object in the world. Contrast illusions and after-effects

Why are we fooled? Some further examples of perceptual phenomena that result from this process of exaggeration are shown in the Everyday Psychology How does your brain decide what is moving in the world and box. These are known collectively as simultaneous contrast illu- what is not? What can we discover from the train experience sions. In each case the central regions of the stimuli are identical, about how seeing works? but their surrounds differ. Panel A (figure 8.1) lets you experience As we look at a scene full of stationary objects, an image is the simultaneous tilt illusion, in which vertical stripes appear formed on the retina at the back of each eye (see chapter 7). If we tilted away from the tilt of their surrounding stripes. Panel B move our eyes, the image shifts across each retina. Note that all shows the luminance illusion: a grey patch appears lighter when parts of the image move at the same velocity in the same direc- surrounded by a dark area than when surrounded by a light area. tion. Similarly, as we look through the window of a moving train, Panel C shows the same effect for colour: a purple patch appears but keep our eyes still, the same thing happens: our entire field of slightly closer to blue when surrounded by red, and closer to red view through the window is filled with objects moving at a sim- when seen against a blue background. There is also an exactly ilar direction and velocity (though the latter varies with their analogous effect for motion, as well as for other visual dimen- relative distance from the train). sions such as size and depth. In the first case, the brain subtracts the movements of the eyes Suppose your train finally started and travelled for some time (which it knows about, because it caused them) from the motion at high speed while you gazed fixedly out of the window. You in the retinal image to give the perception of its owner being may have noticed another movement-related effect when your stationary in a stationary world. In the second scenario, the eyes train stopped again at the next station. Although the train, you, have not moved, but there is motion in the retinal image. and the station platform were not physically moving with respect Because of the coherence of the scene (i.e. images of objects at to each other, the platform may have appeared to drift slowly in the same distance moving at the same velocity), the brain (cor- the direction in which you had been travelling. rectly) attributes this to movement of itself, not to that of the rest This is another case of being deceived by the mechanisms in of the world. our nervous systems. This time what is being exaggerated is the To return to the situation in which we may be fooled by the difference between the previously continuous motion of the reti- movement of the other train into thinking that our train is mov- nal image (produced by the train’s motion) and the present lack ing – notice that, although the visual information produced by of motion (produced by the current scene of a stationary plat- the two situations (your train stationary, other train moving, form), to make it appear that the latter is moving. Such effects are or vice versa) is identical, other sensory information is not. In known as successive contrast illusions, because visual mechan- principle, the vestibular system can signal self-motion as your isms are exaggerating the difference between stimuli presented at train moves. However, slow acceleration produces only a weak different times in succession (compared with simultaneous con- vestibular signal, and this (or its absence, as in the present case, if trast illusions, in which the stimulus features are present at the we are in fact stationary) can often be dominated by strong visual same time). signals. A famous example of this effect is the ‘waterfall illusion’, which Of course, objects in the world are not always stationary. has been known since antiquity, although the first reliable de- But objects that do not fill the entire visual field cause patterns scription was not given until 1834 (by Robert Addams: see Mather of movement which are piecemeal, fractured and unpredictable. et al., 1998). If you gaze at a rock near a waterfall for 30–60 sec- One object may move to the right, another to the left, and so onds and then transfer your gaze to a point on the banks of the on, or one object may move to partially obscure another. So lack waterfall, you will notice a dramatic upward movement of the PSY_C08.qxd 1/2/05 3:33 pm Page 159

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banks, which lasts for several Panel B offers the luminance after-effect: after staring at a dark patch, after-effect change in the perception of seconds before they return a grey patch appears lighter, and after staring at a white patch the a sensory quality (e.g. colour, loudness, to their normal stationary grey patch appears darker. Panel C shows the colour after-effect: warmth) following a period of stimula- appearance. Because the first after staring at a red patch a yellow patch appears yellow-green, tion, indicating that selective adaptation stimulus induces an altera- and after staring at a green patch a yellow patch appears orange. has occurred tion in the subsequently Like the simultaneous contrast illusions, these after-effects viewed stimulus, this and demonstrate that the visual system makes a comparison between other similar illusions are often known as after-effects. stimuli when calculating the characteristics of any stimulus Several further examples of successive contrast are given in the feature. Everyday Psychology section of this chapter. In each case the adapt- These illusions are not just for fun, though. They also give us ing field is shown in the left-hand column and the test field is vital clues as to how we see, hear, touch, smell and taste under shown on the right. Now look at figure 8.2. Panel A lets you experi- normal circumstances. Indeed, there are three general theories ence the tilt after-effect, in which vertical stripes appear tilted about how we perceive, and these illusions help us to decide clockwise after staring at anti-clockwise tilted stripes, and vice versa. between them.

Everyday Psychology Illusions and after-effects In everyday life you may encounter visual illusions and after-effects that you are unaware of. Although we rarely encounter these illusions and after-effects in their pure A form, they are important components of our world and our visual experience of it. They also help us to understand how we see, hear, touch, smell and taste under normal circumstances. The central parts of figure 8.1 are identical in each panel.

A The tilt illusion: both central circles are filled with ver- tical stripes, but they appear tilted in the opposite direction to the stripes in the surrounding regions. B The luminance contrast effect: both central squares B are of identical physical luminance, but the one on the lighter background appears darker than the other. C A colour illusion: both central panels are the same shade of purple, but the one on the red background appears bluer than the other.

You have probably experienced these contrast phenomena unconsciously in your everyday life, where the perception of an object is influenced by its surroundings. In these examples you become conscious of these contrast effects because they are presented to you simultaneously – you C cannot ‘ignore’ them! In each panel in figure 8.2, the right-hand pair of stimuli is the test field and the left-hand pair is the adapting field. Before adapting, gaze at the central black dot between the upper and lower stimuli in each test pair and note that the latter appear identical. Then adapt by gazing at the spot (or in A by running your eyes slowly back and forward over the horizontal bar) between the upper and lower adapting stimuli. After about 30 seconds, switch your gaze back to Figure 8.1 the spot between the two test stimuli, and note any dif- Simultaneous contrast illusions. ference in their appearance. PSY_C08.qxd 1/2/05 3:33 pm Page 160

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A The tilt after-effect: after adapting to clockwise A stripes (upper stimulus), vertical stripes appear tilted anti-clockwise, and after adapting to anti- clockwise stripes (lower stimulus), vertical stripes appear tilted clockwise. B The luminance after-effect (after-image): after adapt- ing to a dark patch (upper stimulus), a mid-grey patch appears lighter, and after adapting to a white patch (lower stimulus), the similar grey patch now appears darker. C The colour after-effect (coloured after-image): after adapting to a red patch (upper stimulus), a yellow patch appears tinged with green, and after adapting to a green patch (lower stimulus), a yellow patch appears orange. (Hint: try looking at a blank white area too, or the right pair of stimuli in panel B!)

B How might we explain the tilt after-effect? Most psycholo- gists working in this field assume that different orienta- tions of visual stimuli are coded by visual channels with overlapping sensitivities (‘tuning curves’), and that per- ceived orientation is coded by a combination of the out- puts of these channels (see figure 8.3). Vertical test stimuli arouse activity in three channels, whose distribution is symmetrical about the central one of those three. A stimulus tilted 5 degrees anti-clockwise generates an asymmetrical distribution. Prolonged expos- ure to a +20 degree tilted stimulus leads to a graded reduction in the sensitivities of the three channels that respond to it. So the channel whose preferred orientation is +20 degrees shows the greatest reduction in sensitivity, and the channels preferring 0 and +40 degrees show an C equal but smaller reduction. Because the graded reduction in channel sensitivity is not symmetrical around vertical, the vertical stimulus now evokes a pattern of activity that is asymmetrical about ver- tical. In this case, the pattern is identical to that caused by stimuli tilted 5 degrees anti-clockwise in normal visual systems. So, combining the channel activities after adaptation creates a misperception of the stimulus’ true orientation. Vertical lines therefore appear to be tilted 5 degrees anti- clockwise – i.e. in the opposite direction to that of the adapting stimulus.

Gregory, R.L., 1997, Eye and Brain: The Psychology of Seeing, 5th edn, Oxford: Oxford University Press. Figure 8.2

After-effects.

THEORIES OF PERCEPTION stimulus (convert it from one form of energy to another – see chapter 7). In the case of vision, further processing then occurs in the retina before the results of the analysis are sent up the optic The serial model nerve, to the thalamus, and then to the primary visual cortex. In other sensory modalities, the signals pass to their own ‘primary’ It is natural to assume that sensory processing proceeds through sensory areas of cerebral cortex for interpretation (see chapters 3 a series of stages. Obviously, the sense organs first transduce the and 7). PSY_C08.qxd 1/2/05 3:33 pm Page 161

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For all sensory modalit- serial model the assumption that per- SPOTTING THE CAT IN THE GRASS ies, there are then several ception takes place in a series of discrete further stages of processing stages, and that information passes which occur within the cor- Selective adaptation from one stage to the next in one direc- tex itself. Indeed, as much tion only as one half of the cortex An important early stage of vision is finding out which bits of the is involved purely in per- retinal image correspond to what kinds of physical thing ‘out ceptual analysis (mostly in there’ in the world. Our visual system first needs to discover the parallel processing perceptual pro- vision). At each stage, further locations of objects, their colours, movements, shapes, cessing in which it is assumed that work takes place to analyse adaptation decline in the response of and so on. This process can different aspects of perception occur what is happening in the a sensory or perceptual system that be demonstrated by the tech- simultaneously and independently (e.g. environment. Because sev- occurs if the stimulus remains constant the processing of colour by one set of eral such steps are involved, nique of selective adaptation. neural mechanisms at the same time this way of understanding Whenever we enter a new as luminance is being processed by perception as a sequence of environment, our sensory systems adjust their properties quite another set) processes is known as the rapidly (over the course of a few seconds), optimizing their abil- serial model. ity to detect any small change away from the steady background But the serial model is conditions. This is because interesting and important stimuli are now known to be inade- usually ones that deviate suddenly in some way from the back- recurrent processing occurs when the quate, or at least incomplete. ground (such as a tiger jumping out from behind a tree). later stages of sensory processing influ- So it has been replaced, or at Remember the cat in the grass: its tiny movements had to be ence the earlier stages (top-down), as least modified, firstly by extracted from the pattern of coherent movement on the retina the output of a processing operation is the parallel processing model produced by your movements as you walked past. fed back into the processing mechanism and then, most recently, By staring at something for a time (selective adaptation), we itself to alter how that mechanism sub- by the recurrent processing produce an unchanging pattern of stimulation on one region of sequently processes its next input model. the retina, and the visual system starts to treat this as the steady background, and lowers its sensitivity to it. When we stop staring at this same location, it takes a while for our vision to return to normal, and we can notice during this period of compensation The parallel processing model that the world looks different. These differences represent the after-effects of adaptation. According to the parallel processing model, analysis of differ- This whole process of adaptation is described as selective ent stimulus attributes, such as identity and location, proceeds because only some perceptual properties are affected. The adapta- simultaneously along different pathways, even from the earliest tions are restricted to stimuli similar to the one that has been stages. For example, the fact that there are cones (of three stared at. types, maximally sensitive to different wavelengths of light) Many kinds of visual after-effect have been discovered (as we and rods in the retina (see chapter 7) is evidence for multiple can see in Everyday Psychology). These clear and robust phe- mechanisms that extract information in parallel from the retinal nomena are not confined to vision, but are found in touch, taste, image. smell and hearing also. For example:

1. After running your fingers over fine sandpaper, medium The recurrent processing model sandpaper feels coarser (and vice versa). 2. After listening to a high tone for a while, a medium tone The recurrent model emphasizes that the effects of a stimulus on appears lower. the higher centres of the brain not only influence our subjective 3. Musicians often build their music to a loud and cacophonous perception but also feed back down to modulate the ‘early’ stages crescendo just before a sudden transition to a slow, quiet of processing. ‘Higher’ stages of processing are taken to be those passage, which then seems even more mellow and tranquil that exist anatomically further away from the sensory receptors, than it otherwise would. and are also those with more ‘cognitive’ as opposed to primarily 4. Holding your hand under running cold (or hot) water ‘sensory’ functions, i.e. where learning, memory and thinking before testing the temperature of baby’s bath water will enter into the processing. As we shall see, a substantial amount of lead you to misperceive how comfortable the water will be evidence has now accumulated indicating that the influence of for the baby. This is why you are always advised to test the these higher functions can be seen at almost all stages of sensory temperature with your elbow. analysis, thereby casting serious doubt on the existence of sharp 5. After eating chocolate, orange juice tastes more tart. divisions between serial stages of sensation, perception and cog- 6. When we enter a dark room, it takes a few minutes for our nition. First, however, let us look at evidence for the parallel pro- receptors to adapt, and we begin to notice things that had cessing model. been simply too faint to activate those receptors at first. PSY_C08.qxd 1/2/05 3:33 pm Page 162

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EXPLAINING AFTER-EFFECTS 0 degrees), and progressively less strongly to stimuli further and further from that optimal orientation of line (either clockwise or anti-clockwise). Another channel has the same degree of selectiv- It can be helpful to think of an object (or visual stimulus) as hav- ity but responds best to lines tilted to the right by 20 degrees. A ing a single value along each of several property dimensions. For third channel is similar but ‘prefers’ (or is ‘tuned’ to) tilt in the example, a line’s orientation could be anywhere between −90 and opposite direction from vertical (−20 degrees). The orientations +90 degrees with respect to vertical. And an object’s colour could over which these latter two channels respond overlap, so they be anywhere between violet (shortest visible wavelength) and red respond weakly but equally to zero tilt (vertical stimuli), as (longest visible wavelength). shown in panel B. Finally, we include two outermost channels, The general rule that describes perceptual after-effects is that which respond best to 40 degrees (+40 deg) clockwise and 40 adapting to some value along a particular dimension (say +20 degrees anti-clockwise (−40 deg.). These two channels do not degrees from vertical) makes a different value (say 0 degrees) respond at all to vertical lines. This system of channels can signal appear even more different (say −5 degrees). For this reason, orientations which do not correspond to the preferred orienta- these phenomena are sometimes called negative after-effects. tion of any single channel. Panel C shows the pattern of activation The after-effect is in the opposite direction (along the stimulus produced by a line tilted 5 degrees anticlockwise. Compared with dimension) away from the adapting stimulus, rather than moving activity produced by a vertical line, activity in the −20 degree the perceived value towards that of the adapting stimulus. channel has increased and that in the other two channels has What do these effects tell us about how perceptual systems decreased. encode information about the environment? How is the information from all these channels combined when a visual stimulus is presented? There is likely to be a pro- The existence and properties of channels cess that combines the activities across all channels, weighted according to the level of activity in each channel. Such a process One implication of after-effects is that different features, or dimen- finds the ‘centre of gravity’ of the distribution of activity. The sions, of a stimulus are dealt with separately. Each dimension is, centre of gravity (in statistical terms, the weighted mean) corres- in turn, coded by a number of separate mechanisms, often called ponds to the perceived orientation of the stimulus. channels, which respond select- ively to stimuli of different channel transmits a restricted range of values along that particular The tilt after-effect sensory information (e.g. in the case of dimension. Each channel re- colour, information about a restricted sponds in a graded fashion to During prolonged stimulation, the activity in the stimulated range of wavelengths, but no informa- a small range of neighbouring channels falls – in other words, channels ‘adapt’. This fall is pro- tion about the movement or orienta- values of the stimulus dimen- portional to the amount of activity, so adaptation is greatest in tion of the stimulus) sion. So several channels the most active channels. After the stimulus is removed, recovery respond to any given stimu- occurs slowly. We can see the effects of adaptation by presenting lus, but to differing extents. The channel that most closely pro- test, or ‘probe’, stimuli in the period shortly after the adapting cesses (i.e. is most selective for) the stimulus will give the greatest stimulus has been removed. For example, think back to the output, channels selective for nearby stimuli will give a lesser waterfall illusion: when you gaze at a waterfall and then transfer output, and so on. For example, different channels may select- your gaze to a point on the banks of the waterfall, you notice an ively code for different angles of orientation of visual stimuli, apparent dramatic upward movement of the banks. from horizontal round to vertical. So we can explain the tilt after-effect as follows. Initially, all This enables us to give a simple explanation of after-effects, channels have equal sensitivity (as in panel A, figure 8.3). During illustrated in this chapter using the tilt after-effect (Blakemore, presentation of a vertical stimulus, the distribution of active chan- 1973). Perception depends not on the output of any single chan- nels is symmetrical about zero, so the perceived orientation cor- nel, but on a combination of the outputs of all the active channels responds to the actual stimulus orientation – i.e. vertical (panel B, (see chapter 7 for a related discussion). This is because a given figure 8.3). A stimulus that falls between the optimal values of level of activity in any single channel might be caused by a weak two channels is also seen veridically (that is, true to its actual ori- (say, low contrast) stimulus of its optimal type (such as a vertical entation) by taking the centre of gravity of the activity pattern; line for a channel that responds best to vertical lines) or an intense this is how we see, for example, a small degree of tilt away from (high contrast) stimulus away from the optimal (such as a line vertical (panel C, figure 8.3). With stimuli tilted 20 degrees clock- tilted 20 degrees). So the output of a single channel on its own is wise, the active channels are also symmetrically distributed and ambiguous. have a centre of gravity at 20 degrees, so perception is again For the sake of simplicity, we will look at the relationship veridical (panel D, figure 8.3). between just five channels (see figure 8.3), although in practice But during a prolonged presentation of such a stimulus (for, there are many more. In panel A, each bell shaped curve (‘tuning say, 60 seconds), the 20 degree channel adapts and its sensitiv- curve’) represents the activity in one channel produced by lines ity declines. The reduction in each channel’s sensitivity is propor- of different orientations. One channel responds most strongly tional to the amount that it is excited by the stimulus, so the 0 to vertical lines (the channel whose tuning curve is centred on degree and 40 degree channels are also adapted and have become PSY_C08.qxd 1/2/05 3:33 pm Page 163

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A D

Activation during stimulation + Sensitivities Activity at 20 deg before adaptation Sensitivity

–60 –40 –20 0 +20 +40 +60 Stimulus orientation (deg) E

B Sensitivities Activation after 60 sec during adaptation to +20 deg stimulation Sensitivity

Activity with vertical lines

–60 –40 –20 0 +20 +40 +60 Stimulus orientation (deg)

Perceived orientation C F

Activation Activation during during stimulation vertical test Activity at –5 deg Activity stimulation

Figure 8.3

An explanation for after-effects.

less sensitive due to the presentation of this stimulus tilted 20 been reduced by the prior adaptation to a 20 degree stimulus. So degrees clockwise, although to a smaller extent than the 20 degree the −20 degree channel will clearly be more active than the +20 channel. (The two channels that respond best to anti-clockwise degree channel, although its normal optimal is equally far from tilts are not adapted at all.) The effects on sensitivity in the channel the vertical orientation of the stimulus. The distribution of activ- system of adapting to +20 deg stimulus are shown in panel E, ity across channels will therefore be asymmetrical, with its mean figure 8.3. Sensitivity is reduced most in the +20 deg channel, and shifted towards negative tilts. So, after adaptation to a +20 deg to a lesser but equal extent in the 0 and +40 deg channels. stimulus, the pattern of activity in the channel system produced What happens when we present a test stimulus whose tilt is by a vertical test stimulus will be identical to that produced before zero (panel F, figure 8.3)? The −20 degree channel will give a adaptation by a −5 deg stimulus (compare panels C and F, figure 8.3). small output, as normal, because the stimulus is away from the So the observer’s percept is of a tilt at 5 degrees to the left. Finally, channel’s optimal orientation, although within the range of tilts as the channel’s sensitivities return to normal after adaptation, so to which it is sensitive. But the output of the +20 degree channel the apparent orientation of the test bar changes back to vertical. will be even smaller, not only because the stimulus is not optimal This general idea can explain other after-effects too, such as for the channel, but also because the channel’s sensitivity has those for luminance and colour, for texture, pitch, and so on. PSY_C08.qxd 1/2/05 3:33 pm Page 164

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Localization and inter-ocular transfer In other words, the visual system appears initially to decompose the scene into its constituent parts and to analyse these separately Other characteristics of the underlying mechanisms can also be (i.e. in parallel). inferred from the properties of after-effects. For example, visual after-effects are usually confined to the adapted region of the visual field. So staring at a small red patch does not change the perceived colour of the whole visual field but only of a local MAKING SENSE OF THE WORLD region. This point is emphasized in figures 8.1 and 8.2, which demonstrate that opposite after-effects can be induced simultan- eously above and below the fixation point in each panel. GROUPING AND SEGMENTATION In addition, most visual after-effects show inter-ocular The patches of light and shade that form a retinal image are inter-ocular transfer the adaptation or transfer. This means that if produced by a world of objects. The task of the visual system is learning that occurs when a training the observer stares at a stimu- to represent these objects and their spatial relationships. An stimulus is inspected with one eye and lus with only one eye, the tilt important step towards this goal is to work out which local a test stimulus is subsequently inspected and other after-effects can be regions of the retinal image share common physical characteris- with the other eye experienced not only with tics, and which do not. These processes are known as grouping the adapted eye but also with and segmentation, respectively. the corresponding retinal region in the other eye, which is not Many of the stimulus attributes that give visual after-effects, adapted. These two properties suggest that such after-effects are and are probably encoded at an early stage of cortical processing, mediated by mechanisms that are linked to a particular region of are also important in segmentation and grouping. Figure 8.4 the visual field and can be accessed by both eyes. In other words, shows a display used in a classic study by Beck (1966), who pre- they suggest that the mechanisms underlying these after-effects sented his observers with three adjacent patches of texture. Their are located centrally (i.e. within the brain) after information con- task was to decide which of the two boundaries between the veyed from the two eyes has converged, rather than peripherally three regions was most salient, or prominent. They chose the (i.e. within each eye or monocular pathway). boundary between the upright and tilted Ts, even though, when Neurophysiologists recording the electrical activity in single presented with examples of single texture elements, they said that nerve cells in the visual systems of cats and monkeys have dis- the reversed L was more different from the upright T than was covered that in area V1 (the cortical area where information from the tilted T. the eyes first arrives – see figure 8.10, below), many neurons have This suggests that similarities and differences in orientation properties that would enable them to mediate visual after-effects. between elements of different textures, rather than their perceived Different neurons in V1 respond to the orientation, size, direction similarity when presented in isolation, govern whether elements of motion, colour and distance from the animal of simple stimuli of different types are grouped or segregated. Segmentation and such as bars or gratings. grouping can also be done on the basis of motion (Braddick, Many of the neurons in V1 are binocular, meaning their activ- 1974), depth ( Julesz, 1964, 1971) and size (Mayhew & Frisby, ity can be changed by stimuli presented to either eye. And they 1978) as well as colour and luminance. Figure 8.5 shows (A) an are linked to particular and corresponding places on each retina, array of randomly positioned identical vertical lines, in which no which means that a stimulus has to fall within a particular region sub-regions or boundaries appear, and (B) the same array but (receptive field) on one or both retinas to affect them. Neurons in with a sub-set of the lines coloured red. The region of red tex- V1 also, as you would expect in a mechanism which mediates the ture now appears as a figure against a background of black lines. tilt after-effect, adapt to visual stimulation, so their response to a In (C) the figure is defined by making the same sub-set of lines stimulus declines over time with repeated presentation (Maffei et al., 1973). The localized receptive fields and binocular characteristics of these neurons correlate very well with the perceptual character- istics of after-effects described above. Although adaptation occurs in other visual cortical areas, the neurons in area V1 are prime candidates for the mechanisms that underlie visual after-effects in people. One implication of this account of early visual processing is that the images of complex objects (trees, houses, people) are ini- tially analysed by mechanisms that respond to their local physical characteristics and have no connection with the identity of the objects themselves. From the point of view of a neuron in V1, the vertical blue edge moving to the left might as well belong to a Figure 8.4 train as to the shirt of the frustrated passenger who has just Grouping and segmentation by orientation. missed it and is running along the platform in desperation after it. PSY_C08.qxd 1/2/05 3:33 pm Page 165

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A

B

C Figure 8.5

Grouping and segmentation by colour, luminance and size, showing how similarities and differences in physical character- istics are powerful cues to seeing isolated elements as belong- ing together or as separate.

as in (B) of a different luminance rather than a different colour from those forming the background. And in (D) the figure is Figure 8.6 defined by making the local elements of a different width to those Grouping by proximity and similarity. in the background. In addition to the nature of the elements within a display, their spatial arrangement can also contribute to grouping. Figure 8.6 shows how proximity can interact with shape. In panel A, the VISUAL SEARCH – OR FINDING THE CAR equi-spaced circular dots can be grouped perceptually either in rows or in columns. The dots are all physically identical and their Look for a tilted line in figure vertical and horizontal separations are the same, so there is no 8.7A. Carrying out a visual visual search a type of experiment reason for one or the other possible grouping to be preferred. search for a target in an array in which the observer typically has to This ambiguity may be resolved so that the elements are grouped of distractors (in the present report whether or not a target is pre- as columns either by reducing the vertical separation of the dots case, vertical lines) is effort- sent among a large array of other items (panel B), or by changing the shapes of alternate columns of dots less and automatic: the target (distractors) (panel C). practically pops out from the The Gestalt psychologists array. In the same way, the region of texture formed from tilted first drew attention to effects Ts in figure 8.4 seems to stand out at first glance from the other of this type and attributed Gestalt psychologists a group of two textures. them to the operation of vari- German psychologists (and their fol- ous perceptual laws (though lowers) whose support for a construc- they were really re-describing tionist view of perception has been Parallel search the effects rather than ex- enshrined in several important prin- plaining them). Figure 8.6B Performance on visual search tasks is often measured by the time ciples, such as ‘the whole (in German, illustrates the Law of Proxim- it takes to complete the search. Psychologists then examine the Gestalt) is more than the sum of the ity and figure 8.6C the Law of effects of varying the nature of the difference between target and parts’ Similarity. distractors, and the number of distractors. When the target differs PSY_C08.qxd 1/2/05 3:33 pm Page 166

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A single feature, but on conjunctions of features. For example, the target might be a vertical red line in an array of vertical blue lines and tilted red lines (see figure 8.8A). In this scenario, search time for the target serial search a visual search task in is not constant, but instead which time to find the target increases rises with the number of dis- with the number of items in the stimu- tractors. The observer appar- lus display, suggesting that the observer ently searches through the must be processing items serially, or B display serially, scanning each sequentially 750 item (or small group of items) successively (serial search). This kind of task might arise in real life when you have forgot- 500 ten the location of your car in a large car park. You have to find a Positive trials blue Ford amongst an array of cars of many makes and colours, Negative trials where, for example, red Fords and blue Volkswagens are the dis- 250 tractors. The target does not pop out, but finding it requires effortful attentive scrutiny (Treisman & Gormican, 1988). When Search time (msec) search times are compared for scenes in which a target is or is not 0 present, the times rise with the number of visible items, but they 0510 15 rise twice as steeply when there is no target (see figure 8.8B). Number of items in display This is probably because, when there is a target present (which can occur anywhere in the visual display), on average, the Figure 8.7 observer has to scan half the items in the display to find it. When there is no target, on the other hand, the observer has to scan Pop-out and parallel visual search. Source: Based on Treisman and Gormican (1988). all the items in the display in order to be sure that no target is present.

from the distractors on only a single feature (such as tilt), the search time involved in making a decision whether or not a target is present is about the same whatever the number of dis- A tractors, and whether or not there is a target in the array (see figure 8.7B; Treisman & Gormican, 1988). In positive trials the target is present in the display, whereas in negative trials the parallel search a visual search task in target is absent in the display. which the time to find the target is inde- This pattern of performance pendent of the number of items in the is described as parallel search, stimulus array because the items are all as items from all over the dis- processed at the same time (in parallel) play are analysed separately B and simultaneously. 2000 As well as tilt, stimulus dimensions on which target/distractor differences allow parallel search include luminance (Gilchrist et al., 1500 1997), colour (Treisman & Gelade, 1980), size (Humphreys et al., 1994), curvature (Wolfe et al., 1992) and motion (McLeod Positive trials et al., 1988). This list of features is very similar to those that give 1000 Negative trials after-effects and govern grouping and segmentation. 500 Search time (msec) conjunction search visual search for Conjunction and a unique conjunction of two (or more) 0 0 10 20 30 40 visual features such as colour and serial search Number of items in the display orientation (e.g. a red tilted line) from Search tasks of this type can within an array of distractors, each of be contrasted with a second which manifests one of these features Figure 8.8 type, conjunction search, in alone (e.g. red vertical lines and green which the target/distractor Conjunction search. Source: based on Treisman & Gormican tilted lines) (1988). difference is not based on a PSY_C08.qxd 1/2/05 3:33 pm Page 167

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Feature integration theory

Based on findings from paral- S lel search and conjunction feature integration theory different search tasks, Treisman and S features of an object (e.g. colour, orienta- colleagues put forward a the- 64 tion, direction of motion) are thought S S ory – the feature integration to be analysed separately (and in parallel) theory – which sought to by several distinct mechanisms, and the explain the early stages of S role of attention is to ‘glue together’ object perception. This the- S these separate features to form a coher- ory has become very influ- ent representation ential (Treisman & Gelade, Figure 8.9 1980; Treisman & Schmidt, 1982). These authors sug- ‘Illusory conjunctions’ occur when features from one object gested that the individual features that make up an object (its are erroneously combined with features from another object. Source: Treisman (1986). colour, motion, orientation, and so on) are encoded separately and in parallel by pre-attentive cognitive mechanisms. How- ever, in order to perceive a whole object, the observer needs to ‘glue together’ (or integrate) these separate features, using visual attention. HOW DO WE KNOW WHAT WE SEE? One interesting prediction from the theory (which has been borne out by experiments) is that, if attention is diverted during Treisman’s ideas suggest that image features like colour and a conjunction search task, there would be nothing to hold the motion are analysed separately at an early stage of visual process- features of an object together, and they could then change loca- ing. As we shall see, this is consistent with evidence from anatom- tion to join inappropriately with features of other objects. For ical and physiological studies of the visual system, and studies of example, if observers are distracted by requiring them to identify humans with certain kinds of brain damage. two digits during the presentation of a display like that in figure Up to now we have dis- 8.9, they often report seeing dollar signs, even though the S and cussed visual neurons as feature detector a mechanism sensitive the straight line which make up the sign are never in the same feature detectors, responding to only one aspect of a stimulus, such as location. It is as though, pre- best to certain aspects of the red (for the colour dimension) or left- attentively, the S and the par- retinal image, such as the allel lines are ‘free-floating’ wards (for direction of motion) and illusory conjunctions perceptual phe- orientation or direction of and are able to combine to unaffected by the presence or value of nomena which may occur when several movement of an edge. But present objects that are not any other dimension of the stimulus different stimuli are presented simultan- recent studies suggest that, physically in the display. eously to an observer whose attention rather than forming part of a These so-called illusory con- has been diverted (e.g. the perception single homogeneous visual system, the feature detectors are junctions provide support for of a red cross and a green circle when embedded in several different sub-systems, in which information feature integration theory a red circle and a green cross are is processed separately, at least to some extent. (Treisman & Schmidt, 1982; presented) Treisman, 1986). Magno and parvo cells

The rods and cones in the retina function in dim and bright light, respectively. The cones are of three types, which are select- ive to different, if overlapping, ranges of light wavelength. The information from the cones is reorganized in the retina to give Pioneer green–red and blue–yellow opponent channels (see chapter 7). There is, in addition, a group of large retinal cells alongside Anne Treisman (1935– ), one of the pioneers of the empir- the smaller colour-opponent cells. These large cells respond to ical study of selective attention, went on to develop the the difference between the luminances (of any wavelength) influential feature integration theory. This theory suggests in their centre and surround- that attention involves the binding of feature information ing regions. They could magno (M) cell a large cell in the visual about an object across a network of parallel processing be described as black–white system (particularly, the retina and mechanisms, each of which handles separate and distinct opponent channels. The lateral geniculate nucleus) that responds features of the object (such as its colour, motion and large cells are known as the particularly well to rapid and transient orientation). magno or M cells, contrast- visual stimulation ing with the colour-sensitive PSY_C08.qxd 1/2/05 3:33 pm Page 168

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parvo or P cells (the names are Brain parvo (P) cell a small cell in the visual taken from the Latin words system (particularly, the retina and lat- for ‘large’ and ‘small’ respect- eral geniculate nucleus) that responds ively). The M cells differ Dorsal particularly well to slow, sustained and from the P cells not only in coloured stimuli their lack of colour selectivity and their larger receptive field sizes, but in being more sensitive to movement and to black– Retina Primary visual white contrast. M and P cells both receive inputs from both cones cortex, Eye Ventral and rods, but M cells do not distinguish between the three cone area V1 types and so respond positively to light of any wavelength, Lateral whether dim or bright. Lens Higher visual Optic geniculate cortical areas The motion properties of M cells are exceptionally import- nerve nucleus ant. They respond to higher frequencies of temporal flicker and (LGN) higher velocities of motion in the image than P cells do. Indeed M cells signal transients generally, while the P channels deal with Figure 8.10 sustained and slowly changing stimulus conditions. For example, a dim spot of white light switched on or off seems to appear or The early stages of the neural pathways for analysing the visual stimulus. The lateral geniculate nucleus (LGN) and the primary disappear suddenly, whereas a dim spot of coloured light seems visual cortex (area V1) pass information on to the ‘higher’ areas to fade in or out gradually (Schwartz & Loop, 1983). This supports of cortex (shown shaded). The latter can be divided into the dor- the hypothesis that different flicker/motion sensations accom- sal and the ventral streams leading to the parietal and the infe- rior temporal lobes respectively. pany activation of M and P channels. Most famously, Livingstone and Hubel (1987) ascribed colour sensations to P cell activity, motion and distance (depth) to M cell activity, and spatial pattern analysis to a combination of both. The cortex contains columns column a volume of cells stretching This tripartite scheme was based on a reorganization of the retinal of cells, which respond to the entire depth of the cerebral cortex, information that subsequently occurs in the cerebral cortex. The similar properties of the stim- which all have some physiological optic nerve carries signals to a pair of nuclei near the centre of ulus and lie alongside other property in common (e.g. the preferred the brain called the LGN (lateral geniculate nuclei), and from columns that respond to dif- orientation of the bar or edge stimulus there the signals are sent on to the primary visual cortices (area ferent aspects or features of to which they respond, in the case of a V1) at the back of the brain (see figure 8.10). There are perhaps the world. column in the primary visual cortex) 100 million cells in each of the left and right areas V1, so there is The earlier work of Hubel plenty of machinery available to elaborate on the coded messages and Wiesel (1968) emphasized received from the retina. this vertical organization. They discovered that, unlike the retina and LGN, where neurons respond best to spots of light, many cortical neurons respond best to straight lines or edges. Some Cortical pathways cells respond best to vertical lines (figure 8.11), others to diago- nals, others to horizontals, and so on for all orientations around In the cortex, the general flow of information runs vertically – the clock. that is, to cells in other layers above and below the activated cells. There is a very fine-grained, high-resolution representation of image-edge orientation at this stage of sensory processing. More- over, each cell is sensitive only to lines in a relatively small area of the retinal image – the cell’s receptive field. The cells are also selective for the spacing between parallel lines (the spatial frequency), and in many cases also for the direction of stimulus Pioneer movement, the colour of the stimulus and its distance. These cortical cells form the basis for the tilt after-effect and David Hubel’s (1926– ) discovery, with Torsten Wiesel, of the other after-effects described above. The activity in these cells the orientation tuning of cells in the primary visual cortex probably also underlies our perception of orientation, motion, etc. initiated an entire industry investigating how the visual Even if we knew nothing about the neural organization of the scene can be encoded as a set of straight-line segments. visual system, we could suggest the existence of mechanisms with Their theory also became a cornerstone for serial process- some of the properties of these cortical neurons, which we would ing models of visual perception. Later, though, with infer from the properties of visual after-effects. However, the Margaret Livingstone, he supported the theory that visual further evidence that has been obtained by researchers regard- features are processed in parallel streams stemming from ing these brain mechanisms gives us greater confidence in their magno and parvo cells in the retina. actual reality, and shows how psychology and neurophysiology can interact to form a satisfyingly interlocking pattern of evidence. PSY_C08.qxd 1/2/05 3:33 pm Page 169

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Receptive field Catholic church, in which several parish priests report to a bishop, several bishops to a cardinal, and several cardinals to the pope. In the same way, general features of the retinal image, such as lines, were thought to be extracted by early visual processing, while whole complex objects were recognized later in the sequence by the analysis of combinations of these features. For example, Stimulus bar the capital letter ‘A’ contains a horizontal line and two opposite diagonals, the letter ‘E’ contains three horizontals and a vertical, 100 and so on. These letters can therefore be defined with respect to a combination of their elementary perceptual features. Repres- 75 entations of corners, squares, and then three-dimensional cubes, were thought to be built up by combining the outputs of these 50 early feature detectors to form more complex object detectors in ‘higher’ regions, such as the cortex of the inferior temporal lobe. 25

Response of cell However, more recently there has been an increasing emphasis 0 on the parallel organization of the cortex (Livingstone & Hubel,

(number of action potentials) 0 45 90 135 180 1987). So in V1, M and P cell signals (projected from the magno and parvo components of the retina, respectively) arrive in differ- ent layers of the cortex. These messages are processed in V1 and Orientation of stimulus bar (degrees) are then carried by axons out of V1 and into several adjacent regions of the cortex, called V2, V3 and V5 (see figure 8.12). In Figure 8.11 V2, Livingstone and Hubel argued that the M and P signals are Orientation tuning of a typical nerve cell in area V1. In each of kept separate in different columns of cells. Consistent with our the four diagrams at the top, a circle indicates the receptive previous discussion these columns represent information about field. A bar stimulus is moved across the receptive field at dif- motion and distance (magno system) and colour (parvo system), ferent angles in each diagram. At the bottom is plotted the mag- nitude of the response of the cell to the bar at each of these respectively. angles and to other angles around the clock. The cell is highly This theory became complicated by Livingstone and Hubel’s selective for the orientation of the bar, responding only to near- description of activity in a third type of column in V2, where the vertical bars. cells receive converging input from the magno and parvo sys- tems. They suggested that these columns are used for spatial pat- tern analysis. However there are problems with this scheme. For example, Livingstone and Hubel claimed that images in which Pioneer the different regions are red and green, but all of the same bright- ness appear flat. They attributed this to the insensitivity of cells in Horace Barlow (1921– ) is a physiologist whose insights the magno/depth system to differences purely in hue, which are into the possible relationships between perception and detected primarily by the parvo system. Quantitative studies, neural activity have guided much thinking in the field. Barlow is especially well known for his discussion of whether we possess ‘grandmother cells’. These are single V5 neurons whose activity would reflect the presence of an V1 elderly female relative. More generally, do we possess cells V3 within our brain that respond selectively to very specific familiar visual experiences in our environment, such as the sight of our car, our house or our grandmother? V3A V2

V4 Serial versus parallel theories of perception Figure 8.12

The research on visual cortical neurons was at first thought to Ascending connections between some of the major areas of support serial hierarchical theories of perception (Selfridge, 1959), visual cortex. The size of each circle is proportional to the size in which perception is thought to proceed in a sequence of stages, of the cortical area it represents, and the width of each arrow indicates the number of nerve axons in the connection. Although starting at the retina and ending (presumably) somewhere in the the arrows show information flowing principally from left to right cortex, with information flowing in just one direction. in the diagram, hence from ‘lower’ to ‘higher’ areas, in fact Such frameworks can be called ‘hierarchical’ because a unit in most of the connections are reciprocal, which is to say informa- each successive stage takes input from several units in the pre- tion passes in both directions along them. Source: Adapted from Lennie (1998); Felleman and van Essen (1991). ceding stage. This kind of organization could be likened to the PSY_C08.qxd 1/2/05 3:33 pm Page 170

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however, found that perceived depth is not reduced at all in such primates. These specialisms contrast with the general loss of sub- images (Troscianko et al., 1991). It appears, then, that depth per- jective vision that follows lesions of the primary visual cortex, cepts can be derived from both magno and parvo information, area V1. This has been strikingly demonstrated by rare cases of though not necessarily equally well at all distances (Tyler, 1990). damage to V1 in one hemisphere of the brain. Vision is then In fact, there are many more visual areas in the cerebral cortex affected in one half of visual space, so if your right visual cortex is than are shown in figure 8.12. Some two dozen or so have now damaged and you look straight ahead, everything to the left of been discovered by neuroanatomists and by brain imaging stud- you is in some way visually absent or missing. ies (see chapter 3). The functions of these areas are still being Interestingly, though, there are some visual stimuli that can studied intensively by physiologists and psychologists, and we do still evoke behavioural responses in the ‘blind’ half of the visual not yet have the complete picture. field. For example, if you hold a stick in the blind field and ask the Zeki (1993) has put forward the most influential theory of person, ‘Am I holding this stick vertically or horizontally?’ they cortical visual functioning. According to this scheme, area V3 is will say, ‘What stick? I can’t see anything over there at all.’ So you important for analysing stimulus shape from luminance or say, ‘Well, I am holding a stick, so please guess what the answer motion cues, V4 is important for the perception of colour and for is.’ Amazingly, these patients will answer correctly most of the recognising shape from colour information, and V5 is critical for time, and much more often than they would by chance guessing. the perception of coherent motion. But this theory is still contro- Their behavioural responses to large visual stimuli, including the versial. Recent physiological studies have found fewer differences location, motion and orientation, presented in the blind half of between the properties of the various cortical areas, emphasizing the visual field will be correct more than nine times out of ten. that many areas co-operate in the performance of any given task. They cannot respond to the fine details of the scene, and they For example, Lennie (1998) points out that most information cannot initiate movements towards stimuli they have not been flow in the brain is from V1 to V2 to V4, and that area V4 is not told are there, but something remains of their previous visual specialized for colour in particular, but for finding edges and capacities within the blind half of the field. This phenomenon has shapes from any cue or feature. Lennie argues that only the small been termed ‘blindsight’ (Weiskrantz et al., 1974). It has been of stream through V5 is specialized, to monitor image motion gen- great interest in recent studies on how subjective awareness of erated by self-movement of the body and eyes (optic flow). This the visual world arises (e.g. Zeki, 1993; Weiskrantz, 1997). would therefore be the area activated in the illusion of self- motion we experience when the other train moves, as described at the very beginning of this chapter. The ventral and dorsal streams

Leading away from area V1, a distinction is generally made SEEING WITHOUT KNOWING between two broad streams of parallel visual processing (see figures 8.10 and 8.12 above). These were initially known as the Destruction of small parts of the cortex, for example after stroke, ‘what’ and the ‘where’ stream, but there has been some dispute tumour, surgery or gunshot wounds, can result in bizarre and over the exact role of the latter, since some researchers believe it unexpected symptoms. is also involved in the visual control of movements (the ‘how’ stream), not simply in locating objects. Partly for this reason, the streams have since become known as the ‘ventral’ and ‘dorsal’ Colour and motion awareness and the streams, emphasizing their (uncontroversial) anatomical loca- strange phenomenon of blindsight tions, not their more controversial functional roles. The ventral stream takes mainly parvo retinal input from In the syndrome known as cerebral achromatopsia, for example, V1 and flows towards the inferotemporal cortex, where cells patients lose all colour sensations, so the world appears to be in respond to the sight of whole, complex three-dimensional objects shades of grey (see Sacks, 1995, for a good example, and Zeki, (or at least to the constellations of features that characterize 1993, for historical details). If the damage is restricted to a small these objects). Damage to this stream impairs object recognition portion of the lower surface of the occipital lobes, the loss of and knowing what objects are for (Milner & Goodale, 1995; colour vision can occur without any other detectable anomaly: Newcombe et al., 1987). This stream includes a specialized area visual acuity is normal, as are depth perception, shape under- that deals selectively with face recognition (see chapter 7), and standing, and so on. which is damaged in the syndrome called prosopagnosia (as in the Recently, another syndrome has been associated with damage example of the man who mistook his wife for a hat: Sacks, 1985). to a lateral part of the occipital lobe: akinetopsia. Someone with The dorsal stream, in contrast, takes magno input and runs into akinetopsia loses motion awareness, so that visual stimuli all look the parietal lobe. It deals with locating objects and with sensori- stationary even when they are moving. These patients notice if motor coordination, mostly occurring subconsciously. Damage there is a change of stimulus location, but there is no sense of to the parietal lobe can hamper the ability to grasp something pure motion occurring between the two successive locations with the hand or post a letter through the slot in a mailbox (Zihl et al., 1983). (Milner & Goodale, 1995). With right parietal lesions particularly, Syndromes like this support the theory that humans possess it becomes difficult to recognize objects from unusual points of many specialized processing areas, as do monkeys and other view (such as a bucket from above), rotate an object mentally, PSY_C08.qxd 1/2/05 3:33 pm Page 171

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read a map, draw, use building blocks, and pay attention to spatial Screen moves Screen appears locations especially on the left side of space (a phenomenon known stationary as spatial ‘neglect’; Robertson & Halligan, 1999). In summary, these different lines of evidence strongly support the idea of parallel processing. However, they do not explain why our behaviour is not a bundle of reflex reactions to sensory stimuli. In the next sections, we consider the role of different types of cognitive knowledge in perception.

SEEING WHAT WE KNOW Spotlight remains Spotlight appears stationary to move Various kinds of knowledge about the world can be shown to REALITY APPEARANCE influence perception. One class of perceptual processes seems to reflect an assessment of what it is that particular features of the Figure 8.14 stimulus are most likely to represent. Schematic representation of induced movement. A stationary spot is projected on a screen which moves from side to side. PERCEPTION OR HALLUCINATION? Source: Adapted from Gregory (1997).

What do you see in Figure 8.13? Most observers perceive an inverted ‘whiter-than-white’ triangle with clearly defined edges filling the space between the black discs, each with a sector A rather different example is depicted in figure 8.14. A small removed. This inverted triangle is illusory, since the white paper spot is projected onto a large frame or screen, which is then on which it is perceived is of the same luminance as that outside moved. What the observer sees is the spot moving on a station- the triangle. It is as though, faced with the incomplete black discs ary screen. Again, this appears to reflect an assessment of relative and line corners, the visual system makes the best bet – that this probabilities. Small foreground objects are more likely to move particular configuration is likely to have arisen through an over- than large background objects, and so this is what the observer lying object occluding complete black discs, and a complete out- sees. line triangle. In other words, since the evidence for an occluding object is so strong, the visual system creates it. RESOLVING VISUAL AMBIGUITY

What happens when alternative probabilities are about equal? The outline (Necker) cube in figure 8.15 appears to change its orientation spontaneously. Sometimes the lower square face of the cube appears nearer, and sometimes the upper square face. This reflects the absence of depth information from shading, perspective or stereopsis (3-D vision based on differences in the visual information received by each eye) that would normally reveal the orientation of the cube. Faced with two equally good interpretations, the visual system oscillates between them. But why does our visual system fail to generate a single stable percept, which is veridical (i.e. matches the characteristics of the scene exactly), namely a flat drawing on a flat sheet of paper? The reason that the brain chooses to interpret the scene as ‘not flat’ seems to reflect the power or salience of the depth cues provided by the vertices within the figure. Further evidence for this comes from the fact that we can bias the appearance of the cube by changing our point of view. So if you fixate the vertex marked 1 in figure 8.15, the lower face will Figure 8.13 seem nearer. Fixate the vertex marked 2 and the upper face tends to appear nearer. But why does this happen? Again, the answer A Kanizsa figure. Most observers report perceiving a white tri- brings us back to probabilities. When we fixate a particular angle whose corners are defined by the ‘cut-outs’ on the black vertex, it is seen as protruding (i.e. convex) rather than receding discs and whose edges touch the free ends of the Vs. (concave). This is probably because convex junctions are more PSY_C08.qxd 1/2/05 3:33 pm Page 172

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1

2

Figure 8.15

The Necker cube. This wire-frame cube is perceptually ambigu- ous or multi-stable, so that sometimes the upper square face appears nearer and sometimes the lower square face appears nearer.

likely in the real world. To be sure, you will see concave corners (for example, the inside corners of a room), but most concave corners are hidden at the back of an object and therefore out- numbered by convex corners at the front. You can easily test this out by simply counting how many of each type you can see from where you are sitting now. Figure 8.16

Shape from shading. The blobs in the upper half of the figure TRICKS OF THE LIGHT appear to protrude, and those in the lower half appear to recede.

Another powerful example of the effects of knowledge in per- ception is illustrated in figure 8.16. In the upper half of the figure, bottom, tend to be seen as protruding. This suggests that, once the circular blobs, defined by shading, appear convex, whereas in the direction of illumination is clearly not vertical, it tends to the lower half they appear concave. Rotating the page through be ignored. Instead, another assumption dominates perception, 180 degrees reverses the effect. The blobs that appeared concave namely that ambiguous blobs protrude (the same assumption now appear convex, and vice versa (Ramachandran, 1995). Why? about vertices that governs perception of the Necker cube). Notice that the pattern of shading of the blobs is ambiguous. In Although the assumption that objects are lit from above by a the upper part of the figure, it could be produced if protruding single light source is important, it does not always govern our blobs were illuminated from above, or if receding blobs were illu- perceptions, even when it is clearly applicable. Gregory (1997) minated from below (and vice versa, for the lower half of the has pointed out that it may be defeated by other knowledge figure). Yet we tend to perceive them as protruding blobs illu- about very familiar objects – in particular, human faces. Gregory minated from above. This is because our visual system tends to drew attention to the fact that the hollow mask of a face does not ‘assume’ (on the basis of previous probabilities) that objects in usually appear hollow (figure 8.18A). Instead, the receding nose our world are lit from above (as they are in natural surround- appears to protrude. It is only when the mask is viewed from a ings by our single sun), and this assumption governs the percep- short distance that stereoscopic depth information (i.e. informa- tion of ambiguous shading. Presumably, someone who lived on tion from both eyes) is able to overcome the ‘assumption’ that a planet where the only illumination came from luminous sand noses always protrude. on the planet’s surface would see the blobs on the upper part What would happen if this assumption about noses were to of figure 8.16 as receding and the blobs on the lower part as conflict with the assumption that objects are lit from above? protruding. When the rear of a hollow mask is lit from below, the nose If the gradient of shading is switched from vertical to hori- appears to protrude and to look as though it is lit from above, in zontal (figure 8.17), then all the blobs, whether on the top or line with both assumptions (figure 8.18B). But when the lighting PSY_C08.qxd 1/2/05 3:33 pm Page 173

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we occasionally experience objects lit from below by reflected or artificial light.

NON-VISUAL KNOWLEDGE AND PERCEPTUAL SET

Perceptual assumptions about lighting and noses are probably common to all humans. But there are other kinds of knowledge affecting perception which depend on linguistic, graphic and other cultural conventions. The central symbol in figure 8.19A is perceived as ‘B’ if the ver- tical set of symbols is scanned, and as ‘13’ if the horizontal set of symbols in scanned. Similarly, the central letter in the two words shown in figure 8.19B is perceived as an ‘H’ when reading the first word, and as an ‘A’ when reading the second. Such effects depend on knowledge of a particular set of alpha-numeric conventions and of the graphology of the English language (and so would pre- sumably not be experienced by someone who spoke and wrote only Arabic). They illustrate that non-visual knowledge can be important in visual perception. There are other situations in which the role of past experience and verbal clues become apparent. Figure 8.20A shows a dappled pattern of light and shade, which at first glance may appear mean- ingless. But consider the clues ‘leaves and a Dalmation dog’, and you will probably see the dog nosing among the leaves almost instantly. Similarly, the pictures in figure 8.20B have been trans- formed into black blocks and black lines, so that the identity of the objects they represent may not be obvious. But again, verbal clues such as ‘elephant’, ‘aeroplane’ or ‘typewriter’ are often Figure 8.17 sufficient for the observer to identify the objects. Interestingly, once you perceive the Dalmation and the ele- Shape from shading with lighting from the side. phant, it is impossible to look at the pictures again without seeing them. These effects are sometimes described as examples of per- ceptual set: the verbal clues have somehow ‘set’, or programmed, the individual to interpret or perceptually organize ambiguous or Pioneer impoverished stimuli in a certain way.

Richard Gregory (1923– ) is a well-known supporter of cognitive constructionist approaches to understanding PERCEPTUAL LEARNING perception. Originally trained in philosophy as well as psychology, he has summarized and reviewed much experi- mental evidence (some of which he has provided himself ) HOW TRAINING INFLUENCES PERFORMANCE for the ‘intelligence’ of the visual system in interpreting its input, and related this ‘top-down’ view of perception to its Although the role of knowledge and assumptions in perception is philosophical context. His books, especially Eye and Brain, now quite clear, the detailed ways in which past experience have fired generations of students with an enthusiasm for influences perception are less clear. the study of perception Recently, experimenters have begun to examine these ques- tions by studying how training can influence performance on apparently simple visual tasks, such as judging whether the vernier acuity the ability to see very is from above, the nose still appears to protrude, even though it lower line in figure 8.21 is small differences in the alignment of also appears to be lit from below (figure 8.18C). Clearly the offset to the left or right of two objects, which becomes particu- assumption that noses protrude is stronger than the assumption the upper line (a vernier acuity larly obvious when the objects are close that objects are usually lit from above. This is probably because task). Humans can discern the to one another we have no day-to-day experience of non-protruding noses, but direction of very tiny offsets, PSY_C08.qxd 1/2/05 3:33 pm Page 174

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A

BC

Figure 8.18

Opposing assumptions: ‘light comes from above’ vs ‘noses protrude’. (A) A hollow mask seen from the front and lit from below. (B) The same hollow mask seen from behind, with the light- ing coming from below. (C) The same hollow mask seen from behind, but with the lighting coming from above.

but can improve even more with practice, though this may require thousands of presentations (Fahle & Edelman, 1993). The nature of the learning can be studied by measuring the extent to which it transfers from the training stimulus to other stimuli and conditions. Thus if, after training, the vernier stimulus is rotated through 90 degrees, performance on the new task is no better than it was at the start of the experiment. Similarly, performance falls if observers are trained on one retinal location and tested on others, or trained using one eye and tested on the other.

Figure 8.19

Effects of linguistic knowledge on the perception of objects. (A) How the central symbol is read depends on whether one is scanning from left to right or from top to bottom. (B) How the central symbol in each cluster is read depends on the surrounding symbols. PSY_C08.qxd 1/2/05 3:33 pm Page 175

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Figure 8.20

What are the hidden objects?

Findings like these suggest that some of the training occurs at a site where the neurons are driven by one eye, receive input from restricted regions of the retina, and are orientation-specific. Fahle (1994) speculated that the learning might reflect changes occurring in orientation-specific neurons in V1, some of which are monocular (driven by only one eye). Others have questioned the extent and nature of the specificity of learning, and suggested that there might be a general as well as a stimulus-specific com- ponent to the observed learning effects (e.g. Beard et al., 1995). This general component might reflect, for example, a change in the ability to direct attention to particular regions of the visual

Figure 8.21

In a vernier acuity task, the observer has to decide whether the lower line is to the left or to the right of the upper line. Perform- ance on this task can improve dramatically with practice. PSY_C08.qxd 1/2/05 3:33 pm Page 176

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Research close-up 1 Can people learn to modify their visual search strategies? The research issue In a typical laboratory visual search task, the subject searches an array of items for a pre-defined target, pressing one key if the target is present, and a second key if the target is absent. Some visual search tasks seem easy and effortless, regard- less of the number of items in the display. So the tilted line in figure 8.7A ‘pops out’ immediately, and search time to find the tilted target stays the same, regardless of the number of vertical distractors in the visual array, as though all items are being processed simultaneously (parallel search). Other tasks are harder: for example it requires scrutiny of each item successively to find the vertical red line in figure 8.8A (serial search). Ellison and Walsh (1998) asked whether the mechanisms underlying these two types of search were fixed and immutable, or whether participants could learn to search in parallel for targets that initially required serial search.

Design and procedure Observers sat in front of a computer screen. On each presentation, a number of items (which on half the trials included a target, and on the other half did not) appeared on the screen. The number of items that appeared in the search array was systematically varied. Observers carried out search tasks repeatedly in several training sessions spread out over several days (so that each subject experienced more than 2000 presentations of the search array). One group of participants was trained on target search tasks that were initially serial (i.e. in which target search time increased with the number of distractors), and the other group on tasks that were initially parallel (i.e. in which target search times did not change with the number of distractors).

Results and implications The experimenters found that, as training proceeded, performance on the initially serial task became parallel, so that search times no longer increased with the number of distractors. But this only occurred for those presentations on which a target was present. Although search time was reduced by training when there was no target present, it still rose with the number of distractors. The performance of the group who were trained on parallel search tasks also improved with training. When they were tested on serial search tasks after training on parallel tasks, their performance was better when there was a target present than if they had previously had no training. But for presentations on which there was no target present, they were worse than if they had not been trained. So, training can lead to a change in search strategies, but this does not seem to be a generalized improvement in per- formance. In parallel search tasks, the observers may learn to distribute their attention more evenly over all regions of the display, so that they can respond quickly to the signal from pre-attentive mechanisms wherever the target occurs, and to the absence of a signal when there is no target. When transferred after training to a serial task, this strategy will allow faster detection of items likely to be a target, which then receive attentional scrutiny. But it may delay the serial scrutiny of items needed to eliminate non-targets. Conversely, during training on serial tasks, observers may develop across the course of testing new templates (or fea- ture detectors) for the very conjunctions for which they are searching. In other words, they may acquire new feature detec- tors as a consequence of their experience. Activity in these feature detectors then seems to allow parallel search when a target is present (i.e. after participants have received a sufficient amount of training with this target). But these new detec- tors must be different in some way from those that underlie the usual parallel search, found without training, since they do not confer an advantage when a target is absent.

Ellison, A., & Walsh, V., 1998, ‘Perceptual learning in visual search: Some evidence of specificities’, Vision Research, 38, 333–45.

field. This idea receives further support from studies into visual feature search tasks but are feature search visual search for a search conducted by Ellison and Walsh (1998). markedly impaired in con- unique feature such as a particular Different types of visual search not only have different junction search tasks (Arguin colour or orientation (e.g. a red spot) in behavioural characteristics, but also depend on different brain et al., 1993). Also, Ashbridge an array of distractors defined by dif- regions. So some patients with attention deficits (due to damage et al. (1997) used trans- ferent features along the same visual to the part of the brain where the temporal, parietal and occi- cranial magnetic stimulation dimension (e.g. green spots) pital lobes of the brain join) may be able to perform normally on (TMS) to study the role of PSY_C08.qxd 1/2/05 3:33 pm Page 177

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different brain regions in visual search. In this technique, a strong example, just as area V1 projects to V2, so area V2 also sends mes- magnetic field is applied briefly to the surface of a localized region sages to V1. of the skull, temporarily disrupting neural activity in the underly- How might these reverse connections mediate the perceptual ing brain region. These researchers found that stimulation of the functions that involve top-down influences? The idea that atten- right parietal lobe did not affect initially parallel searches, but did tion to different aspects of the world is mediated by top-down affect initially serial searches. Moreover, a related study found connections is supported by several recent brain scanning studies that right parietal stimulation did not affect initially serial indicating that relevant regions of the visual cortices alter their searches once they had become parallel through training. But activity levels when the person is attending (Kastner & Unger- when the observers were switched to another task, which they leider, 2000; Martínez et al., 2001). The idea is that ‘higher’ parts of initially had to perform serially, right parietal stimulation could the brain decide what to concentrate on, causing messages to be disrupt search again (Walsh et al., 1998). sent back down to prime the relevant parts of the visual cortex. Walsh et al. (1998) suggest that the right parietal lobe may This facilitates cell responses to expected stimuli and improves be involved in setting up new cell selectivity (tuning), so there are now increased differences in templates in the temporal lobe the output of a cell when it is tested with its preferred and some template an internally stored represen- for processing conjunctions of, non-preferred stimuli (e.g. Dosher & Lu, 2000; Lee et al., 1999; tation of an object or event in the say, colour and form. Once Olson et al., 2001). It has been further noted that even the LGN outside world, which must be matched the learning is complete, the can be affected when attention changes (O’Connor et al., 2002). with the pattern of stimulation of the right parietal lobe no longer Another idea is that perceptual learning, recognition and recall sensory systems before identification, plays a role in the task and depend upon these top-down connections. The hippocampus is recognition or naming of that object or so stimulating this region no important in laying down new long-term memories (see chapter event can occur longer impairs performance. 3). Feedback connections from the hippocampus to the cortex, and within the cortex, appear to be responsible for building these new memories into the fabric of the cortex (Rolls, 1990; Mishkin, TOP-DOWN MECHANISMS 1993; Squire & Zola, 1996). Physiological studies of cells in area V1 of the monkey support theories (Gregory, 1970; Rock, 1983) Perceptual processes that are concerned solely with sensory that memory for objects interacts with the early, bottom-up input are often called ‘bottom-up’. But perception also depends stages of sensory processing. So the selectivities of the cells in V1 on ‘top-down’ processes, which reflect our personal goals and change in the first few hundred milliseconds after a stimulus is past experience. presented (Lamme & Roelfsema, 2000; Lee et al., 1998). As activ- ‘Bottom-up’ processes are governed only by information from ity reaches the ‘higher’ visual centres, it activates neural feedback, the retinal image. ‘Top-down’ is a vaguer concept, since it is not which reaches V1 after a delay. The latency of this feedback is clear where the ‘top’ of the visual pathway is or what it does. But caused by the limited conduction velocity of the messages along ‘top-down’ certainly involves the voluntary components of per- the nerve axons (see chapter 3) and by the time taken to process ception, such as moving the eyes. For example, when we dis- the information in the ‘higher’ cortical areas. cussed conjunction search, earlier in the chapter, remember the Recent studies of practice on perceptual tasks indicate that the observer moving their attention around a display to search for learning triggered by these feedback projections is so specific for a target (such as a tilted red line or a blue Ford car). This kind of the relevant stimuli that it can only be taking place in the ‘early’ deployment of attention to locate a target is generated internally processing areas of the visual cortex (Ahissar & Hochstein, 2000; rather than externally, and is therefore considered to be ‘top- Fahle, 1994; Lee et al., 2002; Sowden et al., 2002). Moreover, down’ (in contrast to, say, the sudden appearance of an object in scans taken of observers’ brains when they are recalling or ima- peripheral vision, which will capture the observer’s attention and gining a visual scene show activation of the same early areas of gaze automatically). visual cortex that are activated during stimulus presentation itself Additional support for this idea comes from studies showing (Kosslyn et al., 1993; Le Bihan et al., 1993). that selective adaptation phenomena can be affected by changes As indicated by this discussion, the old division between sen- in attention. As we saw earlier in this chapter, adaptation can sory and cognitive processing by early and higher neural centres occur at relatively early stages of visual processing, perhaps has recently been replaced by a new dynamic model. Incoming including V1. sensory information interacts with task-relevant knowledge, A major finding of the anatomical studies we discussed earlier, acquired during the development of the individual concerned, in the section Serial versus parallel theories of perception, is that and has been built into the neural network structures in several almost all the connections between the visual areas of cortex (e.g. different cortical areas. Acting together, these influences create figure 8.12) are reciprocal. In other words, information passes not an integrated and dynamic representation of the relevant aspects only serially up the system but also backwards, from ‘higher’ of the environment (e.g. Friston & Price, 2001; Hochstein & regions, down towards (but not reaching) the sense organs. For Ahissar, 2002; Lamme & Roelfsema, 2000; Schroeder et al., 2001). PSY_C08.qxd 1/2/05 3:33 pm Page 178

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Research close-up 2 How early in visual processing does attention operate? The research issue In our interactions with the environment, we attend to some things and ignore others. An important question has been at what level of processing this selection operates. For example, it might be that, at one extreme, only a small part of the visual input receives full perceptual processing (‘early selection’), or, at the other, that all visual stimuli receive full pro- cessing, and selection occurs when a response has to be chosen (‘late selection’). This research addressed the question in a novel way, using a visual after-effect – the motion after-effect (MAE). To obtain such an after-effect, the observer fixates, for at least 30 seconds, a small spot in the centre of an adapting display of ran- domly scattered dots drifting, say, to the left. When the physical motion is stopped, the now stationary dots appear to drift slowly to the right (the MAE). The strength of the MAE is often measured by timing how long it lasts – i.e. how long before the stationary dots appear to stop moving. Physiological studies have shown that motion-sensitive neurons in the first stages of cortical processing (area V1) reduce their activity when repeatedly stimulated. It seems likely, then, that the selective adaptation thought to underlie the MAE occurs early in visual processing. Can it be affected by variations in attention?

Design and procedure In a groundbreaking study, Chaudhuri (1990) showed that diverting attention from the moving pattern during adaptation could reduce the duration of the MAE. To do this, he modified the usual adapting display by using as the fixation point a letter or digit whose identity changed about once a second. During adaptation, the participants’ attention could be diverted from the moving dots by getting them to strike a computer key when a numeral rather than a letter appeared. Chaudhuri measured MAE duration after diverting attention in this way, and compared it with MAE duration after particip- ants’ adaptation to the same display but without the requirement for them to report the letter/digit characters. In another condition, participants were required to strike a key when the colour of the moving dots changed (in this condition particip- ants fixated a stationary unchanging point).

Results and implications In the conditions in which attention had been diverted from the drifting dots during adaptation by the letter/digit discrimination task, the durations of the MAEs on the stationary stimulus fields that followed were significantly shorter. But MAE durations were not affected by the requirement to attend to the colour of the moving dots while fixating a stationary unchanging point. So, a secondary task during adaptation does not affect the MAE, if this involves attention to the adapting stimulus (as when participants are required to discriminate the colours of the moving dots). But when the secondary task diverts atten- tion away from the moving dots (for example, by requiring participants to discriminate changing letter/digit characters at the fixation point), subsequent MAEs are weaker. So attention can affect a process, namely selective adaptation, that is thought to occur at an early stage of vision. This finding supports the early selection account of attentional processing.

Chaudhuri, A., 1990, ‘Modulation of the motion after-effect by selective attention’, Nature, 344, 60–2.

FINAL THOUGHTS

The original idea about perception was that perceptual systems are organized serially, with perception proceeding in a series of ordered stages. As we have seen, various experimental and observational techniques have been devised to study different stages of perception, including selective adaptation, perceptual grouping and segmentation, and target search. However, there are at least two reasons why the serial model of perception is too limited: 1. Physiological studies of single neurons in animals and clinical studies of humans with brain damage suggest that perception is per- formed by sub-systems, which, for example, analyse colour and motion separately and in parallel. 2. In addition to the ‘bottom-up’, stimulus driven, processing suggested by the serial model, we have seen that ‘top-down’, conceptu- ally driven processes are important in perception. These top-down processes apply knowledge to information conveyed by the senses, based on assumptions about the nature of the world and objects in it. They can select various aspects of the perceptual input for processing, depending on current attentional demand, and can influence the development of early perceptual mechanisms. Our per- ceptual experience depends on complex interactions between the sensory input and various types of stored knowledge of the world. PSY_C08.qxd 1/2/05 3:33 pm Page 179

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Summary

n We have seen in this chapter that our almost effortless ability to perceive the world around us is in fact achieved by a mass of complicated machinery in the brain. n The efficiency of our perceptual mechanisms is acquired over many years of individual learning experience, which continues through adulthood. n As perceptual knowledge grows and accumulates, it enables ever more efficient interpretation of the stimuli that impinge upon our sensory receptors. n There is continual, recurrent interaction between our knowledge base (‘top-down’, conceptually driven) and the current sensory inflow from the environment (‘bottom-up’, stimulus driven). n Repetitive occurrences of the same environmental phenomena can change the very fabric of the perceptual-sensory systems. n Bottom-up processing occurs both serially and in parallel. Top-down influences are demonstrable both psychophysically and physiologically. n Psychological investigations of perceptual phenomena and biological studies of the neural hardware interact with each other to provide a deep understanding of perception.

REVISION QUESTIONS

1. What causes illusions, and why? What does this tell us about the mechanisms of ‘normal’ perception? 2. How is information coded in the visual system? 3. If the visual system breaks the visual scene up into its various features, how does it keep track of actual objects in the real world? 4. If I am looking for something in the world, how does my visual system find it? 5. How are the features belonging to the same object linked together? 6. How does knowing what you expect (or want) to see influence visual processing? 7. How does knowledge of what the world is like aid (or harm) our interpretation of what we are seeing now? 8. What brain mechanisms could underlie top-down influences on perceptual functions? 9. What happens when the brain machinery under-pinning different elements of visual perception is damaged?

FURTHER READING Bruce, V., Green, P.R., & Georgeson, M.A. (2003). Visual Perception: Physiology, Psychology and Ecology. 4th edn. Hove: Psychology Press. An up-to-date and research-orientated textbook on vision, linking ecology (i.e. how the environment and lifestyle of a species influence its perceptual processes) with physiology and psychophysics. Goldstein, E.B. (2001). Sensation and Perception. 6th edn. Pacific Grove, CA: Wadsworth. A very clear introductory text, covering all the senses. Gregory, R., Harris, J., Heard, P., & Rose, D. (eds) (1995). The Artful Eye. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Chapters on many of the topics introduced here, with links to the fascinating interface between art and perception. Sekuler, R., & Blake, R. (2001). Perception. 4th edn. New York: McGraw-Hill. Clearly written textbook covering hearing and other senses. The sections on motion and depth perception are especially good. Wade, N.J., & Swanston, M.T. (2001). Visual Perception. An Introduction. 2nd edn. Hove: Psychology Press. A very readable introduction to the phenomena and mechanisms of vision, particularly the historical background to our modern under- standing of what vision is and what it does. Zeki, S. (1993). A Vision of the Brain. Oxford: Blackwell. The development of the parallel processing model in vision, from the point of view of its central proponent, integrating anatomical, philo- sophical, perceptual, physiological and clinical studies.

Contributing authors: David Rose & John Harris PSY_C14.qxd 1/2/05 3:42 pm Page 292

Personality 14

CHAPTER OUTLINE LEARNING OBJECTIVES INTRODUCTION WHAT IS PERSONALITY? PSYCHOANALYTIC THEORIES – FREUD AND BEYOND Freud’s models of the mind In the wake of Freud HUMANISTIC THEORIES – INDIVIDUALITY The drive to fulfil potential Understanding our own psychological world TRAIT THEORIES – ASPECTS OF PERSONALITY Cattell’s 16 trait dimensions Eysenck’s supertraits Five factors of personality Trait debates BIOLOGICAL AND GENETIC THEORIES – THE WAY WE ARE MADE Inhibition and arousal Genetics vs. environment SOCIAL–COGNITIVE THEORIES – INTERPRETING THE WORLD Encodings – or how we perceive events Expectancies and the importance of self-efficacy Affects – how we feel Goals, values and the effects of reward Competencies and self-regulatory plans FINAL THOUGHTS SUMMARY REVISION QUESTIONS FURTHER READING PSY_C14.qxd 1/2/05 3:42 pm Page 293

Learning Objectives

By the end of this chapter you should appreciate that:

n personality theorists are concerned with identifying generalizations that can be made about consistent individual differences between people’s behaviour and the causes and consequences of these differences;

n Sigmund Freud developed a psychoanalytic approach that emphasized the role of the unconscious in regulating behaviour;

n Raymond Cattell and Hans Eysenck proposed traits as descriptors that we use to describe personality and that have their origins in everyday language;

n biological theories of personality attempt to explain differences in behaviour in terms of differences in physiology, particularly brain function;

n research in behavioural genetics has permitted the examination of both genetic and environmental factors in personality;

n social–cognitive theories of personality examine consistent differences in the ways people process social information, allowing us to make predictions about an individual’s behaviour in particular contexts.

INTRODUCTION

You do not need to be a psychologist to speculate n biological and genetic approaches (Eysenck, about personality. In our everyday conversations 1967, 1990; Plomin, 1986; Plomin et al., we refer to the personality traits of people we 1997); know. Novels, playwrights and filmmakers make n phenomenological approaches (Kelly, 1955; constant use of the personality of key figures in Rogers 1951); their stories, and this is one of the great attrac- n behavioural and social learning approaches tions of popular fiction. The term ‘personality’ is (Bandura, 1971; Skinner, 1953); and now part of everyday language, and theories of n social–cognitive approaches (Bandura, 1986; personality are generated by all of us every time Mischel & Shoda, 1995; Mischel, 1973). we answer the question, ‘What is she or he like?’ As a branch of psychology, personality theory This chapter focuses on trait, biological and dates back to the beginning of the twentieth cen- genetic, and social–cognitive approaches, provid- tury and the psychoanalytic approach of Sigmund ing a representative account of current research Freud. During the last century a number of differ- activity. We will also look at psychoanalytic and ent approaches have developed: humanistic approaches for an insight into the beginning and history of personality theory. n trait approaches (G.W. Allport, 1937; Cattell, 1943; Eysenck, 1947); PSY_C14.qxd 1/2/05 3:42 pm Page 294

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we can predict how our friends will behave, and we expect them WHAT IS PERSONALITY? to behave in a recognizably similar way from one day to the next. Child (1968) includes consistency (within an individual) and In 400 BC, Hippocrates, a physician and a very acute observer, difference (between individuals) in his definition, and Allport claimed that different personality types are caused by the balance (1961) refers to characteristic patterns of behaviour within an of bodily fluids. The terms he developed are still sometimes used individual. These are also important considerations. So personal- today in describing personality. Phlegmatic (or calm) people were ity is what makes our actions, thoughts and feelings consistent (or thought to have a higher concentration of phlegm; sanguine (or relatively consistent), and it is also what makes us different from optimistic) people had more blood; melancholic (or depressed) one another. people had high levels of black bile; and irritable people had high levels of yellow bile. Hippocrates’ views about the biological basis of personality are PSYCHOANALYTIC THEORIES – echoed in contemporary theories that link the presence of brain FREUD AND BEYOND chemicals such as noradrenaline and serotonin to mood and behaviour. But how do we define ‘personality’? Within psychology two By the early years of the twentieth century, Sigmund Freud classic definitions are often used: (1856–1939) had begun to write about psychoanalysis, which he described as ‘a theory of the mind or personality, a method of Personality is a dynamic organisation, inside the person, of psy- investigation of unconscious process, and a method of treatment’ chophysical systems that create the person’s characteristic pat- (1923/62). terns of behaviour, thoughts and feelings. Central to a psychoanalytic unconscious mental processes pro- G.W. Allport, 1961 approach is the concept of cesses in the mind that people are not unconscious mental processes normally aware of More or less stable, internal factors...make one person’s beha- – the idea that unconscious viour consistent from one time to another, and different from the motivations and needs have a behaviour other people would manifest in comparable situations. role in determining our behaviour. This approach also emphasizes Child, 1968 the irrational aspects of human behaviour and portrays aggres- sive and sexual needs as having a major impact on personality. Both these definitions emphasize that personality is an internal process that guides behaviour. Gordon Allport (1961) makes the point that personality is psychophysical, which means both phys- FREUD’S MODELS OF THE MIND ical and psychological. Recent research has shown that biological and genetic phenomena do have an impact on personality. Child Freud developed a number psyche psychoanalytic term meaning (1968) makes the point that personality is stable – or at least rela- of hypothetical models to ‘mind’ tively stable. We do not change dramatically from week to week, show how the mind (or what he called the psyche) works: topographic model of the psyche n a topographic model of Freud’s model of the structure of the the psyche – or how the mind mind is organized; n a structural model of the structural model of the psyche Freud’s psyche – or how person- model of how the mind works ality works; and n a psychogenetic model of psychogenetic model of develop- development – or how ment Freud’s model of personality personality develops. development

Topographic model of the psyche

Freud (1905/53b) argued that the mind is divided into the con- scious, the preconscious and the unconscious. According to Freud, the conscious is the part of the mind that holds everything you are currently aware of. The preconscious Figure 14.1 contains everything you could become aware of but are not currently thinking about. The unconscious is the part of the Jekyll-and-Hyde personality changes are, thankfully, extremely rare. mind that we cannot usually become aware of. Freud saw the PSY_C14.qxd 1/2/05 3:42 pm Page 295

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Pioneer Consciousness

Super- ego

Ego Id

Figure 14.3

Freud said that the psyche was like an iceberg, with most of it being below the level of consciousness. The tip of the iceberg, above the water, corresponds to what we can become aware of. We are aware of some aspects of ego and superego functioning, but the processes of the id are entirely within the unconscious.

itive core from which the ego and the superego develop. As the source of energy and impulse it has two drives:

Eros – a drive for life, Eros the desire for life, love and sex love, growth and self- within psychoanalytic theory preservation Thanatos – a drive for Figure 14.2 aggression and death Thanatos the drive for aggression and Sigmund Freud’s psychoanalytic approach assumed that death in Freudian psychoanalysis unconscious motivations and needs have a role in deter- These drives, or instincts, are mining our behaviour. represented psychologically as wishes that need to be satisfied. External or internal stimulation creates tension, which the id Sigmund Freud (1856–1939) Born the son of a Jewish wool seeks to reduce immediately. This is called the ‘pleasure prin- merchant, Freud spent most of his life in Vienna. He stud- ciple’ – the idea that all needs have to be satisfied immediately, ied medicine and specialized in neurology. After becoming avoiding pain and seeking pleasure, regardless of external condi- disillusioned with physical treatments for mental illness, he tions. The id is directly linked to bodily experience and cannot became interested in the notion of a ‘talking cure’. Freud deal effectively with reality. As such it is limited to two forms of went on to become the founder of psychoanalysis. He died response – reflex responses to simple stimuli (e.g. crying with in England in 1939. pain), or primary process thinking (hallucinatory images of desired objects), which provides a basic discharge of tension. According to Freud, primary process thinking does not actually meet the fundamental need of the organism – just as dreaming of water does not satisfy thirst – so a second structure, the ego, unconscious as holding all the urges, thoughts and feelings focuses on ensuring the id’s impulses are expressed effectively in that might cause us anxiety, conflict and pain. Although we are the context of the real world. The ego, as a source of rationality, unaware of them, these urges, thoughts and feelings are con- conforms to the ‘reality principle’ – delaying the discharge of sidered by Freud to exert an influence on our actions. energy from the id until an appropriate object or activity can be found. The ego engages in secondary process thinking. It takes Structural model of the psyche executive action on the part of the ego to decide which actions are appropriate, which id impulses will be satisfied, how and Alongside the three levels of consciousness, Freud (1923/62, 1933) when. developed a structural model of personality involving what he But the ego has no moral sense, only practical sense. It is a called the id, the ego and the superego (figure 14.3). third structure, the superego, which, according to Freud, pro- According to Freud, the id functions in the unconscious and is vides moral guidance, embodying parental and societal values. closely tied to instinctual and biological processes. It is the prim- The superego has two sub-systems: PSY_C14.qxd 1/2/05 3:42 pm Page 296

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n conscience, or images of what is right and what deserves 2 Anal stage (18 months to three years) At this stage pleas- punishment – this is the basis for guilt; and ure is gained from the expulsion and retention of faeces. This is n ego ideal, or images of what is rewarded or approved of – also a stage at which children start to explore their environment this is the basis for pride. but experience control and discipline from their parents. According to Freud, fixation at this stage may result in people Violation of superego standards can generate anxiety over loss of being messy and generous – anal expulsive characters, or being parental love, which is experienced as guilt. By the same token, mean and orderly – anal-retentive characters. Freud viewed a ‘weak’ superego as the cause of self-indulgence and criminality. 3 Phallic stage (three to five years) It is at the phallic stage According to Freud, the ego mediates between id impulses, that children discover pleasure from touching their genitals. They superego directives and the real world. Conflicts in this process also become aware that they are in competition with siblings and can lead to three types of anxiety: their father for their mother’s attention. Freud believed that boys become increasingly attached to their n neurotic anxiety – that the id will get out of control; mother at this stage and resent the presence of their father. These n moral anxiety – that past or future behaviour is immoral; or feelings produce anxiety or n reality anxiety – about objective dangers in the environment. fear of punishment from the father – or castration anxiety. castration anxiety a male’s fear of When anxiety cannot be dealt with by realistic methods, the ego In order to protect themselves losing his genitals, which Freud believed calls upon various defence mechanisms to release the tension. against this anxiety, boys was related to the Oedipus complex Defence mechanisms deny, alter or falsify reality. As they operate identify with their fathers. unconsciously, they are not immediately obvious to us or to Freud called boys’ desire for other people. Defence mechanisms include: their mother the Oedipus com- Oedipus complex a description used plex, because of the similarity by Freud of boys’ tendency in the phallic n displacement – substituting an acceptable behaviour for an to the ancient Greek play in stage to be attracted to their mothers anxiety-inducing one; which Oedipus unwittingly and to resent their fathers n projection – projecting the threatening thing on to others; kills his father and marries n reaction formation – creating an attitude opposite to the his mother. one that you hold; Freud argued for a rather different process in girls. He believed n intellectualization – transforming emotional or affective that girls reject their mother at the phallic stage, owing to resent- drives into rational intentions; and ment that they have been born without a penis. They then feel n regression – reverting to modes of behaviour from child- increasing attraction to their father, who has the penis they lack. hood in order to avoid conflict. Penis envy is not resolved until women have a male child, thereby symbolically obtaining a penis. This process was also Psychogenetic model of development named after an ancient Greek play – Electra. In Greek mythology, Electra was famous for her devotion to her father, and sought Freud (1900/1953) proposed that child development proceeds revenge against her mother for her father’s death. through a series of stages related to physical development, and Fixation at the phallic phase and failure to resolve the Electra that adult personality is influenced by how crises are resolved at or Oedipus complex was viewed as the cause of sexual and/or each stage. relationship difficulties in later life. Each stage is named after an erogenous zone, or area of the body that can experience pleasure from the environment. Exces- 4 Latency stage (six to twelve years) According to Freud, sive gratification or frustration at any one stage can result in the personality is formed by the end of the phallic stage, and sexual fixation of libido and subsequent disruption to normal personal- impulses are rechannelled during the latency period into activities ity development. such as sport, learning and social activities.

1 Oral stage (birth to 18 months) At the beginning of this 5 Genital stage (13 years to adult) As young people approach stage children are highly dependent on their mothers and derive the age of reproductive ability, they begin to focus their libido, pleasure from sucking and swallowing. Freud suggested that chil- or sexual energy, towards the opposite sex. If the earlier psy- dren who become fixated at this early oral stage derive pleasure chosexual stages have been successfully negotiated, the individual in adulthood from activities such as overeating, smoking, drink- should now begin to form positive relationships with others. ing and kissing. He referred to such people as oral-incorporative or oral-ingestive. Later in the oral stage, children begin to cut teeth and experi- IN THE WAKE OF FREUD ence pleasure from biting and chewing. Fixation at this later part of the stage results in chewing objects and nail-biting in adulthood, A number of notable theorists followed Freud. Some had worked as well as being sarcastic and critical. Freud called those fixated at with him and then moved on to develop their own versions this level oral-aggressive or oral-sadistic. of psychoanalytic theory. These theorists have been called PSY_C14.qxd 1/2/05 3:42 pm Page 297

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neo-analytic, post-Freudian and psychodynamic, in order to dif- therapy sessions, and as such it cannot be thoroughly examined ferentiate their work from Freud’s. through experimental and scientific methods. Nevertheless, recent developments within cognitive psychology concerning human memory and subliminal perception have reopened the Jung’s aims and aspirations unconscious for serious scientific investigation. For a related con- sideration from the neuropsychological perspective, see Faulkner Carl Jung (1875–1961) was one of the first prominent analysts to and Foster (2002). These authors argue that the effects of brain break away from Freud. Jung worked with Freud in the early injury may teach us a considerable amount about the relationship stages of his career, and was viewed by him as the disciple who between the conscious and unconscious mind. would carry on the Freudian tradition. But Jung saw humans as being guided as much by aims and aspirations as by sex and aggression. To distinguish his approach HUMANISTIC THEORIES – INDIVIDUALITY from classic psychoanalysis, analytical psychology the theory of Jung named it analytical psy- personality developed by Carl Jung, in Humanistic, or phenomeno- chology (1951). A basic assump- humanistic a branch of personality which people are viewed as striving logical, theories of personal- tion of his theory is that theory that emphasizes the capacity for towards self-actualization ity present a positive and personality consists of com- personal growth peting forces and structures optimistic view of human within the individual that must be balanced. Unlike Freud, he behaviour. emphasized conflicts between opposing forces within the indi- In complete contrast to theories from the psychodynamic vidual, rather than between the individual and the demands of tradition, people are viewed as experiencing beings rather than society, or between the individual and reality. victims of their unconscious motivations and conflicts. So the emphasis here is on individual experiences, relationships and ways of understanding the world. Fundamental to these theories Horney’s optimism are the beliefs that everyone’s experience is unique, and the indi- vidual’s perception of the world is critical to their understanding Karen Horney (1885–1952) was another disciple of Freud who and behaviour. developed a theory that deviated from basic Freudian principles. Humanistic theories have formed the basis of many therapeutic Horney adopted a more optimistic view of human life, emphas- procedures on which modern counselling techniques are based. izing human growth and self-realization. She concentrated on early childhood development, and her work formed the basis of much later work in this area. THE DRIVE TO FULFIL POTENTIAL One of Horney’s major contributions was her challenge to Freud’s treatment of women. She countered that, in the early part of the twentieth century, women were more likely to be Approval and self-actualization affected by social and cultural oppression than the absence of a penis. Carl Rogers (1902–87) saw humans as intrinsically good and as having an innate desire for self-improvement. He believed that self-concept is critical to our experience of the world, and The failings of psychoanalytic theory that this develops from the child’s perceptions of his parents’ approval. Freud was an original thinker who created a comprehensive the- Rogers believed that all people have a basic need for positive ory of human behaviour, which had a profound impact on twen- regard – approval and love. How we feel about ourselves is deter- tieth century society, as well as in areas of human endeavour such mined by how others react to or approve of us, and we tend to as art and literature. Few theorists in any scientific discipline have be unhappy if we feel that attained such a degree of fame, and few theoretical concepts have others are not happy with been so fully incorporated into Western culture. us. According to Rogers, chil- conditions of worth conditions under Despite this, Karl Popper (1957) declared that psychoanalysis is dren develop conditions of which affection is given a pseudoscience because it is inherently untestable. He argued worth – criteria for what we that psychoanalysis is unfalsifiable because the logic of the theory must or must not do in order allows for any finding to be explained in different ways. For to gain approval. Although this is essential to the socialization of example, Freud states that aggressive impulses can lead either to children, Rogers also argued that conditions of worth may inter- aggressive actions or to reaction formations against them. So it is fere with personal development if our sole objective is to gain impossible to test definitively any hypotheses about aggressive approval from others. action. Experiencing unconditional positive regard – love and affec- Freudian psychoanalytic theory presents imprecise concepts tion – enables us to grow and to satisfy our core tendency, which and metaphors based on Freud’s interpretation of unrecorded is to fulfil our potential by developing our capacities and talents PSY_C14.qxd 1/2/05 3:42 pm Page 298

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to the full. This is called self-actualization the tendency to grow UNDERSTANDING OUR OWN self-actualization. Activities in ways that maintain or enhance the that are self-actualizing are PSYCHOLOGICAL WORLD self perceived as satisfying, says Rogers, whereas activities Personal construct theory that are incompatible with self-actualization are frustrating. From a scientific perspective, the tendency to self-actualize is To examine how individuals personal construct a mental representa- vague and untestable. While we may all have the same capacity view the world, George Kelly tion used to interpret events to self-actualize, the form that actualization takes will be unique (1905–67) developed personal to each individual, making it impossible to establish objective cri- construct theory. teria for measurement. In contrast to the psychoanalytic emphasis on the person as a victim of unconscious desires and impulses, this humanistic Client-centred therapy theory portrays people as active hypothesis-generators. Personal construct theory treats the individual as her own personal sci- entist, one who is actively aware of how her own psychological Rogers developed a therapeutic approach known as client-centred world is constructed and construed. By understanding how the therapy, which gives a central role to the therapist’s uncondi- individual perceives the world, we can anticipate how they will tional positive regard for the client (see chapter 16). The therapist behave within it and understand their reactions to events. has to be trusting, accepting and empathic. Rogers argued that According to Kelly, trait theories (see below) try to locate the this helps the individual in therapy to recognize and untangle her individual on the personality theorists’ dimensions, whereas per- feelings and return to an actualizing state. sonal construct theory looks at how people see and align events One of Rogers’ most important contributions to psychology according to their own personal dimensions. Kelly basically took was his attempt to evaluate this method of therapy. Rogers and the view that we are all scientists – so each individual is continu- Dymond (1954) set out to examine changes in the discrepancy ally categorizing, interpreting, labelling and judging himself and between present self-concept and the ideal self (the person the his world. Each of us generates constructs and hypotheses, which client would like to be). This was done using a Q-sort technique then help us to anticipate and control events in our lives. (devised by Stephenson, 1953), whereby the client is given a range of cards on which there is a descriptive statement, such as: ‘I don’t trust my own emotions’ and ‘I have a warm emotional The subjective nature of reality relationship with others.’ The client is asked to sort these cards in order, from ‘most like Consistent with this is the notion that we cannot know what me’ to ‘least like me’ under the headings ‘Self’ and ‘Ideal’. From another person really means when they say that they are in love this, Rogers and Dymond produced a numerical discrepancy or that they are unfriendly. We can only begin to know by relat- between real and ideal self. By administering the Q-sort at differ- ing what they say to their behaviour. ent times during therapy, the effectiveness of the therapy sessions Kelly also proposed the notion of constructive alternativisim – can be assessed. the idea that there is no reality, that reality is only what we per- ceive it to be. This comes from the observation that while we may not always be able to change events, we can always construe them differently. Different people may choose to perceive an event in different ways, which allows for different courses of action. For Kelly, part of the therapeutic process was to help the client find appropriate or useful constructs of events, rather than simply being concerned with diagnosis and categorization. Kelly saw the individual as being capable of enacting many dif- ferent roles and engaging in continuous change. In his terms, a ‘role’ is an attempt to see another person through that person’s own constructs. To enact a role, your behaviour must be guided by your perception of the other person’s viewpoint. Kelly used role-playing as a therapeutic technique to help people gain new perspectives, and to find more convenient ways of living.

Explaining negative emotions

Figure 14.4 Kelly also tried to explain why people experience certain negative emotions. Anxiety, he suggested, occurs when our construct sys- Client-centred therapy requires the therapist to be trusting, tem provides no means for dealing with an experience. This can accepting and empathic. occur when we start a new job or have to deal with a person we PSY_C14.qxd 1/2/05 3:42 pm Page 299

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do not understand. Guilt results from discrepancy between our Modern theorists view traits as continuous rather than discrete ideal self and our action. So you feel guilty when you do some- entities. So, rather than being divided into categories, people are thing that is discrepant with the kind of person you would like to placed on a trait continuum representing how high or low each be, or thought you were. individual is on any particular dimension. The assumption is that we all possess each of these traits to a greater or lesser degree, and that comparisons can be made between people. TRAIT THEORIES – ASPECTS OF For example, categorizing people into separate groups of PERSONALITY ‘sociable’ versus ‘unsociable’ is considered to be meaningless. Instead, it is considered more useful by trait theorists to deter- mine the amount of sociability each person exhibits. Personality Traits – or descriptors used theorists regard most traits as forming a normal distribution, so traits labels given to consistent and to label personality – have some people will be very high in sociability and others very low, enduring aspects of personality, viewed their origins in the ways we but most people will be somewhere in the middle. as continuous dimensions describe personality in every- day language. In the early years of per- CATTELL’S 16 TRAIT DIMENSIONS types a term used by early personality sonality theory, many theor- theorists, who divided people into dif- ists used the term types to Gordon Allport (1897–1967) made the first comprehensive attempt ferent categories, or types describe differences between to develop a framework to describe personality using traits. Allport people. Sheldon (1954), for and Odbert (1936) used Webster’s (1925) New International Dic- example, categorized people according to three body types (see tionary to identify terms that describe personality. figure 14.5) and related these physical differences to differences This work was developed further by Raymond Cattell (1905– in personality. Endomorphic body types are plump and round 97), who used a statistical procedure called factor analysis to with a tendency to be relaxed and outgoing. Mesomorphic determine the structure of personality. Factor analysis is a tool for physiques are strong and muscular, and usually energetic and summarizing the relationships among sets of variables by iden- assertive in personality. Ectomorphic body types are tall and thin tifying those that co-vary and are different from other groups of and tend to have a fearful and restrained personality. variables (see chapter 13). In personality theory, factor analysis Not only is it unlikely that personality can be mapped to body can be used to identify which sets of variables most simply and type, but the idea that all people can be allocated to a small num- accurately reflect the structure of human personality. ber of categories is challenged by modern trait theories. Like Allport, Cattell believed that a useful source of informa- tion about the existence of personality traits could be found in BODY TYPES language, the importance of a trait being reflected in how many words describe it. Cattell called this the lexical criterion lexical criterion of importance Cattell’s of importance. Building on proposal that an aspect of personality Allport’s work, Cattell (1943) described by many words in the verna- collated a set of 4500 trait cular is likely to be more important names from various sources than one described by just a few and then removed obvious synonyms and metaphorical terms, until he reduced these to 171 key trait names. Cattell collected ratings of these words and factor-analysed the ratings. Cattell’s subsequent investigations yielded three types of data, which he categorized as follows:

n L-data – life record data, in which personality assessment occurs through interpretation of actual records of behavi- Endomorph Mesomorph Ectomorph our throughout a person’s lifetime (e.g. report cards, ratings by friends and military conduct reports); Figure 14.5 n Q-data – data obtained by questionnaires (e.g. asking people to rate themselves on different characteristics); and Three body types, according to Sheldon (1954). Endomorphic n body types are plump and round with a tendency to be relaxed T-data – or objective psychometric test data (e.g. the thematic and outgoing. Mesomorphic physiques are strong and muscu- apperception test). lar, and usually energetic and assertive in personality. Ectomorphic body types are tall and thin and tend to have a fear- On the basis of this research, Cattell (1947) developed a model of ful and restrained personality. personality describing 16 trait dimensions. He then developed a PSY_C14.qxd 1/2/05 3:42 pm Page 300

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questionnaire to measure these traits (Cattell, Eber & Tastuoka, 1977) called the Sixteen Personality Factors Questionnaire (16PF). Pioneer Here are the 16 trait dimensions used in the 16PF:

Reserved------Outgoing Less intelligent------More intelligent Stable, ego strength------Emotionality/neuroticism Humble------Assertive Sober------Happy-go-lucky Expedient------Conscientious Shy------Venturesome Tough-minded------Tender-minded Trusting------Suspicious Practical------Imaginative Forthright------Shrewd Placid------Apprehensive Conservative------Experimenting Group-dependent------Self-sufficient Undisciplined------Controlled Relaxed------Tense

EYSENCK’S SUPERTRAITS

Hans Eysenck (1916–97) was supertraits Eysenck’s three key traits, a contemporary of Cattell which he also referred to as types and also used factor analysis to classify personality traits. But Eysenck (1967) began extraversion the tendency to seek and with a theory of personality engage with the company of others which he based on two Figure 14.6 supertraits – extraversion– introversion and neuroticism– Hans Eysenck’s theory of personality was based on two supertraits – extraversion–introversion and neuroticism– stability. stability. introversion the tendency to avoid the According to this the- company of others and to withdraw ory, people who are highly from social situations extraverted are sociable and Hans J. Eysenck (1916–97) Born in Berlin, Eysenck moved outgoing, and crave excite- to England in 1934. Until his death in 1997, Eysenck was the ment and the company of most widely cited psychologist in the world. Best known neuroticism the tendency to be wor- others. People who are highly for his work in personality, Eysenck also contributed to ried and anxious introverted are quiet and the founding of cognitive-behaviour therapy as an altern- introspective; they tend to ative to psychodynamic therapies. His involvement with prefer time alone and to be research on the relationship between race and IQ rendered cautious in the way they plan their lives. People who are highly him a controversial figure. Eysenck founded the Depart- neurotic tend to be anxious, moody and vulnerable, whereas ment of Psychology at the Institute of Psychiatry, The people who are low on neuroticism tend to be stable, calm and Maudsley Hospital, London, in 1946 and continued to work even-tempered. there long beyond his formal retirement in 1983. Eysenck viewed the supertraits of extraversion and neuroti- cism as independent, and believed that different personalities arise from differing combinations of the two supertraits. A further supertrait identi- psychoticism the tendency to be cold, Figure 14.7 shows the traits associated with Eysenck’s two fied by Eysenck (1982) is psy- aggressive and antisocial major personality dimensions (Eysenck, 1975). People who are choticism. People scoring high high in both neuroticism and extraversion tend to exhibit quite on psychoticism are described different traits than someone who is low in both, or a combina- as: ‘egocentric, aggressive, impersonal, cold, lacking in empathy, tion of low and high. So people who are high on both extraver- impulsive, lacking in concern for others and generally uncon- sion and neuroticism tend to be touchy and aggressive, whereas cerned about the rights and welfare of other people’. people who are high on extraversion and low on neuroticism tend Eysenck’s (1967) hierarchical model divides personality into to be carefree and sociable. various units (figure 14.8). This allows personality to be described PSY_C14.qxd 1/2/05 3:42 pm Page 301

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Neuroticism

Moody Touchy Anxious Restless Rigid Aggressive Sober Excitable Pessimistic Changeable Reserved Impulsive Unsociable Optimistic Quiet Active

Melancholic Choleric Introversion Extraversion Phlegmatic Sanguine Passive Sociable Careful Outgoing Thoughtful Talkative Peaceful Responsive Controlled Easygoing Reliable Lively Even-tempered Carefree Figure 14.7 Calm Leaderlike Four personality types can be derived from the traits associated with Eysenck’s two major personality dimensions of extraversion and neuroticism. Source: Emotional stability Adapted from Eysenck (1975).

Superfactor level Extraversion (supertrait):

Trait level: Sociability Impulsiveness Activity Liveliness Excitability

Habitual response level (habits): Figure 14.8

Specific Eysenck’s hierarchical model of person- response ality. Source: Eysenck (1967). level (actions):

at a number of different levels – supertraits, traits, habits and Table 14.1 Examples of items from the Eysenck Personality actions. Each supertrait is made up of a number of traits, which Questionnaire. are in turn derived from habitual responses and specific responses (actions). According to this model, many specific actions make up Question Trait habitual responses, which are represented as trait dimensions, Are you a talkative person? Extraversion which in turn are part of one supertrait. All levels are important Do you like going out a lot? in determining behaviour. Does your mood often go up and down? Neuroticism Like Cattell, Eysenck developed a questionnaire designed to Are your feelings easily hurt? measure his supertraits – the Eysenck Personality Questionnaire, Have you ever taken anything (even a pin or a Lie scale or EPQ (Eysenck & Eysenck, 1975; see table 14.1). He also button) that belonged to someone else? developed a theory of the biological basis of personality, which As a child, were you ever cheeky to your parents? is described later. Source: Eysenck and Eysenck (1975).

FIVE FACTORS OF PERSONALITY Replications of Cattell’s work in factor analysis often failed Although trait theories were well established by the 1960s, there to find the original factor structure he described. Instead, a num- was no consensus concerning the number or nature of the traits ber of studies using Cattell’s variables came up with a simpler that make up personality. five factor structure (Fiske, 1949; Tupes & Christal, 1958, 1961). PSY_C14.qxd 1/2/05 3:42 pm Page 302

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Since then, further research such as the NEO-PI and subsequent revisions (NEO-PI-R, Costa five factor model of personality a has confirmed a basic five & McCrae, 1992) being used widely in occupational psychology. model developed using factor ana- actor model of personality or lysis to try to determine the key traits in ‘Big Five’ (Digman, 1990; human personality Goldberg, 1993): TRAIT DEBATES

Extraversion Sociable vs. retiring Do we all possess all traits? Fun-loving vs. sober Affectionate vs. reserved Gordon Allport (1937) was Agreeableness Softhearted vs. ruthless nomothetic an approach to personality the first trait theorist to raise Trusting vs. suspicious that emphasizes comparisons between an issue that began a long Helpful vs. uncooperative individuals and proposes that people debate within personality Conscientiousness Well organized vs. disorganized are all governed by the same basic theory. It concerns whether Careful vs. careless behavioural principles Self-disciplined vs. weak willed personality is nomothetic or Neuroticism Worried vs. calm idiographic. Insecure vs. secure A nomothetic approach Self-pitying vs. self-satisfied allows us to make compar- idiographic an approach to personality Openness Imaginative vs. down-to-earth isons between people. Its that proposes each individual is unique Prefers variety vs. prefers routine basic premise is that we are Independent vs. conforming and cannot be compared with another all governed by the same (From Costa & McCrae, 1985) behavioural principles – so we all have the same traits Extraversion and neuroticism are defined in the same way as and differ only in the extent to which each trait is present. The Eysenck defined them. Openness to experience/intellect refers idiographic approach proposes that each individual is unique to receptivity to new ideas and experiences. People low on this and there are some traits that may be possessed by only one trait prefer the familiar, practical and concrete, whereas those person. So, according to the idiographic approach, comparing high on this trait are open to new experience, curious and one person with another becomes meaningless. More recently imaginative. Agreeableness means the extent to which people Baumeister and Tice (1988) have suggested that certain trait are trusting, generous and concerned for others. Those low on dimensions apply to some people more than others, and that agreeableness are viewed as antagonistic, tough-minded and some traits may not be important at all in any one person’s hard-headed. Conscientiousness relates to organization and personality. achievement. Highly conscientious individuals are ambitious, hard-working, competent and organized, and those low in conscientiousness are easy-going, low in self-discipline and not The person–situation debate goal-driven. While this model presents five categories, it should not be seen Since the development of trait theories in the 1950s and 1960s, as a simplistic generalization of trait theory. As in Eysenck’s personality researchers have been concerned about the relation- (1967) model, each of the five factors is made up of a number of ship between traits and behaviour. more specific traits. A questionnaire designed to measure traits Mischel (1968) used the phrase ‘personality coefficient’ to high- within a five factor framework, the NEO-PI (Costa & McCrae, light the rather modest correlations between traits (as measured 1985), consists of 300 items. Respondents decide how character- by self-report questionnaires) and behaviour. A major debate istic each item is of themselves, rating each item on a five-point ensued, focusing on whether an individual’s actions are better scale. As well as scoring on the five factors, respondents receive predicted by the situation or by his/her personal characteristics. scores on six sub-scales associated with each of the factors. The debate was resolved by the concept of interactionism, pro- Most of the early work on the Big Five model was conducted posed by Magnusson and Endler (1977) – the idea that personal- in North America using the English language. If personality theor- ity and the environment interact with each other to produce ists are to have solid evidence of a universal five factor personal- behaviour. ity structure, they need to find evidence that the same model Another important notion is that some situations may have applies when languages other than English are used and when more influence over behaviour than others. Buss (1989) argued personality is examined in many different cultures. A recent that behaviour is determined more by the situation when it is review of studies involving European languages (De Raad et al., novel, formal and/or public, and more by personality when 1998) found general support for the Big Five. Evidence from stud- the situation is informal, familiar and/or private. So in a strong ies conducted in non-Western cultures is less widely available, situation like a lecture, for instance, it might be quite hard to but does show some support for a five factor structure (Church draw conclusions about a fellow student’s personality when most et al., 1997). people simply sit quietly and take notes. But in a pub or party, The Big Five forms the basis for trait assessment of personality people’s behaviour is variable enough for personality differences at the beginning of the twenty-first century, with questionnaires to become apparent. PSY_C14.qxd 1/2/05 3:42 pm Page 303

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Everyday Psychology Personality profiling in the workplace Many organizations are now administering personality tests to assess suitability for employment, redeployment and pro- motion or to determine training needs (see chapter 20). The goal is to achieve a better fit between people and jobs. But is personality profiling really a good idea? In the intensifying competition for jobs and talented employees, hiring the ‘right’ person becomes increasingly important (especially in situations where a ‘wrong’ decision can be damaging and painful for employer and employee alike). At the same time, there is increasing evidence of the inefficiency of traditional job recruitment practices such as the job interview (especially when these practices are used in the absence of other forms of selection procedure). Personality profiling is therefore being adopted more and more as an objective, efficient and fair way of identifying, recruit- ing and encouraging talent in the workplace. Personality profiling aims at a certain kind of ‘truth’, but it does not pretend to capture the individual’s character per- manently or completely (different people may manifest different aspects of their personality in different situations). The per- sonality tests usually chosen are deliberately designed to evaluate more stable personality traits and avoid value judge- ments such as ‘good’ or ‘bad’. These instruments are usually designed to identify trends and preferences in behaviour, especially in a work environment. Many people are cynical about psychometric tests, especially those that try to sum up their personalities. But a properly devised personality test can help the participant to make more informed career decisions and to deal more effectively with people and situations. Results should not be regarded as a final judgement of character, but rather as an extrapolation of ways in which an individual will tend to behave under certain conditions. Many tests are designed to stimulate role-play and perspective taking. For example, it may become apparent not only how you feel about certain work colleagues, but also why. This often serves to stimulate a dialogue. The process may also allow you to think through the implications of your personality type even before you encounter a particular scenario. Knowing yourself can give you and employers a common language to work with. And if there is an aspect of your per- sonality you had not fully thought about, or could not quite understand, instead of learning the hard way through a painful confrontation you may later regret, personality testing may provide the kind of insight that will enable you to avoid a con- frontational situation. Such knowledge may not be a substitute for real-life experience, but it can enhance personal aware- ness and understanding of individual differences.

Furnham, A., 1992, Personality at Work: The Role of Individual Differences in the Work Place, London: Routledge.

Introverts, on the other hand, have strong excitory processes BIOLOGICAL AND GENETIC THEORIES – and weak inhibitory process. Their nervous systems are ‘weak’, THE WAY WE ARE MADE but they have brains that react more quickly and strongly to stimuli. So they can tolerate only relatively small amounts of stimulation. INHIBITION AND AROUSAL Why do extraverts seek excitement? Developing the theory

In 1967 Eysenck developed inhibition theory. He argued that Eysenck and Eysenck (1985) individual differences in extraversion–introversion are strongly redeveloped inhibition theory arousal theory developed by Eysenck, determined by heredity and have their origins in the central ner- to formulate arousal theory, this theory provides an account of vous system. According to this theory, information from the which identifies the physio- the physiological systems underlying environment is transmitted from the sense organs along neural logical systems underlying introversion–extraversion. pathways to the brain, where excitatory and inhibitory cortical introversion–extraversion. processes result in either the facilitation or inhibition of beha- The differences in the behaviour of extraverts and introverts are vioural and cognitive responses, in certain specific ways. traced to various parts of the ascending reticular activating sys- Eysenck maintained that extraverts have relatively strong tem (ARAS) – a network of fibres travelling upwards from the inhibitory processes and weak excitatory processes. Their ‘strong’ lower brain stem to the thalamus and cortex. Stimulation of the nervous system enables them to tolerate a high degree of stimu- ARAS results in increases in alertness and arousal of the cortex. lation. The brain’s slower and weaker reaction to stimuli creates Other fibres descending from the lower brain stem influence a hunger or desire for strong sensory stimulation. So extraverts bodily musculature and the autonomic nervous system. At the seek excitement from the environment. same time, fibres descending from the cortex can modulate the PSY_C14.qxd 1/2/05 3:42 pm Page 304

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activity of the brain stem, increasing or inhibiting the excitability Zuckerman (1994) conducted research into sensation seeking of the ARAS. So the relationship between the ARAS and the over a 30-year period, developing a questionnaire to measure the cortex is reciprocal. phenomenon and a biological theory to explain it. Zuckerman, The high cortical arousability of introverts is supposed to Kolin, Price and Zoob (1964) identified four aspects of sensation amplify incoming stimulation. According to this framework, very seeking: high and very low levels of stimulation are considered to produce negative hedonic tone, which is experienced as negative feelings 1. thrill and adventure seeking (risky sport) and negative evaluation of the experience. Positive hedonic tone 2. experience seeking (desire for novelty) occurs only at intermediate levels of sensory stimulation. The 3. disinhibition (stimulation through social activity) levels at which negative and positive hedonic tone occur will be 4. boredom susceptibility (low tolerance for repetitive events) different for introverts and extraverts. Sensation seekers are more likely to have more sexual partners, use illegal drugs, take part in risky sport, be more complex, original Testing the theory and creative, and have more liberal and nonconforming attitudes. Zuckerman (1994) explained differences in sensation seeking Using this theoretical formulation psychologists have been able in terms of level of arousal in the catecholamine system. (This to make predictions about the behaviour of introverts and system comprises neurons communicating via catecholamines, extraverts in experiments ranging from sensory deprivation to which include epinephrine, or adrenaline, norepinephrine and students’ study habits. For example, Campbell and Hawley (1982) dopamine; see chapter 3.) According to Zuckerman, those with a predicted that introverts would prefer study locations that minim- low optimal level in this system work to reduce the stimulation ize intense external stimulation (such as study carrels) whereas in their environment, whereas those with a high optimal level extraverts would prefer large, open reading areas where socializ- seek to increase it. ing is permitted and both auditory and visual stimulation is high. These researchers gave students the EPQ, noted their preferred seating areas in a campus library, and asked them to fill out a GENETICS VS. ENVIRONMENT study habits questionnaire. Their predictions turned out to be correct. They also found that extraverts took more study breaks, Recent work in behavioural genetics has examined the contribu- looking and walking around the room, going out for coffee etc. tion of genetic and environmental factors to human behaviour. A Davies and Parasuraman (1982) found that extraverts also make good example of this approach is represented by the twin studies more errors than introverts on long vigilance tasks. Eysenck of intelligence already discussed in chapter 13. explained this finding by suggesting that extraverts generate re- active inhibition (fatigue) more quickly and at greater levels than introverts when they are performing long tasks. Evidence for and against genetic influence Despite evidence that appears to support Eysenck’s theory, a comprehensive review by Stelmack (1990) showed that introverts In 1976 Loehlin and Nicholls examined the scores on self-report and extraverts show no difference in brain-wave activity when at personality questionnaires of 800 pairs of twins. Nearly all traits rest or asleep. It therefore seems likely that extraverts and intro- showed moderate genetic influence, with monozygotic (iden- verts differ in terms of their sensitivity to stimulation, rather than tical) twins being much more similar than dizygotic (fraternal, or in base rate levels of cortical activity. non-identical) twins. A more extensive study (Loehlin, 1992) of 24,000 twin pairs in many different countries confirmed that monozygotic twins are much more similar than dizygotic twins Stress and performance on the Big Five personality dimensions. Riemann, Angleitner and Strelau (1997) found the same results when twins were rated by There has not been much direct investigation of how neuroticism their friends on the same factors. affects performance, but many studies have examined the effect Studies of genetically unrelated family members (parents and of anxiety – one of the component traits of neuroticism. their adopted children) show no similarity in personality traits According to Eysenck, the adverse effects of anxiety on perform- such as extraversion and neuroticism (Loehlin, 1992). This sug- ance are attributable to task-irrelevant processing activities, such gests that family environment itself does not contribute to sim- as worry. Consistent with this, Eysenck and Eysenck (1985) found ilarities in personality between family members. Interestingly, that students who report high levels of worry perform less well recent studies have also shown only very slight similarities in per- on tests. And when highly anxious people do perform well, it is at sonality between adopted children and their biological parents. A the expense of more effort and distress. study by Plomin, Corley, Caspi, Fulker and DeFries (1998) found some evidence for a genetic basis for sociability, but almost no Sensation seeking similarities in emotionality between biological parents and their adopted-away children, or between adoptive parents and their The differences between those who prefer bungee-jumping adopted children. and those who world rather watch a good movie can also be Thus both adoption studies and twin studies are consistent addressed using a biological theory of personality. with a genetic influence on personality. Only identical twins have PSY_C14.qxd 1/2/05 3:42 pm Page 305

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Research close-up 1 The Twins Early Development Study The research issue The UK Social, Genetic and Developmental Psychiatry Research Centre was launched in 1994 as a partnership between the MRC (Medical Research Council) and the Institute of Psychiatry. This multidisciplinary institution studies child develop- ment from a range of complementary perspectives: adult psychiatry, developmental psychopathology, development in the family, personality traits, social epidemiology, cognitive abilities, statistical genetics, and molecular genetics. The Twins Early Development Study (TEDS) focused on early development, preferentially targeting the three most import- ant psychological problems in childhood that impact upon personality development: communication disorders, mild mental impairment and behavioural difficulties. The TEDS twins represent a large sample that was assessed longitudinally at two, three, four, seven and nine years of age. Developmental comparisons have been made in order to investigate genetic and environmental contributions to change and continuity in language and cognitive development. The focus is on developmental delays in early childhood and their association with behavioural problems.

Design and procedure In this study, the monozygotic (MZ) twin differences method was used to investigate non-shared environmental influences on early behavioural development, independent of genetic influences (which were clearly the same for each MZ twin). The parents of four-year-old MZ twin pairs (N = 2353) assessed themselves on two parenting measures – the need for harsh parental discipline and the occurrence of negative parental feelings towards the child – and assessed the twins on four behavioural measures – anxiety, prosocial behaviour, hyperactivity and conduct problems.

Results and implications The study found that within-twin pair differences in parenting style correlated significantly with noted within-twin pair differ- ences in behaviour. The findings additionally suggested a stronger influence of non-shared environmental factors in behaviourally ‘extremely different’ twin dyads. The study also noted that non-shared relationships between parents and MZ twins were also stronger in higher risk environments – that is, families with lower socio-economic status, greater ‘family chaos’, or greater maternal depression. The findings indicate that parenting style can influence behavioural (and potentially personality) outcomes over the first four years of life. In particular, differences in parenting style influenced differences in behaviour in identical twins, in a study where the potential genetic influence on behaviour was clearly controlled through the twins being genetically identical. These findings have potentially important implications for child-rearing practices and for behavioural and personality development in children, indicating that the way in which parents behave towards their children can significantly affect their children’s behavioural outcome. The authors conclude that some systematic non-shared environmental relationships can be identified, and these links are stronger for more discordant twins and higher-risk families. However, note the possibility of circular reasoning being applied in this study, given that the parents were rating their own conduct towards their twins.

Asbury, K., Dunn, J.F., Pike, A., & Plomin, R., 2003, ‘Nonshared environmental influences on individual differences in early behavioural development: A monozygotic twin differences study’, Child Development, 74 (3), 933–43.

exactly the same combinations of genes; dizygotic twins, just like are caused by similar environments. However, it is a mistake to ordinary siblings, will each inherit a different random sampling view familial environments as shared between family members of half of each parent’s genes. It is also possible that research (see chapter 13). Children growing up in the same family can findings from twin studies are partly explained by the unique cir- experience very different lives, and even common family experi- cumstances of being a twin. For example, twins who look similar ences such as death or divorce are experienced differently by dif- may be encouraged to act in a similar way, whereas non-identical ferent siblings (Dunn & Plomin, 1990). Therefore, it is perhaps twins may be encouraged to behave differently. not surprising that more recent studies have tended to downplay the role of the ‘shared environment’, because often it is not fully Genes in the environment shared between family members. A complex interaction between genes and environment may be the key consideration. Until researchers began to look at genetic components in person- Research in behavioural genetics has also begun to consider ality, psychologists had generally assumed that familial similarities the effects of genetics on the environment. Parenting behaviour PSY_C14.qxd 1/2/05 3:42 pm Page 306

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Table 14.2 Types of cognitive–affective units in the personality Pioneer system.

Cognitive–affective units in Explanation the personality system

Encodings Units or constructs for categorizing events, people and the self Expectancies and beliefs Relating to the social world and about outcomes for behaviour; self-efficacy Affects Feelings, emotions and affective responses to stimuli Goals and values Desirable and aversive affective states and outcomes, life goals, values Competencies and self- Behaviours and strategies for organizing regulatory plans actions and influencing outcomes, one’s own behaviour and reactions

Figure 14.9 Source: Mischel and Shoda (1995).

Robert Plomin’s research involves identifying genes for Mischel helps us to answer these questions. In 1973 he proposed personality traits. a set of psychological person variables for analysing individual differences in cognitive terms. These variables are assumed to interact with each other as we interpret the social world and act Robert Plomin (1948– ) is Professor of Behavioural on it. After a number of de- Genetics at the Institute of Psychiatry in London and velopments and refinements, Deputy Director of the Social, Genetic and Developmental cognitive–affective units in the per- Mischel and Shoda (1995) Psychiatry (SGDP) Research Centre. The goal of the SGDP sonality system a model of categories renamed the variables as Research Centre is to bring together genetic and environ- through which personality can be cognitive–affective units in the mental research strategies to study behavioural develop- examined within a social cognitive personality system, integrating ment, a theme that characterizes his research. Plomin’s framework constructs from research in special interest is in harnessing the power of molecular cognition and social learning. genetics to identify genes for psychological traits in order This model provides a classification system of broad cognitive to advance our understanding of the developmental inter- categories, which describe interacting processes that may lead play between genes and environment. to personality differences (table 14.2). We will explore social– cognitive theories by taking one category at a time.

may have a genetic influence, in terms of the parts of the parent’s ENCODINGS – OR HOW personality which are influenced by genetic factors. In addition, WE PERCEIVE EVENTS recent research suggests that parenting behaviour may also be influenced by genetic components of the child’s personality. Plomin, DeFries and Fulker (1988) found that adoptive parents A lecturer ending a class 20 minutes early may delight those who were more responsive to their adopted children whose natural are bored and want to go to the coffee shop but equally irritate mother had been high on activity and impulsivity. It is therefore those who want to make further progress on the topic being possible that children who are genetically more active and impuls- discussed. ive cause their parents to be more responsive to their needs than Processes such as selective attention, interpretation and cat- do other children. Therefore, the relationship between genes and egorization cause us to perceive the same events and behaviours environment may be an even more complex (two-way) inter- in different ways (Argyle & Little, 1972) – a phenomenon that action than was previously thought. most likely remains stable throughout our lives (Peterson, Seligman & Vaillant, 1988).

SOCIAL–COGNITIVE THEORIES – Attributional style INTERPRETING THE WORLD Examples of a social–cognitive approach that examines encod- ing are the reformulated model of helplessness and depression How do cognitive and social processes affect behaviour? And how (Abramson, Seligman & Teasdale, 1978) and hopelessness the- do different processing strategies result in differing personalities? ory (Abramson, Metalsky & Alloy, 1989). A key variable here is PSY_C14.qxd 1/2/05 3:42 pm Page 307

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n global–specific – the extent to which the cause is something Pioneer that affects many things in our life, rather than just specific situations.

Research based on this theoretical framework shows that people who tend to make stable and global explanations for negative events (relating to unchangeable factors that can affect many things in their lives) will be more likely to become depressed when unpleasant things happen to them. The hopelessness model of depression (figure 14.11) describes how a negative life event can precipitate depression in people who have depressogenic inferential styles. Metalsky, Halberstadt and Abramson (1987) found that students who failed an exam and had a stable, global attributional style were more likely to suffer from persistent depressed mood than those who had the opposite style. Attributional style is associated with a variety of behavioural outcomes, ranging from performance (e.g. in sports, insurance sales, academic tasks) to physical health (Buchanan & Seligman, 1995).

Cognitive appraisal

Research by Lazarus (1966, cognitive appraisal determines reac- 1990) resulted in the con- tions to stressful events, according to cept of cognitive appraisal (see Lazarus chapter 6). Lazarus inves- tigated people’s reactions to Figure 14.10 stressful situations and concluded that how we view or appraise stress, cognitively, is more important than the actual amount of Martin Seligman – a world authority on learned helpless- stress we are experiencing. Lazarus suggested that, in our pri- ness, depression and optimism. mary appraisal of an event, we decide whether it is irrelevant to our wellbeing, benign–positive or stressful. Secondary appraisals Martin Seligman (1942– ) is Professor of Psychology at then determine the cognitive resources available to cope with the University of Pennsylvania. Seligman has written the event. numerous books and journal articles on motivation and Following appraisal, we employ various coping mechanisms. personality. He is a world authority on learned helpless- Much of Lazarus’s research has involved the identification and ness, depression and optimism. In recent years, Seligman evaluation of coping strategies (Lazarus & Folkman, 1984). For has taken a leading position in promoting ‘positive psy- example: chology’. In 1998 he served as President of the American n Psychological Association. confrontational coping is when you get angry with the per- son you think has caused the stress you are experiencing; n seeking social support is finding someone to help or talk to attributional style, or stable about the situation; and attributional style the characteristic n individual differences in the escape–avoidance is when you try to think about some- patterns of explanation people use to way people explain events thing else or avoid dealing with the problem. make sense of life-events in their lives. Differences in attributional style lead us to explain events in a characteristic way (see chapter 17). EXPECTANCIES AND THE IMPORTANCE Distinctions are made between particular dimensions of OF SELF-EFFICACY attribution: Expectancies are the possible outcomes that we expect or anticip- n internal–external – the extent to which events are seen as ate in a given situation, and how confident we are that we can caused by the self, rather than factors external to the self; perform a particular behaviour. To predict how someone will n stable–unstable – the extent to which causes are seen to behave in a specific situation, we have to consider their expecta- persist across time; and tions about the possibilities in that situation. These expectancies PSY_C14.qxd 1/2/05 3:42 pm Page 308

Distal Proximal

Situational cues Symptoms of hopelessness (e.g. own past Stable, global attribution for negative depression including behaviour, others’ 1. Sad affect. behaviour) life event and attachment of high 2. Lack of energy. importance to event 3. Apathy. 4. Sleep disturbance. Hopelessness and/or 5. Mood-exacerbated negative cognitions. Negative Inferred negative 6. Suicide. life events consequences of (the stress) negative life event

and/or

Depressogenic Inferred negative inferential styles characteristics about about cause, the self given the Figure 14.11 consequences negative life event ??? and self (i.e. Other contributory causal The hopelessness model of depression. increased If stable, global pathways to hopelessness Source: Adapted from Abramson et al. vulnerability) attribution is internal (e.g. lack of social support) (1989).

Research close-up 2 Attributional style as a personality factor in insurance sales performance The research issue Seligman (1991) summarizes different dimensions of attributional style as forming ‘optimistic’ and ‘pessimistic’ explana- tory styles for favourable (success) and unfavourable (failure) events. In this study, attributional style, for both positive and negative events, was measured using a questionnaire. According to the reformulated learned helplessness model of depression, individuals with an optimistic explanatory style are more resilient when faced with unfavourable events (e.g. failure in an exam, loss of a job) compared to individuals with a pessimistic explanatory style. One occupation in which employees experience frequent success and failure is the selling of financial services. In the USA, Seligman and Schulman (1986) showed that pessimistic style for negative events is negatively related to sales performance, and that an optimistic style for both positive and negative events predicts survival persistence in the job and sales achievement. More general research in the UK suggests that an optimistic style for positive events is more predictive of high perform- ance than an optimistic style for negative events (e.g. Brewin & Shapiro, 1984; Furnham et al., 1992). The aim of this study (Corr & Gray, 1996) was to examine the relationship between attributional style and sales in finan- cial services salespeople. It was hypothesized that if attributional style is an important personality variable, then individual differences in attributional style should be related to differences in sales performance.

Design and procedure Participants were 130 senior salespeople in a UK insurance company, all male. Measures were recorded using the Seligman Attributional Style Questionnaire (SASQ; Peterson et al., 1982). This presents respondents with 12 hypothetical situations (e.g. ‘You do a project that is highly praised’). Six of these situations were ‘negative’ and six ‘positive’. Within each of these categories, three situations were related to interpersonal events and three to achievement events. Composite scores were calculated for positive and negative events. Sales outcomes were measured by the number of policies sold x average value of the policy, and also by company ranking of performance, from 1 (best salesman) to n (worst salesman). Attributional style was measured by questionnaire completion in groups during the training sessions. Sales performance was measured over a six-month period.

Results and implications Positive attributional style was positively correlated with sales, showing that salespeople scoring higher in positive attribu- tional style were more successful than their lower scoring colleagues. Positive attributional style for achievement-related situations was the best predictor of performance ranking. The results of this study do not tell us about the direction of causation. Being successful may lead to high levels of opti- mism, or being optimistic may lead to high levels of success. But prospective studies have shown that differing aspects of attributional style between individuals can predict future performance in sales (Corr & Gray, 1996) and academic achieve- ment (Houston, 1994).

Corr, P.J., & Gray, J.A., 1996, ‘Attributional style as a personality factor in insurance sales performance in the UK’, Journal of Occupational and Organisational Psychology, 69, 83–7. PSY_C14.qxd 1/2/05 3:42 pm Page 309

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will determine which behaviour is selected by them from a academic performance (Houston, 1995). For example, Houston potentially large number of possibilities. found that efficacy has a protective role for students: those who Mischel (1973/1990) defined three types of expectancy: are high in efficacy are less likely to become depressed when they fail academic tests. 1. Behaviour–outcome relations are the relationship between possible behaviour and expected outcomes in any situation – ‘if I do this, then that will happen’ (see chapter 4). We use AFFECTS – HOW WE FEEL our previous experience to determine our behaviour and to guide what we expect to happen. For example, when we The way we feel can be determined by stable individual differ- go to a wedding, we use information about previous wed- ences in personality as well as by immediate responses to situ- dings we have attended to guide our expectations. (This is ations as they occur. Both types of emotional reaction can have related to the notion of ‘scripts’ that was referred to in an important impact on the way we behave. Mischel and Shoda chapter 12.) It is also adaptive to be able to recognize and (1995) describe this interplay in terms of ‘hot’ emotions having appreciate new contingencies, as employing outdated ones an impact on ‘cool’ cognitions. Feeling angry, anxious or happy may lead to inappropriate behaviour. might impact on any of the other types of cognition, changing the 2. Stimulus–outcome relations – we learn that certain cues or way we respond. So a person who is already feeling happy may stimuli are likely to lead to certain events, and we learn to react very positively to meeting a friend in the street, someone react accordingly. Physical characteristics, self-presentational who is already feeling angry may lose their temper when their car techniques and forms of dress are all examples of stimuli is scraped in the car park. A dispositionally calm person may still that lead us to have certain expectations about someone’s become anxious when the elevator they are travelling in becomes behaviour. For example, we would not expect someone stuck between floors. in an expensive suit to begin digging the road. Non-verbal behaviours can also lead us to expect certain kinds of OALS VALUES AND THE EFFECTS behaviour. If you ask a friend for a favour and they begin to G , nod and smile, you have a different expectation of the out- OF REWARD come than if they begin to frown and look away. Such cues are often culturally or personally determined. Two people with similar encoding styles and expectancies may 3. Self-efficacy is a person’s belief that they can perform a cer- behave differently because they have different personal values. tain behaviour. People differ in how effective they expect Subjective values are viewed as acting as a) motivating stimuli themselves to be in a situation, and these expectations seem and b) incentives. Our actions are often the result of intrinsic to affect their actual performance (Bandura, 1978). Much motivation, related to personal preferences and values. of the research that has examined expectancies within Deci and Ryan (1985) made the distinction between i) self- personality psychology has determined and ii) controlled actions. Self-determined actions focused on this third type of have some intrinsic interest or value to the individual, whereas self-efficacy the extent to which people expectancy. The concept of controlled actions satisfy external pressures or demands, or are believe that they can bring about self-efficacy was first devel- done to gain some form of payment. Many studies have shown outcomes oped by Bandura (1978, 1982) that offering reward for certain tasks actually decreases people’s and is defined as the belief motivation to perform those tasks (e.g. Deci & Ryan, 1985). that one can bring about certain outcomes. According to Related to this finding, Deci (1975) distinguished between two Bandura (1986), there are four determinants of self-efficacy aspects of reward – controlling and informational. A reward that beliefs: has a controlling aspect might make people feel their efforts are n actual performance accomplishments are what we have not self-determined. Reward that has an informational aspect can achieved in the past, and these are the primary source of have two consequences – it may make people feel they have high self-efficacy information; levels of competence, which in turn increases motivation, or it n vicarious experiences are what we observe about others’ may make them feel they are only engaging in the activity for performance, and how we evaluate ourselves in relation reward, which decreases motivation. to other people; n verbal persuasion relates to what others tell us they think we can do (our own perceived self-efficacy being COMPETENCIES AND influenced by how other people convey their confidence SELF-REGULATORY PLANS in, or doubts about us); and n emotional arousal is our awareness of our levels of auto- These are our rules for and reactions to our own performance. In nomic and emotional arousal – the cues we receive from the absence of external constraints and monitors, we set perform- our own physical and emotional feelings. ance goals for ourselves. We react with self-criticism if we do not meet these standards, and self-praise or satisfaction if we do meet Self-efficacy has been shown to be a strong predictor of coping them, or even exceed them. Self-regulation is the process through with disease (O’Leary, 1992), phobias (Cervone et al., 1991) and which we influence our environment and behaviour. PSY_C14.qxd 1/2/05 3:42 pm Page 310

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Self-consciousness 2. The ‘ought self’ represents the attributes that we feel we should possess (duties and responsibilities). It is associated Carver and Scheier (1981, with negative outcomes, and is derived from negative control theory of human functioning 1990) developed a control affects associated with not fulfilling duties and responsibilit- a metaphorical thermostat system used theory of human functioning, ies. According to Higgins’ self-discrepancy theory, we are to model the ways in which people set which states that there are motivated to reduce two kinds of discrepancy. These are standards for their own behaviour and stable individual differences discrepancies between how we actually see ourselves and how they monitor this behaviour in the extent to which we how we would like to be ideally (this is the ‘actual self-ideal attend to aspects of the self. self’ (AI) discrepancy), as well as between how we actually Control theory uses a metaphorical thermostat system to model see ourselves and how we ought to be (the ‘actual self- the ways in which people set standards for their own behaviour ought self’ (AO) discrepancy). All children learn ideal and and how they monitor their behaviour in order to meet these ought self guides, but Newman, Higgins and Vookles standards. If we perceive ourselves to have reached too high a (1992) found that first-born children are more strongly ori- standard, the personality system will reduce the discrepancy entated toward the standards of others, and their AI and between the standard and the perceived level. If we are not meet- AO discrepancies are associated with more emotional dis- ing the standard we have set for ourselves, motivation and effort tress than in the case of second and later-born children. will be set in motion to reduce the discrepancy. People differ in the levels and kinds of controls included in their self-regulatory system. The extent to which we attend to Self-monitoring and competencies aspects of the self has been defined as a personality variable called self-consciousness. Fenigstein, Snyder (1974) and Snyder and Gangestad (1986) developed a scale Scheier and Buss (1975) designed to assess the degree to which individuals regulate their self-consciousness the tendency to developed a self-conscious- behaviour in order to make a particular social impression. They direct attention towards the self ness scale to measure what found that high self-monitors alter their behaviour in response to they considered to be stable specific situational demands, and are therefore likely to display individual difference in private and public self-consciousness. less consistency in their actions. Private self-consciousness is attention to our own inner feelings, Competencies (the ability to generate particular cognitions desires and standards, whereas public self-consciousness is atten- and behaviours) are thought to be related to intelligence and tion to what others think and observe about us. social maturity. Mischel (1990) argued that we develop compet- The importance of self-consciousness is illustrated by a study encies to create cognitions in which participants looked at photographs or slides of people and behaviours that may be conceptualized as social intel- social intelligence competencies and with positive or negative facial expressions (Kleinke, Peterson skills used in social behaviour & Rutledge, 1998). Participants attempted to communicate these ligence (Cantor & Kihlstrom, facial expressions as accurately as they could to a video camera. 1987). In other words, we Some were able to view themselves in a mirror while doing this, develop abilities to transform and use social information and and some were not. Participants in a control group maintained knowledge actively, and to create thoughts and actions, rather neutral facial expressions. The researchers found that particip- than simply storing a whole load of ‘recipe’ responses. ants experienced increased positive mood when they engaged in Each individual acquires the capacity actively to construct a positive facial expressions and decreased positive moods with multitude of potential behaviours with the knowledge and skills negative facial expressions (see chapter 6). Furthermore, these available to him. People vary enormously in the range and qual- effects were enhanced when participants viewed themselves in a ity of the cognitive and behavioural patterns they can generate, mirror – and the positive effects were stronger for participants and in their social problem-solving strategies. with high private self-consciousness. Social intelligence Self-guides Cantor (1990) outlines the cognitive competencies we use to In his self-discrepancy theory, Higgins (1987, 1989) suggested that solve everyday life tasks within a theory of social intelligence. She we have self-guides representing internalized standards, which describes the representation of goals, plans for achieving goals, may be unconsciously activated to influence behaviour. There representations of the self and possible selves, the development of are two particularly important self-guides: coping mechanisms and self-regulation. She uses three concepts to examine the processes that guide social behaviour: 1. The ‘ideal self’ represents the attributes that we would like to possess (ideals that we and important others hold). It is n schemas that channel perception and memory in specific associated with positive outcomes, and is derived from the settings; positive affect associated with attaining standards set by n life tasks that individuals construct as goals; and important figures from childhood owards. n strategies that are used to pursue the goals. PSY_C14.qxd 1/2/05 3:42 pm Page 311

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Cantor describes a series of studies that have examined life tasks about achievement tasks, work hard and keep their performance and cognitive strategies during major life transitions (e.g. from expectations high. Defensive pessimists set low expectations and school to university, and from university to work). This research ruminate over the worst potential outcomes. And yet, despite dif- has identified types of life tasks that are common amongst young fering strategies, research shows that the two types of student do people during these transitions, as well as strategies that are used not differ significantly in terms of actual academic performance. to tackle them. Both strategies are adaptive in different ways: optimists avoid In identifying strategies used in academic contexts, Norem considering what might go wrong, and defensive pessimists play (1989, Norem & Cantor, 1986) identified a distinction between out worst case scenarios in order to deal with anxiety and focus ‘optimists’ and ‘defensive pessimists’. Optimists feel little anxiety on the task.

FINAL THOUGHTS

This chapter offers only an overview of the world of personality. It has examined different theoretical explanations of why we show con- sistency in our behaviour, thoughts and actions and why these consistencies make us different from each other. Psychoanalytic theorists focus on unconscious processes and the impact of early childhood experience; in contrast, humanistic theorists emphasize human experience and positive aspects of behaviour. Trait theorists have been concerned with the labelling and measurement of personality dimensions, based on assumptions of stable genetic and biological explanations for personality. The complex way in which genes and environment determine personality has presented an important puzzle for personality theory. Social–cognitive theories provide an explanation for differences in personality in terms of the ways we process information and perceive our social world. Within psychology the complexities of how our personality develops and determines our behaviour have resulted in a number of dif- fering theoretical perspectives and debates. These debates – about interactions between genes and environment, biology and experience, the person and the situation – will continue to engage psychologists in the twenty-first century.

Summary

n Personality theorists are concerned with identifying generalizations that can be made about consistent individual differences between people’s behaviour and the causes and consequences of these differences. n Sigmund Freud developed a psychoanalytic approach that emphasized the role of the unconscious in regulating behaviour. Freud produced hypothetical models of the structure of the mind, the way personality works and the ways in which it develops. n Psychoanalytic theories are not testable in the same way as modern scientific psychology. n Traits are descriptors for personality, which have their origins in everyday language. Hans Eysenck and Raymond Cattell both developed trait theories that exerted a considerable impact on research in personality. n In recent years, researchers have developed a five factor model of personality, which might represent evidence of a universal structure for personality. n Biological theories of personality attempt to explain differences in behaviour in terms of differences in physiology, particularly brain function. n Hans Eysenck developed explanations for both extraversion and neuroticism based on theories of cortical arousal. n Research in behavioural genetics has permitted the examination of both genetic and environmental factors in personality. n Identical twins are much more similar in personality than are fraternal twins, but personality similarities between parents and children, or between siblings, are not always very strong. n Social–cognitive theories of personality examine consistent differences in the ways people process social information, allowing us to make predictions about individuals’ behaviour in particular contexts. n Mischel devised a framework of broad cognitive categories involving processes that may lead to personality differences. PSY_C14.qxd 1/2/05 3:42 pm Page 312

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REVISION QUESTIONS

1. How do personality theorists define personality? 2. Why are both consistency and difference important concepts for the personality psychologist? 3. Why is the unconscious so important in Freud’s theory of personality? 4. In what ways did Freud link personality development to physical development? 5. According to Eysenck, what are the three primary dimensions of personality? 6. What are the Big Five? 7. What is more important in determining behaviour – the person or the situation? 8. Is extraversion related to brain-wave activity? 9. Are identical (monozygotic) twins more similar in personality than non-identical (dizygotic) twins? 10. Is our personality an effect of how we interpret the world, or does it cause it? 11. Does the way we perceive stress determine how we cope with it? 12. How do internalized standards affect our behaviour?

FURTHER READING Carver, C.S., & Scheier, M.F. (1996). Perspectives on Personality. 3rd edn. Needham Heights, MA: Allyn and Bacon. Divides personality into different perspectives and includes a considerable amount of material on self-regulation. Mischel, W. (1999). Introduction to Personality. 6th edn. Orlando: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich. An interesting introduction to personality research. Pervin, L.A. (1996). The Science of Personality. New York: John Wiley & Sons. A readable and reasonably comprehensive account of personality research. Peterson, C., Maier, S.F., & Seligman, M.E.P. (1993). Learned Helplessness: A Theory for the Age of Personal Control. New York: Oxford University Press. The history and development of learned helplessness theory. Plomin, R. (1994). Genetics and Experience: The Interplay Between Nature and Nurture. London: Sage. Examines the role of both nature and nurture in the development of individual differences. Plomin, R., DeFries, J.C., McClearn, G.E., & Rutter, M. (1997). Behavioral Genetics. 3rd edn. New York: Freeman. Introduces the field of behavioural genetics, including genetic factors in ability and disability, personality and psychopathology.

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Abnormal Psychology 15

CHAPTER OUTLINE

LEARNING OBJECTIVES

INTRODUCTION

WHAT DOES ‘ABNORMAL’ MEAN?

WHAT CAUSES ABNORMAL BEHAVIOUR? Biology and genetics Psychodynamics and the parent–child relationship Attachment and security Learned behaviour Distorted thinking Integrative models DISORDERS – SYMPTOMS AND CAUSES Schizophrenia – a living nightmare Mood disorders – depression Anxiety disorders – when fear takes over Eating disorders – bulimia and anorexia Substance use disorders – abuse and dependence Personality disorders – a way of being FINAL THOUGHTS

SUMMARY

REVISION QUESTIONS

FURTHER READING PSY_C15.qxd 1/2/05 3:43 pm Page 315

Learning Objectives

By the end of this chapter you should appreciate that:

n abnormal psychology (or psychopathology) deals with sets of behaviours or symptoms that produce a functional impairment in people’s lives;

n psychological disorders (e.g. schizophrenia) have been documented across time and culture;

n throughout history, the causes of abnormal behaviour have been construed from a number of different perspectives;

n biological/genetic models focus on brain defects, biochemical imbalances and genetic predispositions as causes of psychopathology;

n Freudian, contemporary psychodynamic and attachment models focus on the effects of early parent–child experiences;

n behavioural models focus on the learning experiences that result in psychopathology;

n cognitive models focus on the effect of distorted thought processes;

n the diathesis–stress perspective suggests that the factors identified by each of the other models may work in accordance with one another;

n the developmental psychopathology perspective provides a framework for understanding how psychopathology develops from childhood to adulthood;

n these perspectives can help us understand the numerous disorders documented in classification systems such as the DSM-IV and the ICD-10;

n there are several major forms of psychopathology, including schizophrenia, mood disorders, substance abuse, eating disorders and personality disorders.

INTRODUCTION

Abnormal psychology is the study of mental dis- Organization examined the prevalence, or frequency, orders (also called mental illness, psychological of mental disorders in people visiting medical disorders or psychopathology) – what they look doctors in primary care settings in 14 countries. like (symptoms), why they occur (etiology), how As figure 15.1 shows, the study revealed that they are maintained, and what effect they have on 24 per cent of these people had diagnosable people’s lives. mental disorders and another 10 per cent had Mental disorders are surprisingly common. For severe symptoms of mental disorders (Üstün & example, a study conducted by the World Health Sartorious, 1995). PSY_C15.qxd 1/2/05 3:43 pm Page 316

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40 60 35 50 30 Current mental 40 disorder 25 30 Subthreshold 20 disorder 20

15 Symptomatic % of population

% of patients 10 10 Well 0 5 012 3 or more Number of disorders 0

Figure 15.1 Figure 15.2

Rates of current mental disorder in patients presenting Comorbidity in lifetime rates of mental disorders. Co- to primary care facilities across the world. morbidity is the occurrence of two or more disorders at Source: Adapted from Üstün and Sartorius (1995). the same time. Of the 48 per cent of people reporting lifetime history of disorder in this study, over half reported two or more simultaneous disorders. These data come from a survey in the US, but similar rates of comorbidity have been found in countries around the world. Psychopathology can happen to anyone and Source: Kessler et al. (1994). affects many people around them – there is no age, race or group that is immune. Furthermore, The frequency and widespread suffering caused many people experience more than one disorder by mental disorders makes our understanding of at the same time (see figure 15.2). them critical.

Importantly, both the ICD-10 and the DSM-IV require that WHAT DOES ‘ABNORMAL’ MEAN? the level of impairment a person is experiencing be taken into account when deciding whether they meet criteria for any mental Defining abnormality is deceptively difficult. When asked to disorder. For example, the DSM-IV diagnostic criteria for depres- describe abnormal behaviour, people typically say that it occurs sion specify that: ‘The symptoms cause clinically significant dis- infrequently, is odd or strange, is characterized by suffering, or is tress or impairment in social, occupational, or other important dangerous. All of these are reasonable answers for some types of areas of functioning’ (p. 327). The ICD-10 description of depres- abnormal behaviour, but none of them is sufficient in itself, and sion also states: ‘The extent of ordinary social and work activities making them all necessary results in too strict a definition. is often a useful general guide to the likely degree of severity of One parsimonious and practical way to define abnormal the episode’ (p. 121). behaviour is to ask whether the behaviour causes impairment in Finally, it is important to be sensitive to how contextual factors the person’s life. The more a affect judgements about abnormality, so as not to over- or under- behaviour gets in the way of pathologize groups or individuals. Such factors include ethnicity impairment extent to which a behavi- successful functioning in an and culture, gender, age and socio-political values. For example, our or set of behaviours gets in the way important domain of life homosexuality was once listed as a disorder in the DSM, but, as of successful functioning in an import- (including the psychological, socio-political values changed to become somewhat more liberal ant domain of the individual’s life interpersonal and achieve- and accepting, it was deleted. ment/performance domains), the more likely it is to be considered a sign of abnormality. When several such behaviours or symptoms occur together, they may WHAT CAUSES ABNORMAL constitute a psychological disorder. BEHAVIOUR? Psychological disorders are formally defined in widely used classification systems, or nosologies: the International Classifica- tion of Diseases – 10th edition (ICD-10; World Health Organiza- With a basis for understanding how to define abnormal tion, 1992) and the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental behaviour, we can focus on its causes. Abnormal behaviour is Disorders – 4th edition (DSM-IV; APA, 1994). Although they differ construed from a number of different perspectives. Each of the from one another in format, these two systems cover the same following models tells us something about different aspects of a disorders and define them in a similar manner. multi-faceted group of mental disorders. PSY_C15.qxd 1/2/05 3:43 pm Page 317

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BIOLOGY AND GENETICS and how the child negotiated them as s/he progressed through the early relationship with the child’s parents. For example, if Biological and genetic models assert that mental disorders are dis- an adult male found himself unable to deal with authority figures, eases, and symptoms of mental disorders are caused by factors this might be interpreted as unresolved aggressive impulses to- such as brain defects (abnor- wards his father. Whether his father behaved as a harsh authority malities in the structures of figure or not would be considered less relevant. So, according to biochemical imbalance complex neuro- Freud, mental illness is due to intrapsychic (i.e. within the mind) transmitter dysregulation process invol- the brain), biochemical imbal- ances (complex dysregulation conflict. This means a person may have very little insight into ving the various neurotransmitters in the ‘true’ causes of their symptoms, as these are thought to be the brain processes involving various neurotransmitters) and genetic occurring at an unconscious level of processing. predispositions (risk for psycho- Many of Freud’s ideas have gone unsupported by research, but pathology carried via our a number of them have proven to be fairly accurate. For example, genetic predisposition likelihood of genetic material). there is ample evidence that people experience and process things showing condition or characteristic By and large, the evid- at a non-conscious level (see Westen, 1998; also chapter 14) and carried by genetic material ence for brain defects and that early interpersonal experiences affect later outcomes. In fact, biochemical imbalances as this latter hypothesis became central to contemporary psycho- causes of mental disorders is correlational, which means that, dynamic models of abnormal behaviour. although we know that such biological problems occur among Contemporary psychodynamic models (e.g., Kohut, 1977; people with mental disorders, we don’t know whether they Kernberg, 1976; Mitchell, 1988) also suggest that the early actually cause the disorder. Because the brain is a fairly malle- parent–child relationship is the original source of mental illness, able organ, our behaviour and experiences can also affect our and that what goes on in the mind of the child (and the adult) brain functioning, suggesting that the association between is important. biology and abnormal behaviour may be reciprocal rather than But these models differ from Freud’s in that they focus more unidirectional. on interpersonal relationships than on intrapsychic conflict. These Genetic models of mental disorder suggest that psychopatho- later models suggest that the early relationship between the child logy is inherited from parents, and there is certainly evidence for and the primary caregiver is crucial to the development of the the familial transmission of self-concept, concepts of others, and the quality of relationships many disorders. For example, throughout life. The idea is that this early caregiver–child rela- familial transmission genetic transmis- monozygotic (identical) twins tionship is internalized by children, so that they learn about them- sion of disorders should be more likely than selves and others from the manner in which the caregiver treats dizygotic (fraternal) twins to them. According to this framework, the nature of this internal- have the same disorder because they share 100 per cent of their ized relationship and its resulting impact on the sense of self and genetic material, whereas dizygotic twins share only 50 per cent. the sense of others is what can create vulnerability to psycholo- For many disorders, this is exactly what research shows. gical problems. But given that monozygotic twins share 100 per cent of their genetic material, you might expect them to have the same dis- orders 100 per cent of the time. But in fact they have the same ATTACHMENT AND SECURITY disorders only about 50 per cent of the time. These findings have led researchers to conclude that, rather than being deterministic, The attachment model of psychopathology, developed by genetics contributes about 50 per cent of the risk for mental ill- Bowlby (1969; 1973; 1980; see also chapter 9) resembles the con- ness. Such findings show that it doesn’t make sense to question temporary psychodynamic models in that it also emphasizes the whether mental illness is a function of nature or nurture. Instead early parent–child relationship and how the resulting models of we need to focus on how the two interact. self and others guide development. But rather than being inter- ested in people’s perceptions of their early experience, Bowlby was interested in the actual characteristics of the relationship. He relied on observational studies of parents and children to build his PSYCHODYNAMICS AND THE PARENT–CHILD theory, rather than on retrospective reports of adults. The theory RELATIONSHIP therefore has a strong empirical foundation. Attachment theory suggests that when parental behaviour fails Freud emphasized the role of the early parent–child relationship to make children feel safe, secure, and able to turn to and trust the in the development of mental illness. According to Freud, to the parent in times of need, then children will be unable to regulate extent that the child did not successfully negotiate the psycho- their emotions and needs adaptively and will develop negative, sexual stages (see chapter 14), mental illness would develop. ‘insecure’ views of themselves and others. This would put chil- But Freud didn’t focus on what actually occurred in the parent– dren at risk for developing psychological disorders. Research sup- child relationship (e.g. whether parents were actually poor care- ports this hypothesis, as ‘insecure’ children and adults show more takers). Instead, his focus was on the unconscious internal desires psychopathology than ‘secure’ children and adults (see Dozier, and motivations of the child (e.g. sexual and aggressive impulses) Stovall & Albus, 1999; Greenberg, 1999). PSY_C15.qxd 1/2/05 3:43 pm Page 318

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Research close-up 1 Reconciling the roles of genetics and the environment in risk for major depression The research issue As you have read in this chapter, genetic and environmental models make very different assumptions about the causes of depression. Kendler et al. (1995) conducted a study in an effort to determine the extent to which genetic and environmental factors contribute to depression. In their study, Kendler and his colleagues examined two important questions: (1) do genetic factors and stressful life events make unique contributions to risk for depression in women? and (2) do genetic factors and stressful life events interact to create risk for depression? In particular, the researchers wondered whether the association between stressful life events and risk for depression would be greater among people at high genetic risk compared to people at low genetic risk.

Design and procedure To examine these questions, Kender and colleagues studied four groups of women: (1) women with a depressed monozy- gotic (MZ) twin, (2) women with a depressed dizygotic (DZ) twin, (3) women with a non-depressed MZ twin, and (4) women with a non-depressed DZ twin. Women with a depressed MZ twin are at the highest genetic risk for depression, and women with a non-depressed MZ twin are at the lowest genetic risk for depression. For each woman, they assessed whether the person in question had experienced a depressive episode in any given month over the course of approximately one year, and they recorded whether any severe life events occurred during each month over this one year time period.

Results and implications Both stressful life events and genetic factors made unique contributions to depression. Regardless of genetic risk, stress- ful life events were associated with depression, and regardless of life stress, genetic risk was associated with depression.

n However, the impact of stressful life events on risk for depression was greater among women at high genetic risk than it was for women at low genetic risk (see figure 15.3). n Interestingly, the stressful life events that were found to be most strongly associated with depression were mainly interpersonal in nature (death of a close relative, serious marital problems, divorce/break-up, and assault), high- lighting the importance of relationship factors in risk for depression.

High MZ without depression DZ without depression DZ with depression MZ with Figure 15.3 Probability of onset depression Low Risk of onset of major depression as a function of Absent Present genetic risk and stressful life events. Source: Kendler et al. (1995). Stressful life events

The findings suggest that both genetic risk and stressful life events are important factors in understanding women’s risk for depression. Moreover, consistent with a diathesis-stress model (see p. 319), women at high genetic risk who experi- ence a stressful life event in the interpersonal domain of their lives are at greatest risk of all. Therefore, to understand risk for depression among women best, we must consider both genetic factors and environmental factors.

Kendler, K.S., Kessler, R.C., Walters, E.E. et al., 1995, ‘Stressful life events, genetic liability, and onset of an episode of major depression in women’, American Journal of Psychiatry, 152, 833–42. PSY_C15.qxd 1/2/05 3:43 pm Page 319

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LEARNED BEHAVIOUR single model can provide a full explanation of their onset and course over time. Instead, each model can help us to understand Behavioural models suggest that all behaviour, abnormal a different aspect of each disorder. This is where integrative included, is a product of learning – mainly learning by association models are useful. (see chapter 4). You may have noticed that only some of the models above For example, according to the classical conditioning model of explicitly focus on childhood factors that may contribute to the learning (e.g. Pavlov, 1928), if a man experiences chest pains development of abnormal behaviour, whereas the others only which result in anxiety while shopping in a department store, he do so at an implicit level. For example, behavioural models may develop a fear of department stores and begin to avoid them suggest that abnormal behaviour is the product of ‘earlier’ learn- because he associates them with anxiety. There is nothing inher- ing experiences, but they ently frightening about department stores, but this man fears don’t elaborate on exactly developmental psychopathology a them because of the association that he has formed with his ear- what those experiences are. perspective suggesting that risk for lier anxiety about having a possible heart attack. Here is another By contrast, developmental psychopathology depends on success at example which instead uses the operant model of learning (e.g. psychopathology provides a negotiating and mastering important Skinner, 1953): if a young normal weight woman begins to lose more rigorous framework developmental tasks weight and her friends and family praise her for doing so, she may for understanding how psy- continue to lose weight, even if it means starving herself. Her chopathology develops from childhood to adulthood. It is restricted eating behaviour will continue because she now asso- diathesis–stress model suggests that also likely that mental illness ciates a reduction in her diet with the praise and acceptance of some people possess an enduring results only when particular others. vulnerability factor (diathesis), which, combinations of factors are There is a third type of learning that does not rely on personal when coupled with a proximal stressor, present. This notion is at the experiences to establish associations. In observational learning, results in psychological symptoms behaviour is learned simply by watching someone else do some- heart of the diathesis–stress thing and observing what happens to them (Bandura, 1969). For model. example, a young boy may learn to be aggressive after watching his peers act aggressively. The diathesis–stress model Each of these learning models was built on a solid foundation of empirical research, and there is a great deal of evidence that The diathesis–stress model of mental illness (figure 15.4) suggests each of the three learning processes plays an important role in that some people possess an enduring vulnerability factor (a dia- abnormal behaviour. thesis) which, when coupled with a proximal (recent) stressor, results in psychological disorder. Neither the diathesis nor the stressor alone is enough to lead to symptoms – both must be present. DISTORTED THINKING Diatheses and stressors can be defined broadly. For example, a genetic or biological predisposition to mental illness might be the Cognitive models of abnormal behaviour focus on the way diathesis, and a troubled parent–child relationship could be the people think about themselves, others and the world (e.g. Beck stressor; or a dysfunctional pattern of thinking about the world et al., 1979). Distorted cognitive processes – such as selectively can be the diathesis, and a major life event the stressor. attending to some information and ignoring other information, exaggerating negative feelings, expecting the worst, or making Diathesis? inaccurate attributions about events (see chapters 14 and 17) – Yes No have been shown to play an important role in various types of psychological disorders. Disorder? Disorder? For example, suppose a woman has a bad day at work. If she Yes Yes No says to herself, ‘Oh well, tomorrow will be better’, she will prob- ably feel fine. But if she says to herself, ‘Oh, I’m just a horrible Stress? person with no future’ (i.e. if she exaggerates her negative feel- Disorder? Disorder? ings), she may become depressed. Or suppose a young man loses No No No at a game of cards. If he thinks, ‘I sure had bad luck with the cards today’, he will feel fine. But if he thinks, ‘My rotten friends pur- posely cheated me!’ he may become hostile and aggressive. Figure 15.4

The diathesis–stress model of psychopathology. According to INTEGRATIVE MODELS this model, psychopathology is most likely to result when a person with a diathesis (vulnerability) experiences a stressor. The models of abnormal behaviour described above are quite This model helps us to understand why only some people different from one another, and each is more or less well suited with vulnerabilities, such as a genetic predisposition, develop psychopathology. to particular disorders. As most disorders are quite complex, no PSY_C15.qxd 1/2/05 3:43 pm Page 320

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As you read through the following sections on the various dis- 30 orders, you might want to consider how a diathesis–stress process 25 could describe how each comes about. 20 Developmental psychopathology 15 10 % of population According to this model, psychopathology is best understood 5 using a lifespan development approach. It considers how the 0 negotiation and attainment of earlier developmental tasks affects

people’s capacities to manage later tasks (e.g. Cicchetti, Rogosch Phobias & Toth, 1994). Obsessive- Schizophrenia Bipolar disorder In other words, people may travel down one of many paths; Eating disorders Major depression their success or failure at various junctures along the way deter- Personality disorders mines the subsequent path that they follow. So earlier deficits in compulsive disorders

functioning may leave us unprepared to successfully negotiate Substance abuse/dependence subsequent related situations, putting us at even greater risk for psychopathology. Figure 15.5 For example, a young girl who is harshly and chronically criticized by her parents may develop low self-esteem and the Lifetime prevalence rates for psychological disorders. These expectation that people will not like her, which puts her at risk of rates are from studies conducted in the US (Kessler et al., 1994), but cross-national studies indicate similar rates of dis- becoming depressed. She may then have difficulty making friends orders in other countries such as Switzerland, Germany and in school because she is afraid of rejection. She may feel lonely Puerto Rico. Source: Kessler et al. (1994). and undesirable, her withdrawal leading to actual rejection by her peers, continuing her risk for depression. But if this young girl has a teacher who treats her with warmth and care and helps her learn Table 15.1 Suicide: a serious mental health and public health how to make friends, her risk for depression might be reduced. problem This is because she is acquiring important skills that have the potential to change the course of her subsequent development. Facts about suicide Risk factors for suicide n Suicide occurs across the world, n Past history of attempted but rates vary by culture suicide DISORDERS – SYMPTOMS AND CAUSES n Self-inflicted injuries, including n Talking about committing suicide, were the 12th leading suicide cause of death in the world in n A clear plan to commit For each disorder we will look at its symptoms and the course it 1998 suicide takes. Then we will consider its causes, both biological/genetic n In all cultures, men are more n Available means (e.g. and psychosocial, and the factors that affect its course. Prevalence likely than women are to firearms, drugs) rates (i.e. the cross-sectional proportion of occurrences of the complete suicide n Depression disorder in the population) for various disorders are shown in n Rates of suicide in children and n Substance abuse figure 15.5. adolescents are on the rise n Hopelessness n People with mental disorders, n Impulsivity especially depression, substance n Stressful life events SCHIZOPHRENIA – A LIVING NIGHTMARE use disorders, schizophrenia, n Lack of social support and borderline personality n Saying goodbye to people Images of schizophrenia are easy to conjure – a dishevelled person, disorder, are at high risk for n Giving away personal items alone, talking to himself or yelling at someone else that only he suicide seems to see. This is a frightening image, for the symptoms it por- trays are extremely odd and disconcerting. Indeed, schizophrenia can be a frightening disorder to deal with, not only for those involved no one there? How did that feel? Rather disconcerting, most with schizophrenic people, but for the sufferers themselves. likely. Now magnify your feelings about 100 times and you may Schizophrenia is a severe mental disorder, experienced by many start to sense how the schizophrenic person feels. sufferers as a living nightmare, a fact highlighted by the high rate of suicide among schizophrenics (Caldwell & Gottesman, 1992; see table 15.1). Symptoms As you read this section, try to imagine what it might feel like to experience some of the things schizophrenic people experi- Schizophrenia is character- psychosis a break with reality, charac- ence. For example, many schizophrenic people hear voices. Have ized by psychosis, or a break teristic of schizophrenia you ever heard someone call your name, only to find there was with reality. People who are PSY_C15.qxd 1/2/05 3:43 pm Page 321

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psychotic think and behave in ways that have little to do with The course of schizophrenia reality, showing significant impairment in just about every im- portant domain of functioning – perception, thought, language, Schizophrenia is a chronic disorder. Although some people have memory, emotion and behaviour. People with schizophrenia brief episodes of schizophrenic-like behaviour (called brief re- may exhibit any of these symptoms: active psychoses), most people with schizophrenia suffer from symptoms for their entire lives. n Perceiving things that are not there – these hallucinations One common course of schizophrenia is a period of negat- are usually auditory (e.g. hearing voices), but visual and ive symptoms and odd behaviour during which the person’s tactile hallucinations (e.g. seeing God or the devil, or feel- functioning slowly deteriorates (the prodromal phase), followed ing that insects are crawling under your skin) also occur by a ‘first break’ – the first episode of positive symptoms. Some relatively frequently. people experience an episode of positive symptoms with a few n Believing things that are not true – paranoid delusions are warning signs beforehand. The manifestation of symptoms particularly common. A schizophrenic woman may believe can also take a number of different forms. For example, some that the government is plot- people may be delusional but still be able to take basic care ting against her or that aliens paranoid delusions elaborate set of themselves, carry on a conversation and succeed in school plan to kill her. Everything of beliefs, commonly experienced by and work, whereas others may be completely debilitated by the will be interpreted in the schizophrenics, characterized by signi- disorder. context of the delusion, even ficant distrust of others and feelings of Schizophrenia typically has its onset in late adolescence or things that are meant to help, persecution early adulthood. Although it can start in childhood, this is quite so medication will be seen as rare. Sufferers don’t necessarily deteriorate over time, but they poison. Delusions of grandeur do have relapses into episodes of positive symptoms. are also common: a schizophrenic person may believe that he is someone famous, such as Elvis or Jesus Christ, and may insist on behaving like and being treated as that person. Causes of schizophrenia and factors n Using odd or bizarre language, such as idiosyncratic mean- affecting its course ings for common words or made-up words (neologisms) that only have meaning to them. They may also go off on 1 Genetic and biological factors These account for our initial tangents when they speak. vulnerability to schizophrenia, although exactly how they do so n Disturbances in affect – flat affect can result in a lack of facial is unclear. expressions and emotionless, monotone speech, while in- What is clear is that schizophrenia tends to be inherited. For appropriate affect is characterized by laughing when nothing example, monozygotic twins have the highest concordance rates funny has happened, crying when nothing sad has happened for schizophrenia (Gottesman, 1991), meaning that they are or getting angry when nothing upsetting has happened. more likely to both have schizophrenia if one of them has it, com- n Behavioural disturbances in four important areas: pared to people who share 1. odd mannerisms, such as repetitive movements or less genetic material (such as concordance rates the extent to which behaviours and odd facial expressions (e.g. grimaces); dizygotic twins or siblings). people show the same disorders 2. a significant lack of motivation, called avolition; Interestingly, schizophrenics 3. difficulty taking care of themselves, including basic life skills such as paying bills, shopping, and dressing; and 4. poor social skills, being socially withdrawn, and having disturbed relationships with others (the nature of inter- Pioneer personal relationships plays a key role in the course of the disorder). Emil Kraepelin (1856–1926), a German psychiatrist and one of the founding fathers of modern psychiatry, made The symptoms of schizo- three primary contributions to the field of mental illness. positive symptoms in schizophrenia, phrenia are grouped into two First, Kraepelin believed that mental illness was caused by symptoms that indicate the presence of categories: positive and negat- biological factors. His work in this area helped define the something unusual, such as hallucina- ive symptoms. Positive symp- field of biological psychiatry and research now supports a tions, delusions, odd speech and inap- toms indicate the presence strong biological basis for some of the disorders in which propriate affect of something unusual (such Kraepelin was most interested (e.g. schizophrenia and as hallucinations, delusions, bipolar disorder). Second, Kraepelin laid the foundation for odd speech and inappropriate modern classification systems used to diagnose mental dis- negative symptoms in schizophrenia, affect) and negative symptoms orders, which use patterns of symptoms rather than any symptoms that indicate the absence of indicate the absence of some- one symptom in isolation. This led to his third contribu- something normal, such as good social thing normal (such as good tion, which was the classification of and distinction skills, appropriate affect, motivation and social skills, appropriate affect, between schizophrenia and bipolar disorder. life skills motivation and life skills). PSY_C15.qxd 1/2/05 3:43 pm Page 322

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and their close family members show some similar types of neuro- 100 psychological functioning, even if these family members do not 90 suffer from the illness itself. This suggests that it may be the bio- 80 70 logical risk factors for schizophrenia that are inherited from fam- 60 ily members, rather than the disorder itself (Cannon et al., 1994). 50 Adoption studies also support the notion of genetic trans- 40 30 mission of vulnerability to schizophrenia. Children born to a 20 schizophrenic parent and adopted away to a non-schizophrenic 10 0

parent are more likely to have schizophrenia, compared to chil- % relapsing in 9–12 months dren born to a non-schizophrenic parent (Kety et al., 1994). How- ever, one study has shown that adopted-away children with a Depression Alcoholism genetic predisposition to schizophrenia are more likely to become Schizophrenia Bipolar disorder schizophrenic if they are also raised in a disturbed family envir- High EE Low EE onment. This supports a diathesis–stress model of schizophrenia (Tienari et al., 1987). Several biological problems may cause schizophrenia, as vari- Figure 15.6 ous forms of brain dysfunction occur among sufferers, including Expressed emotion and relapse. Across many disorders, people enlarged ventricles, reduced blood flow to frontal brain regions who have family members who are high on EE are more likely to and an excess of dopamine (Andreasen et al., 1992; Davis et al., relapse than are people who have family members who are low on EE. Source: Adapted from Butzlaff & Hooley (1998); O’Farrell 1991; Flaum et al., 1995). But we don’t know for sure whether et al. (1998). these problems are a cause or a consequence of the disorder. A current debate focuses on the neurodegenerative hypothesis (that schizophrenia leads to progressively deteriorating brain func- The level of EE in the family plays an important role in what tioning) versus the neurodevelopmental hypothesis (that brain happens to the schizophrenic person. Schizophrenic people who deficits are present at birth, influence the onset of schizophrenia have families that are high in EE are more likely to suffer a relapse and remain fairly stable). Research supports the neurodevelop- of symptoms (figure 15.6). This association between EE and mental hypothesis, but there is also evidence that the brains of relapse is also true for a number of other disorders. some schizophrenic people show greater deterioration over time Caring for a schizophrenic family member is a stressful, tiring than would otherwise be expected. undertaking, which can, in itself, lead to high EE behaviours. For- tunately, psycho-educational programmes can help families and 2 Psychosocial factors An early hypothesis of the ‘schizo- their schizophrenic relatives learn better ways of communicat- phrenogenic mother’ suggested that inadequate parenting causes ing. These programmes, in conjunction with appropriate medica- schizophrenia (e.g. Arieti, tion for the sufferer, can lower relapse rates (e.g. Leff et al., 1982; 1955). There is absolutely McFarlane et al., 1995). psychosocial factors psychological, no evidence of this, nor that environmental and social factors that any psychosocial factors cause may play a role in psychopathology schizophrenia. The evidence MOOD DISORDERS – DEPRESSION overwhelmingly points to genetic and biological factors as providing the initial vulner- Although mood disorders have some symptoms in common, ability. But there is evidence, consistent with a diathesis–stress they are very different in terms of their prevalence and causes. model, that psychological and social factors influence the course Major depressive disorder, also called unipolar depression, is of schizophrenia, such as the timing of onset and the likelihood one of the most common of these disorders, whereas bipolar dis- of relapse. order (also known as manic-depression), like schizophrenia, is less The most well researched prevalent. psychosocial predictor of the Both disorders often result in severe impairment. Figure 15.7 expressed emotion (EE) specific set course of schizophrenia is a shows that depression results in as much impairment as common of feelings and behaviours directed phenomenon called expressed physical health problems, if not more. at people with schizophrenia by their emotion (EE). This doesn’t family members refer to the level of emotion Symptoms of major depressive disorder the sufferer expresses, as the name implies, but to a specific set of feelings and beha- The primary symptom of major depressive disorder is, not sur- viours directed at people with schizophrenia by their family prisingly, a depressed or sad mood. Almost everyone experiences members. A family that is high in EE tends to be critical and a sad mood some time in their life, but major depressive disorder resentful of their schizophrenic relative and may be overprotec- goes much further than simply feeling sad. Other symptoms include: tive or over-involved in his life (Brown et al., 1962). A family that is low in EE tends to be more caring and accepting, and less n Losing interest or pleasure in things that you usually enjoy enmeshed in the sufferer’s life. – an experience called anhedonia. PSY_C15.qxd 1/2/05 3:43 pm Page 323

Disorders – Symptoms and Causes 323 Level of impairment

Arthritis Diabetes Back pain Depression Hypertension

Figure 15.7

Level of impairment caused by depression in comparison to physical disorders. Notice that depression is as impairing or more impairing than many common health problems. The impair- ment scale should be interpreted with regard to the relative impairment across disorders, rather than absolute impairment of each disorder. Source: Adapted from Üstün and Sartorius (1995).

n Changes in appetite – some find nothing appealing and have Figure 15.8 to force themselves to eat, resulting in significant weight loss, while others want to eat more and gain a lot of weight. A depressed person will tend to withdraw socially, feel insecure, elicit rejection from others and experience high levels of inter- n Changes in sleep habits – depressed people may be unable personal conflict and stress. to sleep or want to sleep all the time. n A very low level of energy, extreme fatigue and poor con- centration. Depressed people have no motivation to do sion with just a few symptoms rather than full-blown major anything, often find themselves unable to get out of bed depressive disorder can predict the onset of more serious depres- and unable to complete school or work assignments. They sion later on (e.g. Pine et al., 1999). may move through their lives very slowly, feeling that even Although depression was once thought to be a disorder simple activities require too much energy. of adulthood, we now know that it affects people of all ages, n Feeling very badly about themselves – low self-esteem, feel- including children (figure 15.9). In fact, the age of onset of major ing worthless and blaming themselves for all that has gone wrong in their lives and the world. Depressed people tend 10 to feel hopeless about the future and don’t believe they will ever feel better. 8 6 Major depressive disorder has negative consequences not only 4 for how people feel about themselves and their future, but also 2 for their relationships. During a depressive episode people tend to % of population withdraw socially, feel insecure in relationships, elicit rejection 0 from others and experience high levels of interpersonal conflict and stress. Romantic, family and peer relationships all suffer. Phobias Given their level of suffering, impairment and hopelessness, Obsessive- Generalized Depression Attention deficit it is hardly surprising that depression is one of the biggest risk anxiety disorder Separation anxiety factors for suicide, with around 15 per cent of depressed people compulsive disorders hyperactivity disorder committing suicide (Clark & Goebel-Fabbri, 1999). Figure 15.9 The course of the disorder Children experience psychological disorders too. These rates are from studies in the US. Cross-national studies indicate that Major depressive disorder follows a recurrent course. Although rates may differ somewhat in different countries because of dif- some people have isolated episodes, most experience multiple fering cultural values that result in different definitions of abnor- episodes of depression that may become more severe over time mality and different symptom expression. However, children in all cultures suffer from various psychological disorders. (e.g. Lewinsohn, Zeiss & Duncan, 1989). Mild forms of depres- PSY_C15.qxd 1/2/05 3:43 pm Page 324

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depressive disorder is decreasing, and the rates of major depres- n All or nothing thinking – ‘I’m a total loser!’ sive disorder in childhood and adolescence are increasing rapidly. n Overgeneralization – ‘I’m always going to be a total loser!’ Early onset predicts a worse course of depression over time (e.g. n Catastrophizing – ‘I’m so bad at my job that I’m sure to fail, Lewinsohn et al., 1994), so depression in childhood and adoles- then I’ll get fired, I’ll be totally humiliated, nobody will ever cence is a serious problem that can lead to ongoing difficulties hire me again, and I’ll be depressed forever!’ throughout life. n Personalization – ‘It’s all my fault that my sister’s boyfriend broke up with her – if I hadn’t been so needy of her atten- tion, she would have spent more time with him and they Causes of major depressive disorder and would have stayed together!’ factors affecting its course n Emotional reasoning – ‘I feel like an incompetent fool, therefore I must be one!’ 1 Genetic and biological factors Like schizophrenia, major depressive disorder can be genetically transmitted (e.g. McGuffin Similarly, Seligman and colleagues (e.g. Abramson, Seligman & et al., 1996). Teasdale, 1978) suggest that people who are vulnerable to depres- As for biological factors, the current view is that no single sion tend to offer internal, global and stable causal explanations neurotransmitter is associated with major depressive disorder. for negative events (see also chapter 14). For example, if a date Instead, it most likely involves dysregulation of the entire neuro- goes badly, reactions might include: transmitter system (Siever & Davis, 1991). Indeed, it may be the balance of various neurotransmitters that regulate mood. n It’s all because of me (internal); Major depressive disorder may also involve neuroendocrine n I always do the wrong thing (global); and dysfunction. Depressed people tend to have elevated cortisol levels n I’ll never have a proper boyfriend (stable). (e.g. Halbreich, Asnis & Shindledecker, 1985). Cortisol is involved in regulating the body’s reaction to stress and becomes elevated Negative interpersonal circumstances are particularly likely to under stress. This suggests that, physiologically, depressed people play a role in depression. Marital, family and peer relations are may be in a state of chronic stress and they are perhaps more often troubled, and interpersonal forms of stress – such as rela- reactive to stress than are non-depressed people (e.g. Gold, tionships ending, conflicts and lack of supportive relationships – Goodwin & Chrousos, 1988). As we see in the next section, stress are consistently associated with depression (see Beach & Fincham, plays an important role in vulnerability to major depressive 1998; Davila, 2000; Hammen, 1991). disorder. Interpersonal models of depression highlight how the disorder can be both a cause and a consequence of interpersonal problems. 2 Psychosocial factors Unlike schizophrenia, which almost For example, Coyne (1976) suggested that depressed people certainly has a genetic and/or biological trigger, major depressive engage in behaviours that elicit rejection from others, and this disorder can be caused by either genetic/biological or psycho- rejection leads to further depression. Similarly, Hammen (1991) social factors. proposed that depressed people generate interpersonal stress One of the primary psychosocial factors is life stress, including in their lives, which then makes them more depressed. It’s pos- significant negative life events and chronically stressful circum- sible that, for some people, depression has its roots in childhood stances (e.g. Brown & Harris, 1989). Of course, many people ex- experiences (Cicchetti et al., 1994). An insecure attachment in perience stressful situations, but they don’t all become depressed, childhood may set the stage for depression by putting children at suggesting that a diathesis–stress process might be occurring. a disadvantage in four important areas: Specifically, it may be the particular way we perceive and think 1. Low self-esteem puts them at risk for a pessimistic way of about life stressors that leads to depression. Consistent with a viewing themselves and the world. cognitive model of psychopathology, people who think about 2. Inability to successfully regulate their negative emotions life events in a pessimistic, dysfunctional way are more likely to leaves them unable to fend off feelings of depression. get depressed than people who think about life events in an 3. Never having learned to cope well with stress, they may optimistic way (e.g. Metalsky, Halberstadt & Abramson, 1987). employ inappropriate strategies (such as keeping problems Beck (1967; Beck et al., hidden or ruminating on them). 1979) describes pessimistic 4. Negative views of others and learned dysfunctional ways of cognitive distortions dysfunctional ways ways of thinking about our- interacting with others (e.g. excessive dependence on, or of thinking about the self, the world, selves, the world and the complete avoidance, of others) puts them at risk for depres- other people and the future that can future as cognitive distortions. sion through the negative effect it has on their interper- make people vulnerable to depression Examples are viewing things sonal relationships. and other negative emotions in a black and white manner, focusing on and exaggerating negative aspects and minimiz- Symptoms of bipolar disorder ing our positive qualities. When people engage in cognitive distor- tions, like those below, to explain their life circumstances, they put In bipolar disorder, depression alternates with periods of mania, themselves at risk for experiencing negative moods like depression: which is virtually the polar opposite of depression. During a PSY_C15.qxd 1/2/05 3:43 pm Page 325

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Research close-up 2 Identifying neural correlates of vulnerability to psychopathology The research issue Affective neuroscience is a rapidly growing field in psychology that has the potential to help us understand how brain func- tioning is related to risk for emotional disorders. By using brain imaging techniques (e.g. Positron Emission Tomography, PET; Functional Magnetic Resonance Imaging, fMRI) researchers may be able to identify areas of the brain that are asso- ciated with different emotions and motivational states. Liotti and his colleagues (2002) attempted to do just that in order to determine whether there are any disease markers in brain functioning for unipolar depression. Specifically, they were interested not just in whether depression was associ- ated with certain aspects of brain functioning, but whether there are brain changes that may play a causal role in the onset of unipolar depression.

Design and procedure In order to test their question, Liotti et al. compared three groups of participants:

n remitted depressed individuals – people who were diagnosed with major depressive disorder, but who were no longer symptomatic; n currently depressed individuals – people diagnosed with major depressive disorder; and n healthy comparisons – people with no personal or family history of depression or any other psychiatric disorder.

Each participant underwent PET scans during (1) a resting state and (2) a sad-mood induction in which he or she thought about personal events that induced sadness. Then the researchers compared changes in brain functioning from the rest- ing state to the sad state in the three groups.

Results and implications Comparisons of brain functioning changes across the three groups resulted in two important findings:

1. Of most importance, the brain functioning of the currently depressed was very similar to that of the remitted groups, but they were both different from the healthy comparisons. Therefore, when remitted depressed people (who are not currently depressed) are made to feel sad, their brains function more like those of people who are currently depressed than like those of people who are not currently depressed. So these common aspects of brain function- ing may be markers of risk for unipolar depression. Of course, this research design does not tell us for sure whether the observed changes are a marker of vulnerability to depression or a reflection of brain changes that follow from having the disorder. 2. Some aspects of changes in brain functioning were similar across all three groups. This suggests that some types of brain functioning may reflect processes that are common to mood regulation among all people.

In conclusion, the results of this study provide intriguing evidence that there may be neural markers of risk for psy- chopathology. You can be certain that this will be an exciting area of research for future generations.

Liotti, M., Mayberg, H.S., McGinnis, S., Brannan, S.L., & Jerabek, P., 2002, ‘Unmasking disease-specific cerebral blood flow abnormalities: Mood challenge in patients with remitted unipolar depression’, American Journal of Psychiatry, 159, 1830 –40.

manic period, people feel euphoric or elated. And just as major about themselves, to the extent that they often believe they depression isn’t the same as simply feeling sad, mania is not the can do anything. And they frequently try to! same as simply feeling happy. Mania is characterized by these n Engaging in many more activities than usual. This increase symptoms: in activity often becomes excessive to the point of being dangerous. For example, manic people may go on shopping n An excessively euphoric mood typically associated with a sprees, spend amounts of money that go well beyond their sense of grandiosity. Manic people feel unbelievably good means, and incur enormous levels of debt. They may take PSY_C15.qxd 1/2/05 3:43 pm Page 326

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off on a trip in their car, driving recklessly and leaving 2 Psychosocial factors Like schizophrenia, there is no evid- responsibilities behind. They may engage in frequent sex- ence that psychosocial factors are the initial cause of bipolar dis- ual indiscretions, putting themselves at risk for sexually order. But they do influence the course of the disorder. Stressful transmitted diseases, pregnancy and relationship conflict. life events, particularly those that disrupt social and biological n A decreased need for sleep – even staying awake for days at regularities (e.g. birth of a child, change in work hours, travel), a time. may lead to relapse (see Johnson & Roberts, 1995). n High distractibility and poor concentration as the mind Negative social relations may also lead to relapse. In particular, races with a million thoughts. sufferers with high EE families are more likely to relapse (Miklowitz n Speaking very quickly – others can barely get a word in dur- et al., 1988; see figure 15.6). ing conversations. The course of the disorder ANXIETY DISORDERS – WHEN FEAR TAKES OVER The most common onset for bipolar disorder is in early adult- hood, but, like major depressive disorder, it can occur earlier. Anxiety is a set of symptoms: Bipolar disorder is a lifelong, recurrent disorder that can take a variable course. Although some people regularly alternate n emotional (e.g. fear, worry) between mania and depression, the number of episodes, their n physical (e.g. shortness of breath, heart pounding, sweat- timing and their order can vary widely. ing, upset stomach) Bipolar disorder can be seriously debilitating, but with appro- n cognitive (e.g. fear of dying, losing control, going crazy). priate medication many sufferers live highly productive, normal lives between episodes. When someone experiences this cluster of symptoms, it is often called a panic attack. Like depressed mood, anxiety is a common experience – almost Causes of bipolar disorder and factors everyone has felt some level of anxiety in their lives. In many cir- affecting its course cumstances, it is a normal adaptive experience, physiologically preparing our bodies to respond when we sense danger. Our 1 Genetic and biological factors There is even more evid- autonomic nervous system (see chapter 3) gets us ready for fight ence of genetic transmission for bipolar disorder than for major or flight and then, when the danger has passed, calms us back depressive disorder (Gershon, 1995). down again so that we can go back to normal functioning. There is also evidence of dysfunction of various neurotrans- So how do we differentiate ‘normal’ fear from an anxiety dis- mitters, including serotonin, dopamine and norepinephrine, order? In addition to the level of impairment caused by the anxiety, although it may not be the levels of neurotransmitters themselves a disorder often involves fear and anxiety in response to some- that are problematic, but the pattern of neuronal firing. Sodium thing that is not inherently frightening or dangerous. For example, ions are critical in proper neuronal firing (see chapter 1), and it is normal to feel anxiety in response to poisonous snakes, but it lithium, which is used to treat bipolar disorder, is chemically sim- less normal to feel anxiety in response to pictures of snakes. ilar to sodium, so lithium may work by regulating dysfunctional Anxiety disorders have four things in common: neuronal firing (e.g. Goodwin & Jamison, 1990). 1. each is defined by a specific target of fear (the thing the per- son is afraid of); 2. anxiety or panic attacks are experienced in response to the Pioneer target of fear; 3. the target of fear is avoided by the sufferer; and Kay Redfield Jamison (1946– ), Professor of Psychiatry at 4. anxiety disorders tend to be chronic – they tend to persist Johns Hopkins University School of Medicine, is an award- rather than come in episodes. winning psychologist and expert in the field of bipolar dis- order, a condition from which she suffers. With Frederick Symptoms and course of anxiety disorders K. Goodwin, she wrote one of the classic texts on bipolar disorder, Manic-depressive Illness. Her autobiography, An 1 Specific phobias The most common and straightforward of Unquiet Mind, has made a lasting impact because of the can- the anxiety disorders are specific phobias – fear and avoidance of did and caring manner in which she describes life with a particular object or situation (e.g. dogs, heights, flying). This bipolar disorder. She has also produced three television anxiety may be very circumscribed, occurring only in response to programmes about bipolar disorder. Jamison has served on the target of fear, and may result in impairment in only a very the first National Advisory Council for Human Genome specific domain. Research, and is clinical director for the Dana Consortium For example, someone who is afraid of flying may lead a very on the Genetic Basis of Manic-Depressive Illness. normal, productive life but simply isn’t able to fly. This may impair their work if they are expected to travel for business, or PSY_C15.qxd 1/2/05 3:43 pm Page 327

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of negative evaluation and rejection by others and will attempt to Pioneer avoid it at all costs. Social phobia ranges from relatively mild (e.g. fearing and David Barlow (1942– ), Professor of Psychology and avoiding public speaking only) to extremely pervasive (e.g. fearing Director of the Center for Anxiety and Related Disorders and avoiding all social interaction except with family members). at Boston University, is an expert on the nature and treat- 3 Panic disorder Panic dis- ment of anxiety and related disorders (e.g. sexual dys- agoraphobia fear of situations in which order can also be quite debil- function). In his classic text, Anxiety and its Disorders, he escape would be difficult or help is not itating, especially when it is describes the predominant cognitive-behavioural approach available should panic or anxiety occur to understanding anxiety disorders. He has developed a coupled with agoraphobia. series of empirically supported cognitive-behavioural treat- Literally ‘fear of the market- ments for various anxiety disorders and is particularly well place’, agoraphobia is often thought of as fear of leaving the known for his panic control treatment. house. More accurately, it is fear of situations in which escape would be difficult or there would be no one to help should panic occur. Panic disorder begins with sudden panic attacks that occur out of the blue. The disorder develops when people worry about hav- ing another panic attack and subsequently begin to avoid places and situations they associate with it. For example, if you had a panic attack while driving, you might avoid driving again. When someone avoids so many places and situations that they are finally unable to leave their home, they are said to have agoraphobia.

4 Obsessive-compulsive obsessions unwanted, persistent, intrus- disorder You won’t be sur- ive, repetitive thoughts prised to find that obsessive- compulsive disorder (OCD) is characterized by obsessions (unwanted, persistent, intru- compulsions ritualistic, repetitive beha- sive, repetitive thoughts) and viours that a person feels compelled to compulsions (ritualistic, repeti- engage in tive behaviours). When someone with OCD experiences obsessions, such as fear of contamination, anxiety is generated. To reduce this anxiety, she might engage in compulsions, such as repetitive hand-washing. The compulsions reduce anxiety briefly, but the obsessions soon return, and the sufferer becomes caught in a vicious cycle. Sometimes OCD is fairly circumscribed, but often it begins to dominate people’s lives, causing significant impairment. Typical obsessions involve religion, contamination, fear of hurting some- one, fear of losing something important, and fear of saying or doing something inappropriate or dangerous. Typical compul- sions are hand-washing, checking, counting and hoarding.

Figure 15.10 5 Post-traumatic stress disorder Experiencing a traumatic A specific phobia will involve fear and avoidance of a particular event can lead to post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD). It was object or situation. first documented among war veterans who had been exposed to wartime atrocities, but we now know that it can occur in response to many types of event, including natural disasters, acci- their relationships if, for example, they can’t take a vacation with dents, rape and physical abuse. And it isn’t just the victim who is their partner. But it won’t usually affect other areas of their life. vulnerable to the disorder. Someone who observes severe phy- sical abuse, for example, is also at risk. 2 Social phobia Social phobia tends to be more impairing PTSD has a paradoxical set of symptoms. The target of fear is because it often results in significant social isolation. You might the trauma itself, which creates tremendous anxiety, so the suf- think that people with social phobia are afraid of people or of ferer will desperately try to avoid anything associated with the social situations – but this isn’t the case. They are actually afraid trauma. They may even lose their memory for the event. On the PSY_C15.qxd 1/2/05 3:43 pm Page 328

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other hand, people with PTSD might be plagued with unwanted unique biological causes. For example, some research indicates and intrusive thoughts about the event, such as flashbacks and there is a specific brain circuit that, when over-activated (e.g. in nightmares. times of stress), results in repetitive patterns characteristic of Sufferers also tend to become psychologically numb. Their OCD (e.g. Rapoport, 1989). emotions shut down, and they can’t derive pleasure from things Research also suggests that vulnerability to panic disorder or even envision the future. But again, paradoxically, they may may be the result of a biological sensitivity to physical sensations also experience symptoms of hyper-arousal. They are usually (e.g., Klein, 1993). Our bodies may have an ‘alarm system’ that is hyper-vigilant to their environment, they startle easily, can’t sleep hypersensitive to certain sensations (e.g. lack of oxygen). When or concentrate, and are irritable and easily angered. This complex the alarm sounds, we may experience a panic attack. This is an set of symptoms makes PTSD is a very debilitating disorder. interesting model, but it doesn’t indicate how exactly this process leads to panic disorder (i.e. how fear and avoidance of panic 6 Generalized anxiety disorder In some ways, generalized attacks develop). anxiety disorder is the simplest, and in other ways the most com- plex, anxiety disorder. It is characterized by an extended period – 2 Psychosocial factors Cognitive, behavioural and life stress say, six months or more – of chronic, uncontrollable worry about factors all affect risk for anxiety disorders. In fact, stress is, by numerous things. This sounds simple. Sufferers spend their lives definition, the cause of PTSD. worried and tense all the time, they are easily irritated, and they When fear is generated by life experiences, be they actual experi- have trouble sleeping and concentrating. ences, things we see or even things we are told about, this can On the other hand, it isn’t entirely clear what people are serve as a powerful conditioning experience. But, like depression, attempting to avoid and what function their worry serves. Some the way we view a frightening event affects whether it results in theorists have suggested that people with this disorder fear that an anxiety disorder. Anxiety is associated with viewing the world they will not be able to control their lives or themselves, and worry as dangerous and uncontrollable and viewing the self as helpless is a way to exert control (Borkovec, 1985). It doesn’t work, of (e.g. Beck & Emery, 1985). course, but sufferers may feel completely out of control if they The development of panic disorder is a good example of how stop worrying. They may have no other coping strategies to rely on. various causal factors may interact. Imagine you are biologically sensitive to physiological changes in your body. Suppose one day you suddenly feel short of breath for no identifiable reason. Causes of anxiety disorders and factors You assume the shortness of breath means something terrible is affecting their course about to happen (‘I’m going to die!’, ‘I’m going to lose control of myself!’), and so you experience more anxiety, likely resulting in 1 Genetic and biological factors The extent of heritabil- a full-blown panic attack. Because this frightening event is made ity varies across disorders. For example, panic disorder shows even more so by your catastrophic interpretation, you develop a relatively high rates of heritability, whereas generalized anxiety fear of the panic attack (Clark, 1986; see also figure 15.11). If the disorder shows lower rates (e.g. Hettema et al., 2001; Kendler panic attack occurs while you are driving, you might also develop et al., 1992). There is also evidence that people who are prone to a fear of driving and begin to avoid it. This avoidance is re- anxiety disorders are born inforced, because it reduces the likelihood of further panic attacks. with something called behavi- behavioural inhibition shyness, quiet- oural inhibition (see Kagan ness, fearfulness, social avoidance, and & Snidman, 1991). Children high levels of physiological arousal and who are behaviourally inhib- stress reactivity in young children Panic attack ited are shy, quiet, fearful, (e.g. anxious, heart racing, socially avoidant and have short of breath, sweating – high levels of physiological arousal (i.e. they are aroused easily occurs out of the blue) and are very reactive to stimulation and stress). These children are more likely to develop an anxiety disorder (e.g. Hirschfeld Increased anxiety Misattribution of symptoms et al., 1992). (e.g. anxious, heart racing, (‘I’m going to die! I’m Regarding biological factors, there a number of pathways in short of breath, sweating) going to go crazy!’) the limbic system that are hypothesized to produce various types of anxiety reactions (e.g. Gray, 1982). In addition, people with anxiety disorders show low levels of the neurotransmitter gamma aminobutyric acid (GABA). This is a central nervous sys- Figure 15.11 tem inhibitor that works to lower physiological arousal and keep us calm and relaxed. Low levels of GABA can therefore lead to Cognitive model of panic disorder. According to this model, people develop panic disorder after misinterpreting a set of increased neuronal firing, which may in turn lead to high levels of physical symptoms, such as pounding heart or shortness of physiological arousal and, consequently, anxiety. breath. The misinterpretation serves to make them more anxi- Although some forms of biological dysfunction may be associ- ous and increase the likelihood of a panic attack. This results ated with anxiety in general, each anxiety disorder may also have in a vicious cycle of physical symptoms, misinterpretation and panic attacks. PSY_C15.qxd 1/2/05 3:43 pm Page 329

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EATING DISORDERS – BULIMIA AND ANOREXIA

Eating disorders have attracted a great deal of attention in recent years, particularly in university settings where they tend to be prominent. Yet despite greater public awareness, certain miscon- ceptions still exist. For example, many people think eating dis- orders are brought about by vanity. This couldn’t be further from the truth. Rather than being vain, people with eating disorders struggle with issues about who they are, what they are worth, whether they will be able to take care of themselves and how to negotiate relationships. Eating disorders are complex and difficult to overcome. There are currently two eating disorders included in the ICD-10 and DSM-IV – bulimia nervosa and anorexia nervosa. Although they differ in important ways, they have four things in common:

1. a distorted body image (inaccurate assessment about shape and weight); 2. an intense fear of being fat; 3. a sense of self that revolves around the individual’s body and weight; and 4. eating that is regulated by psychological rather than phy- Figure 15.12 siological processes, although the form of eating regulation is quite different for the two disorders. People with anorexia nervosa refuse to maintain normal body weight; they restrict their food intake and tend to engage in excessive exercise. Symptoms

People with bulimia tend to be of normal weight and are some- Some people with anorexia also engage in binging and purging times even overweight. Bulimia nervosa is characterized by and have other features of their personalities and lives in com- recurrent episodes of binge eating and purging. During a binge, mon with bulimics. bulimic people consume an enormous number of calories in a brief period of time and feel an overwhelming loss of control as they are doing so. The binge is then followed by purging The course of eating disorders behaviour – usually vomiting, taking laxatives, taking diuretics or using enemas, and sometimes fasting or excessive exercise. Both bulimia and anorexia typically begin in adolescence and can Other symptoms may include: become chronic. For example, about one third of people with anorexia will have a lifelong disorder. n somewhat chaotic lives; Both anorexia and bulimia pose significant health risks. This is n a tendency to be impulsive, emotionally labile, sensitive to particularly true for anorexia, in which almost 5 per cent of people rejection and in need of attention; die from malnutrition and other related complications. n depression and/or substance abuse.

Anorexia nervosa is characterized by a refusal to maintain Causes of eating disorders and factors normal body weight. People with anorexia restrict their food affecting their course intake through diet and typically engage in excessive exercise. Their weight often becomes so low that their bodies stop func- 1 Genetic and biological factors Research supports genetic tioning normally (e.g. females stop menstruating), and they often transmission, but some suggest that it may not be the disorder appear emaciated. itself that is inherited. They believe that a set of personality traits Anorexics also tend to: – such as obsessiveness, rigidity, emotional restraint in the case of anorexia and impulsivity and emotional instability in the case of n be perfectionist, rule-bound and hard-working; bulimia – might increase the likelihood of poor coping. The eat- n have a strong need to please others, but never feel special ing disorder is seen as a maladaptive way of coping with stress themselves; (e.g. Strober, 1995). n be high-achievers, but also feel uncertain of their capacity Biological models focus on dysfunction in the hypothalamus to be independent. (the part of the brain related to eating behaviour; see chapter 5) PSY_C15.qxd 1/2/05 3:43 pm Page 330

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and on serotonin dysregulation (e.g. Wolfe, Metzger & Jimerson, make all the problems in my life go away,’ may increase vulner- 1997; see Ferguson & Pigott, 2000). There is presently no evid- ability to eating disorders (e.g. Butow, Beumont & Touyz, 1993). ence that these dysfunctions actually cause eating disorders, but People who come from certain types of families may also be they may affect their course. more vulnerable to particular types of eating disorders (Bruch, 1978; Minuchin, Rosman & Baker, 1978). For example, anorexia 2 Psychosocial factors One of the primary sets of psychosocial is thought to develop when families are very concerned about factors in the development and course of eating disorders are external appearances and prefer to maintain an impression of har- social pressures and cultural forces. mony at the expense of open communication and emotional In cultures where thinness is the ideal of beauty, eating dis- expression. These families tend to be enmeshed (family members orders are most prevalent. There are expectations of thinness are unaware of or unable to maintain personal boundaries), over- everywhere – in the media, in the family, and in society at large. protective, rigid and conflict-avoidant. Anorexia might be a rebel- Adolescents, particularly young women, often internalize these lion or an assertion of independence and autonomy, or it may expectations, and their entire sense of self-worth may become serve to mask the real problems in the family. Other risk factors dependent on being thin. Furthermore, they are usually socially include families who diet, or parents who are critical of their reinforced for being thin. Think how often you have heard some- child’s weight or appearance (e.g. Pike & Rodin, 1991). one say, or have even said yourself, ‘Oh, you’ve lost weight – you A recent perspective, which fits with family and genetic/per- look great!’ For vulnerable young people, a seemingly benign sonality models, suggests that eating disorders are the product of comment like this reinforces the belief that they must be thin in maladaptive emotion regulation processes (e.g. Wiser & Telch, order to be worthy of attention. 1999). So food is used to help regulate emotions (typically negat- But if everyone in a culture that values thinness grows up fac- ive ones) when the person has not developed more adaptive ing the same pressures, why do some develop eating disorders strategies. Attachment theorists take a similar position, suggest- and some not? Apart from possible genetic or biological vulner- ing that people with certain forms of insecure attachment (e.g. abilities, the way people think about themselves and the world avoidant) may distract themselves from upsetting, attachment- may make them vulnerable. Cognitive distortions such as, ‘If I eat related concerns (e.g. fear of intimacy, low self-worth) by focus- one cookie, I will be a fat, horrible person’ or ‘Being thin will ing on food and weight (Cole-Detke & Kobak 1996).

Everyday Psychology Eating disorders As discussed in chapter 5, obesity is one of the so-called ‘diseases of affluence’ that beset many contemporary Western societies. But modern developed societies also manifest a range of disorders at the other end of the weight spectrum, known as eating disorders (i.e. anorexia nervosa and bulimia nervosa). These disorders appear to develop as outward signs of inner emotional or psychological distress or problems. For the sufferer, they seem to be a way of coping with difficulties in their life. Eating, or not eating, can be used to block out painful feelings. Without appropriate help and treatment, eat- ing problems may persist throughout the sufferer’s life. Anyone can develop an eating disorder regardless of age, race, gender or background, but young women seem to be most vulnerable, particularly between the ages of 15 and 25. This may well relate to the changes and challenges occurring in young women’s lives at around this period of personal development. Biological research suggests that genetic make-up may make someone more or less likely to develop an eating disorder. Within the psychosocial domain, a key person or people (for example, parents or relatives) may adversely influence other family members through their attitudes to food. Or someone might focus on food and eating as a way of coping with the stresses of high academic expectations or other forms of social and/or family pressure. Traumatic events can also trigger anorexia or bulimia nervosa. These events may be especially prominent during the teenage and young adulthood periods, such as the death of a parent or other close relative, being bullied or abused at school or at home, upheaval in the family environment (such as divorce) or concerns over sexuality. Eating disorders are complex illnesses with critical psychological elements requiring treatment as well as the physical aspects (such as the disturbed eating pattern and its biological consequences). A regular eating pattern, including a bal- anced diet, is needed to restore balanced nutrition. And helping someone to come to terms with the fundamental emotional issues underlying their eating disorder will enable them to cope in their future lives with personal difficulties in a way that is not harmful to them.

Striegel-Moore, R.H., Seeley, J.R., & Lewinsohn, P.M., 2003, ‘Psychosocial adjustment in young adulthood of women who experienced an eating disorder during adolescence’, Journal of the American Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry, 42, 587–93. PSY_C15.qxd 1/2/05 3:43 pm Page 331

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SUBSTANCE USE DISORDERS – ABUSE AND DEPENDENCE

Regardless of what people may experience as positive effects of drugs and alcohol, they both have negative effects on our health and ability to function, especially when used repeatedly. This recurrent use may result in a substance use disorder.

Symptoms

There are two substance use disorders – abuse and dependence. Substance abuse is defined entirely on the criterion of impair- ment. If someone’s repeated use of a substance causes significant impairment in even one area of life, he can be described as a sub- stance abuser. Common impairments include: Figure 15.13

n failure to fulfil major role obligations – e.g. constantly late Substance use disorders are becoming more prevalent, particu- to or absent from work; larly among adolescents. n recurrent use in dangerous situations – e.g. while driving; n frequent substance-related legal problems – e.g. arrests for disorderly conduct; and most adult substance abusers began using in adolescence, most n social and interpersonal problems – e.g. conflict with part- adolescents who try drugs don’t progress to severe abuse. So ner or other family members. experimentation doesn’t necessarily lead to lifelong addiction or adverse consequences. Substance dependence is indicated by physical or psychological Some people with substance use disorders show remission, dependence or addiction. Physical dependence includes: especially late in life, but relapse is frequent, particularly in response to high-risk situations, such as negative emotional states, n tolerance – the need for increased amounts of the sub- social pressure and interpersonal conflict. Unfortunately, because stance or diminished effect with same amount; and of the high relapse rates, few people fully recover from substance n withdrawal – the experience of physical symptoms when disorders. the substance is stopped, or turning to another substance to relieve or avoid those symptoms. Causes of substance use disorders and Psychological dependence is indicated by: factors affecting their course n taking substances in larger amounts or over longer periods 1 Genetic and biological factors Most research into sub- of time than intended; stance abuse involves alcohol, as alcohol is legal and very widely n a persistent desire to use or unsuccessful efforts to cut available. So evidence of genetic transmission comes primarily down or control use; from alcoholism research. This research supports the role of n spending a great deal of time trying to obtain, use or heredity, particularly among men (e.g. Goodwin, 1979). recover from the substance; Consistent with a biological approach, substance use disorders n giving up important activities; and are considered by some to be diseases (e.g. Jellinek, 1960). Some n continued use, despite knowledge of a problem that is theorists have suggested that alcoholics may be biologically sen- exacerbated by the substance. sitive to alcohol, which may lead to progressive and irreversible alcoholism (e.g. Pollock, 1992). The body’s ability to metabolize The course of substance use disorders alcohol is another possible explanation. The liver produces an enzyme called aldehyde dehydrogenase, which breaks down Substance abuse and dependence can be chronic, progressive, alcohol in the body. If alcohol isn’t broken down, it can build degenerative problems with severe negative outcomes. But the up and lead to illness. In some groups of East Asians, this enzyme course they take varies, depending on the substance being used. is absent or reduced – a possible reason for the relatively lower Alcoholism in particular can have tragic outcomes, including rates of alcoholism in these groups (e.g. Higuchi et al., 1992). health problems, interpersonal problems and early death. People We know very little about other biological causes of substance who use substances frequently will often use more than one kind abuse, but researchers continue to study the effects of neuro- of substance. transmitter functioning, brain-wave functioning and biological Substance disorders can begin at any age and are becom- sensitivities to substances in order to elucidate relevant mechan- ing more prevalent, particularly among adolescents. Although isms and relationships. PSY_C15.qxd 1/2/05 3:43 pm Page 332

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2 Psychosocial factors Numerous psychosocial factors have Muslims, Mormons, Orthodox Jews) show relatively low rates of been implicated in the onset and course of substance problems. alcoholism. Reinforcement certainly plays an important role. Consistent with Perhaps the best way to approach substance use disorders is the tension-reduction hypothesis, from a multiple risk factor perspective, which suggests that the continued substance use is more risk factors someone experiences, the more likely he is to tension-reduction hypothesis the reinforced because substances develop a problem (e.g. Bry, McKeon & Pandina, 1982). In addi- notion that people use substances in often lead to positive feelings tion to the risk factors already discussed, many others for sub- order to reduce tension and negative and help people escape negat- stance abuse have been identified, including low socio-economic affect ive feelings through use of status, family dysfunction, peer rejection, behaviour problems, these substances (Conger, academic failure and availability of substances. Of course, 1956). Substance users are said to engage in ‘self-medication’, because of the nature of the research in this field, some of these using substances to help relieve tension or temporarily eliminate factors may be consequences of substance abuse instead of (or as feelings of anxiety or depression. well as) being risk factors. People also learn to use substances through observation. Those whose families or peers use substances are at high risk for sub- stance use disorders (e.g. Jessor & Jessor, 1975). Learned associ- PERSONALITY DISORDERS – ations also affect the course of substance use. If someone comes A WAY OF BEING to associate particular people, places or circumstances with sub- stance use, they are more likely to use the substance in similar So far, the disorders we have described have traditionally been circumstances (Collins & Marlatt, 1981). That is why people who considered syndromes, which – like physical illnesses – are not get treatment for substance problems often relapse when they part of people’s basic character structure. When treated appro- return to their former environment and social group. priately, these syndromes usually remit and people return to Cognitive factors also play a role in the development and normal functioning, at least for a while. course of substance problems, at least in the case of alcoholism. But personality disorders are different. They are disorders of People who expect positive results from using alcohol (e.g. they people’s basic character structure – so there is no ‘normal func- think it will make them feel good or improve their social stand- tioning’ to return to. The personality disorders themselves are ing) are more likely to use it and to develop alcohol problems people’s ‘normal’ way of functioning, and appropriate treatment (Marlatt, 1987; Smith, 1980). means learning entirely new ways of being. In addition, people who fall prey to the abstinence abstinence violation effect a more violation effect are more likely Symptoms severe relapse resulting from a minor to relapse than are others violation of substance use abstinence (Marlatt, 1978). This effect All personality disorders have a number of things in common. (e.g. one forbidden drink leading to occurs when a minor relapse They are: more) (a violation of abstinence) leads to guilt, which then n longstanding – i.e. begin at a relatively early age; leads to a more severe relapse. So if an abstinent alcoholic has one n chronic – i.e. continue over time; and drink, she may feel guilty and decide that, having already failed at n pervasive – i.e. occur across most contexts. abstinence, she may as well drink more. She ends up having a full- blown relapse instead of a momentary one. The thoughts, feelings and behaviours that characterize personal- The notion of an ‘addictive’ personality has been suggested. ity disorders are: This is a controversial topic. So far, there is no evidence for its existence, but research does indicate that some aspects of person- n inflexible – i.e. they are applied rigidly and resistant to ality may contribute to substance problems. A disinhibited per- change; and sonality style that includes impulsivity and antisocial traits may n maladaptive – i.e. they don’t result in what the person be the best personality predictor of substance problems (e.g. hopes for. Shedler & Block, 1990). Consistent with the tension-reduction hypothesis discussed earlier, it is also possible that substance People with personality disorders usually don’t realize they have problems are masking some other form of psychopathology. But them. They experience themselves as normal and often feel that the research on this topic is mixed and suggests that problems the people they interact with are the ones with the problems. The such as depression are as likely to follow from substance prob- primary personality disorders and their key traits, as described in lems as they are to precede them (e.g. Schuckit, 1994). the DSM-IV (APA, 1994) are: There are also broader environmental factors that may contribute to substance abuse, such as the extent to which sub- Cluster A – the odd and eccentric cluster stance use is condoned by a particular culture (e.g. Westermeyer, Paranoid – suspicious, distrustful, makes hostile attributions 1999; Yeung & Greenwald, 1992). For example, groups whose Schizoid – interpersonally and emotionally cut off, unrespons- religious values prohibit or limit the use of alcohol (e.g. ive to others, a ‘loner’ PSY_C15.qxd 1/2/05 3:43 pm Page 333

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Schizotypal – odd thoughts, behaviours, experiences; poor 2 Psychosocial factors Cognitive, psychodynamic and attach- interpersonal functioning ment theorists all suggest that negative early experiences in the family put people at risk for developing personality disorders. Cluster B – the dramatic and erratic cluster The assumption is that this happens, at least in part, through the Histrionic – dramatic, wants attention, emotionally shallow cognitions that people develop. Narcissistic – inflated sense of self-importance, entitled, low Early experiences with people who fail to validate a child’s empathy, hidden vulnerability self-worth may be internalized and result in a deep-seated set of Antisocial – behaviours that disregard laws, norms, rights of severely rigid and dysfunctional thoughts about the self, others others; lacking in empathy and the world, which then translate into rigid behavioural pat- Borderline – instability in thoughts, feelings, behaviour and terns. For example, if parents are not available to help a child sense of self cope with stress but are critical or abusive instead, the child will learn that she can’t rely on her parents, even though she may desperately want to. She may learn to hide her feelings, to expect Cluster C – the fearful and avoidant cluster that she will be criticized and rejected by others, and so to avoid Obsessive-compulsive – rigid, controlled, perfectionistic close interpersonal relationships, even if she secretly yearns for Avoidant – fears negative evaluation, rejection and them. If this pattern continues to develop and becomes rigid abandonment as the child grow up, she may eventually develop an avoidant Dependent – submissive, dependent on others for self-esteem, personality disorder. fears abandonment Research is beginning to suggest that temperamental and psy- chosocial factors interact. Kochanska (1995) found that children of As you can see, this organization of the personality disorders puts different temperaments show more adaptive moral development them into clusters. These clusters are thought to reflect disorders in response to different qualities of the parent–child relationship. with common traits. Although the disorders within each cluster For example, fearful children respond better to gentle discipline, do show commonalities, it is also the case the there are high whereas non-fearful children respond better when they are levels of comorbidity among disorders across clusters. securely attached to a parent. This suggests that the closer the Borderline personality disorder and antisocial personality dis- parenting style matches the needs associated with that particular order (similar to what is often called psychopathy) have received children’s temperament, the more adaptive their children will more attention than the others, as they tend to have some of the become. When a mismatch occurs, children may develop com- most negative consequences, including suicide and violence. pensatory coping strategies, possibly leading to the rigid patterns that are associated with personality disorders. Causes of personality disorders and factors affecting their course

1 Genetic and biological factors There is evidence of modest genetic transmission for some personality disorders, especially antisocial personality disorder, although environmental factors Pioneer also play an important role (e.g. Cadoret et al., 1995). There is also evidence that children are born with different Marsha Linehan (1943– ), Professor of Psychology and temperaments, which may serve as vulnerability factors. For Director of the Behavioral Research and Therapy Clinics at example, inhibition – which predisposes children towards shyness the University of Washington, is best known for her con- and anxiety – may put them at risk for personality disorders char- tributions to the understanding and treatment of suicidal acterized by those traits. Disinhibited children are outgoing, talk- behaviour and borderline personality disorder. Linehan ative, impulsive and have low levels of physiological arousal. These proposed that borderline personality disorder can be best children may be at risk for personality disorders characterized by understood from a biopsychosocial approach, which bases impulsivity, erratic or aggressive behaviour, or lack of empathy. the disorder in the interaction of an underlying biological Biological factors are also being explored as causes of some dysfunction and an invalidating, non-accepting family personality disorders, such as antisocial personality disorder. For environment. Linehan developed dialectical behaviour example, research suggests that people with antisocial personal- therapy (DBT) as a treatment for borderline personality ity traits show low levels of physiological arousal, which may disorder and suicidal behaviour. DBT is an empirically account for their ability to engage in behaviours that normally supported treatment, which combines traditional Western cause people to feel anxious (e.g. Raine, Venables & Williams, approaches with Eastern Zen approaches. 1990). PSY_C15.qxd 1/2/05 3:43 pm Page 334

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FINAL THOUGHTS

In this chapter you read about some of the major psychological disorders – schizophrenia, mood disorders, anxiety disorders, eating dis- orders, substance use disorders and personality disorders. Although these disorders (and their various subtypes) are among the most prevalent and impairing in the field of psychopathology, they by no means exhaust the number of psychological disorders that have been documented. Our goal has been to help you understand what these disorders look like, how they progress, and what causes them, high- lighting potential biological and psychosocial causes. In addition to getting a sense of what we know about these disorders, it should be clear that there is still a lot that we do not know. That is part of what makes the study of abnormal psychology so intriguing. There is so much left to learn, particularly with regard to how our biology and our environments interact to cause and affect psychological problems. As research on abnormal behaviour progresses, we can expect not only to better understand current disorders and their causes, but also to discover new ones.

Summary

n The field of abnormal psychology, or psychopathology, deals with sets of behaviours, or symptoms, that result in impairment in people’s lives. These sets of symptoms constitute psychological disorders or mental illness. n Although the definition of ‘abnormal behaviour’ is sensitive to a number of contextual factors, psychological disorders (e.g. schizophrenia) have been documented across time and culture. n Throughout history, the causes of abnormal behaviour have been construed from a number of different perspectives, each of which tells us something unique about different aspects of psychological disorders. n Biological/genetic models focus on brain defects, biochemical imbalances and genetic predispositions as causes of psychopathology. n In contrast, Freudian, contemporary psychodynamic and attachment models focus on the effects of early parent–child experiences. n Behavioural models focus on the learning experiences that result in psychopathology, whereas cognitive models focus on the effect of distorted thought processes. n Other perspectives integrate various models. The diathesis–stress perspective suggests that the factors identified by each of the other models may work in accordance with one another, so that psychopathology only results when certain combinations of factors (e.g. genetic, environmental) are present. n Similarly, the developmental psychopathology perspective provides a framework for understanding how psychopathology develops from childhood to adulthood. n These perspectives can help us understand the numerous disorders documented in nosologies such as the DSM-IV and the ICD-10. PSY_C15.qxd 1/2/05 3:43 pm Page 335

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REVISION QUESTIONS

1. Do mental disorders reflect brain dysfunction and genetic abnormalities? If so, does this mean that biological interventions (e.g. drugs) would necessarily be the treatment of choice? 2. There are several models of abnormal behaviour. Discuss the extent to which they can be integrated. In particular, do psychodynamic models share any common ground with behavioural and cognitive models? 3. Do you think that the origins of mental disorders in adulthood can be found in childhood? What should we look for in childhood as precursors of adult abnormal behaviour? 4. Imagine you had the power to create a human being with a mental disorder. What disorder would you give them so that they were: (a) maximally dysfunctional; (b) minimally dysfunctional; (c) had the best chance of recovering from the disorder? Discuss why you made the choices that you did. 5. A friend hears that you are studying abnormal psychology and comes to ask you about some experi- ences she or he has had, wanting to know if they are signs of mental disorder. What would you do? What would you tell him or her? 6. Why are some disorders more common than others? What might be some of the cultural, societal, and biological reasons involved? 7. What kinds of things do the different disorders discussed in this chapter have in common? 8. Does it make sense to think about these disorders as exemplifying different categories of disorder? Or are there underlying problems that characterize all of these disorders?

FURTHER READING Clarkin, J.F., & Lenzenweger, M.F. (1996). Major Theories of Personality Disorder. New York: Guilford Press. A historical overview of many of the most prominent theories of personality disorders. Hammen, C. (1997). Depression. Hove: Psychology Press/Lawrence Erlbaum and Associates. Research-based information on causes and treatments of depression from various theoretical viewpoints. Jamison, K.R. (1996). An Unquiet Mind. New York: Random House. The author’s personal account of her battle with bipolar disorder. Leonard, K.E., & Blane, H. (1999). Psychological Theories of Drinking and Alcoholism. 2nd edn. New York: Guilford Press. Recent reviews of all of the major psychological and genetic/biological theories of alcoholism. Nasar, S. (1988). A Beautiful Mind. New York: Simon & Schuster. Biography of John Forbes Nash, Jr, a mathematical genius whose career was cut short by schizophrenia and who miraculously recovered and was honoured with a Nobel Prize. Rachman, S. (1998). Anxiety. Hove: Psychology Press/Lawrence Erlbaum and Associates. Psychological approaches to the conceptualization and treatment of anxiety disorders, drawing on recent empirical work. Zuckerman, M. (1999). Vulnerability to Psychopathology: A Biosocial Model. Washington, DC: American Psychological Association. Describes how psychopathology can be understood from a diathesis–stress perspective, emphasizing interactions between biology/genetics, personality and stressful life events.

Contributing authors: Joanne Davila & Frank D. Fincham PSY_C16.qxd 1/2/05 3:45 pm Page 336

Therapy 16

CHAPTER OUTLINE

LEARNING OBJECTIVES

INTRODUCTION

BIOLOGICAL TREATMENTS – FROM SURGERY TO DRUGS Psychosurgery and ECT Pharmacotherapy – the role of medication Assessing the effects of psychotropic drugs PSYCHOLOGICAL TREATMENTS Psychoanalysis and psychodynamic therapy Behaviour therapy Cognitive therapy Humanistic therapy Family and couples therapy Assessing the effects of psychotherapy BIOLOGICAL OR PSYCHOLOGICAL TREATMENT?

FINAL THOUGHTS

SUMMARY

REVISION QUESTIONS

FURTHER READING PSY_C16.qxd 1/2/05 3:45 pm Page 337

Learning Objectives

By the end of this chapter you should appreciate that:

n there are various forms of therapy (biological and psychological) for treatment of mental illness;

n an illness with a biological manifestation does not necessarily have a biological cause;

n in severe cases, it may be necessary to administer biological forms of therapy, but psychological forms of treatment (psychotherapy) should also be considered to address the cause of the illness comprehensively;

n different forms of psychotherapy emphasize different elements of the human condition (e.g. developmental, behavioural, phenomenological, interpersonal);

n when considering the efficacy of different forms of treatment, it is important to consider possible placebo effects, ideally via the double-blind randomized clinical trial.

INTRODUCTION

Chapter 15 gave a clear picture of the devastation control or moderate the severity of symptoms caused by many psychological disorders in the lives experienced. of countless people. The obvious question to ask Psychological treatments include a variety of next is: what can we do to treat these disorders? psychotherapies administered by numerous pro- Given the various models of abnormal behavi- fessionals (e.g. psychologists, psychiatrists, our outlined in chapter 15, you won’t be surprised social workers) whose qualifications are regulated to discover that there are numerous therapies for by the country in which they live. The main types psychological disorders. This chapter examines of therapy are psychodynamic, behavioural, cog- the two major approaches to treatment – biological nitive, humanistic and family- or couple-oriented and psychological. therapy. Of course, we have to find a way to Biological treatments make direct changes to assess the impact and effectiveness of each type the nervous system and are typically used by psy- of therapy, and this too is covered. chiatrists or other medically qualified practitioners Finally, this chapter considers the relative in a hospital or outpatient setting. They include merits of biological and psychological approaches. invasive surgical techniques, electroconvulsive Both are clearly useful, and combining treatments therapy, and a range of drugs designed to may be especially helpful in preventing relapse. PSY_C16.qxd 1/2/05 3:45 pm Page 338

338 Therapy

BIOLOGICAL TREATMENTS – FROM SURGERY TO DRUGS

Until the late eighteenth century, people suffering from a psy- chological disorder were thought to be possessed by demons or evil spirits. Treatment was designed to alter the body in order to let out the spirits or make it an inhospitable habitat for them. Among the earliest biological treatments was ‘trepanning’, or removing part of the skull bone to allow evil spirits out of the body – a practice that endured until the twentieth century. Numerous other equally unpleasant biological assaults on the afflicted included bloodletting, beatings, purgatives and immer- sion in water to the point of near drowning. With the demise of witchcraft, people with psychological dis- orders came to be seen as ill, and the traditional methods of medicine began to be applied to them. But until the advent of the twentieth century, medical treatments were little different from the methods used to drive out evil spirits and were equally unsuccessful. Figure 16.1

In the ‘ice pick’ lobotomy a sharp piece of metal was inserted under the eyelid and above the eye so that it entered the base PSYCHOSURGERY AND ECT of the frontal lobe. Sideways movement severed the connec- tions between the frontal lobe and the rest of the brain. Psychosurgery lotomy produces substantial benefits in only about a third of Psychosurgery involves severing or otherwise disabling areas of patients (Cosgrove, 2000). the brain to treat a psychological disorder in the absence of any Although the number of psychosurgeries performed world- clear organic cause. Its use was triggered by research on chim- wide today isn’t known, it is estimated that fewer than 25 occur panzees that demonstrated the role of the temporal and frontal annually in Britain and the United States, about five a year in cortex in the control of emotional behaviour and aggression. Sweden and one or two in Australia. Only people with very Antônio Egas Moniz, of the University of Lisbon Medical severe, disabling psychological disorders that resist other forms of School, developed a procedure in which the nerve fibres con- treatment are even considered for psychosurgery today. necting the frontal lobe with other parts of the brain were lobotomy (or leucotomy) surgical cut. The prefrontal lobotomy Electroconvulsive therapy operation in which white nerve fibres became particularly popular connecting the frontal lobes with other in the USA, where a simple Another controversial treat- parts of the brain are severed electroconvulsive therapy (ECT) a technique (that came to be ment, and one that is still used treatment for severe depression in known as ‘ice pick’ surgery) fairly widely, is electrocon- which two electrodes are placed on the was administered during an outpatient visit (see figure 16.1). As a vulsive therapy (ECT). In Eng- scalp and a moderately intense electric result, over 50,000 lobotomies had been performed in the United land 11,340 patients received current is passed between them for States by the mid 1950s (Cosgrove, 2000). ECT in 1999 (Department of about half a second The lobotomy has been Health, 1999). replaced by the cingulotomy, Two electrodes are placed cingulotomy surgical procedure in in which neurosurgeons make on the scalp and a moderately intense electric current is passed which neurosurgeons make lesions in lesions in the cingulate gyrus, between them for about half a second. This produces a 30- to 60- the cingulate gyrus, a section of the a section of the brain con- second seizure, similar to those experienced by epileptics. Today, brain connecting the prefrontal cortex necting the prefrontal cortex short-acting anaesthetics and muscle relaxants are given prior to to the limbic system to the limbic system (brain ECT, reducing the seizure to a few visible twitches. The usual structures involved in auto- course involves between four and twelve treatments over a one- nomic body functions and some emotion and behaviour – see or two-week period. chapter 3). Baer and colleagues (1995) found that this procedure, ECT was initiated in the 1930s to treat schizophrenia, in the which had few side effects, successfully decreased anxiety and mistaken belief that epilepsy and schizophrenia are incompatible. obsessive behaviour. But recent studies demonstrate that cingu- It proved to be an ineffective treatment for schizophrenia but is PSY_C16.qxd 1/2/05 3:45 pm Page 339

Biological Treatments – from Surgery to Drugs 339

Pioneer

Figure 16.3

Electroconvulsive therapy is a controversial treatment, still used fairly widely.

now widely believed to be effective in treating severe depression (Royal College of Psychiatrists, 1995). It is often used to treat depressed people who have not responded to antidepressant medication, can’t take medication because of the risk of suicide or other medical considerations, or risk death through refusal to eat. Despite claims of ‘marked improvement...in 80% to 90% of patients’ (Silver, Yudovsky & Hurowitz, 1994, p. 983), the case for ECT is far from clear-cut. The consensus from clinical practice is Figure 16.2 that it can have beneficial effects, but research shows that the Antônio Egas Moniz won a Nobel Prize for developing a effects are relatively short-term. For example, compared to a form of psychosurgery known as the frontal lobotomy, sham treatment (i.e. the same procedure but with no current which involved severing the nerve fibres connecting the passed), ECT shows advantages four weeks later but not six frontal lobe with other parts of the brain – a radical pro- cedure for treating severe psychological disorders. months later (Buchan et al., 1992). Relapse rates are also high. But this might not be due to the failure of ECT as a treatment. ECT is rarely incorporated into a broader, ongoing therapeutic strategy, possibly because its dra- Antônio Egas Moniz (1874–1955) was born in Portugal matic, rapid impact on depressive symptoms obscures the need and studied neurology in Bordeaux and Paris. He became for follow-up care. This failure to address the sociological or psy- Chair of Neurology at the University of Coimbra before chological stresses that might have initiated or exacerbated the entering politics, where he served as a deputy in the depression could equally explain the high relapse rates for ECT. Portuguese parliament, Minister of Foreign Affairs and Other criticisms include temporary disorientation following Ambassador to Spain. He left politics to return to the ECT, and memory loss that can last for months (indeed, it has University of Lisbon, where, in 1936, he developed the pre- been suggested that memory loss is one of the reasons why ECT frontal leucotomy (also known as frontal lobotomy) as a ‘works’). ECT is now often administered to the right hemi- surgical approach for the radical treatment of several kinds sphere only in order to minimize its impact on verbal memories. of mental disorder. Moniz was awarded the Nobel Prize In addition, up to 33 per cent of patients describe ECT as ‘a very for Medicine and Physiology in 1949 for developing this distressing experience’ ( Johnstone, 2003a, p. 239), and there are procedure. claims that ECT causes brain damage (Breggin, 1997), although there is no compelling evidence for this. In contrast, the Royal College of Psychiatrists (1997) views ECT as ‘among the safest medical treatments given under general anaesthesia’ (p. 3) – a view echoed by the psychiatric establish- ment in many countries. Together with the perceived utility of ECT, these views are likely to ensure its continued use. PSY_C16.qxd 1/2/05 3:45 pm Page 340

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PHARMACOTHERAPY – THE ROLE OF Neuron A MEDICATION

The advent of psychotropic Reuptake psychotropic drugs a loosely defined Vesicles drugs revolutionized the treat- Discharge grouping of drugs that have effects on ment of psychological dis- Deactivation psychological function orders. By controlling (or at least moderating) the mani- NE NE festation of some disorders, these drugs have allowed sufferers to Neuron B be treated without hospitalization. An estimated 90 per cent of patients who see a psychiatrist are prescribed medication (Glenmullen, 2000; Olfson, Pincus Figure 16.4 & Sabshin, 1994), and general practitioners also frequently pre- Two ways in which a drug may increase the available supply of scribe psychotropic medications, especially antidepressants and a neurotransmitter. A neurotransmitter (e.g. norephinephrine, anxiolytics. So, although they can’t prescribe these drugs them- NE) is discharged by neuron A to stimulate neuron B. The amount of NE available to B can be decreased through reuptake selves (Resnick, 2003), clinical psychologists will have clients (a process in which NE is pumped back into A) or through de- who are either taking or in need of medication. This is why activation (where enzymes such as MAOs break down the NE knowledge of effective medications, indications for their use, and make it ineffective). Tricyclic drugs (such as Tofranil) and and insight into their side effects is critical for practising clinical MAO inhibitors (such as Nardil; see p. 341) increase the amount of NE (and serotonin) available but in different ways. Tricyclics psychologists. interfere with reuptake whereas MAO inhibitors prevent break- down of the neurotransmitters. SSRIs (such as Prozac and Seroxat) block neurotransmitter reuptake, but act selectively on serotonin and do not appreciably alter reuptake of other – a treatment for neurotransmitters. schizophrenia

The first psychotropic drugs antipsychotics drugs used to treat the introduced in the 1950s were symptoms of schizophrenia antipsychotics, which have come to dominate the treat- (rapid movement of the lips that mimics the chewing movement ment of schizophrenia. Typ- of rabbits). ical antipsychotics, such as chlorpromazine and , Particularly troubling is that antipsychotics interfere with reduce psychotic, or so-called ‘positive’ symptoms of schizophrenia dopamine systems that control movement. These systems some- (hallucinations and delusions), apparently by blocking dopamine times degenerate in older people, giving rise to Parkinson’s receptors in certain brain systems (see figure 16.4). The stronger the disease, and so this side effect of medication is dopamine blockade, the greater the apparent impact on symptoms known as pseudo-parkinsonism. The symptoms are just as real (Snyder, 1976). as parkinsonism, and include tremors, drooling, slowed move- But what of the other, ‘negative’, schizophrenic symptoms – ments, muscular rigidity, difficulty breathing and small hand- lack of social skills, appropriate affect, motivation and life skills? writing (micrographia). Additional drugs are usually prescribed in Atypical antipsychotics, such as and , reduce schizophrenia to deal with these side effects. Because antipsychotics both positive and negative symptoms. These drugs appear to can mimic neurological dis- block both dopamine and serotonin receptors, implying a ease, they are sometimes neuroleptics antipsychotic drugs dopamine–serotonin interaction in schizophrenia (though some referred to as neuroleptics. researchers argue that their effectiveness is due to selective Prolonged use of anti- dopamine blockade). psychotics can also result in How effective are antipsychotic drugs? The first controlled tardive dyskinesia, ‘tardive’ tardive dyskinesia a serious move- studies of antipsychotics showed that they were clearly superior meaning ‘late developing’ ment disorder, characterized by invol- to placebos (inactive pills) for improving psychotic symptoms and ‘dyskinesia’ meaning ‘dis- untary movements, that can arise as a (73 per cent vs. 23 per cent), and subsequent research has turbance in movement’. This side-effect of taking antipsychotic drugs replicated this finding. A review of 35 studies shows a similar serious disorder is character- superiority (16.2 per cent vs. 57.6 per cent) when it comes ized by involuntary move- to relapse (Davis & Andriukaitis, 1986). But antipsychotics ments of the face, trunk or extremities. neither cure schizophrenia nor alter its progress, and they have As a consequence of these side effects and risks, many potent side effects, including constipation, blurred vision, rest- schizophrenic patients don’t take their medication reliably, result- lessness and difficulty sitting still (akathisia), cardiac arrhythmia, ing in periodic worsening of symptoms and rehospitalizations. In diminished spontaneity and difficulty initiating usual activities fact, it is not uncommon for people suffering from schizophrenia (akinesia). Prolonged treatment can lead to ‘rabbit syndrome’ to become ‘revolving door patients’. PSY_C16.qxd 1/2/05 3:45 pm Page 341

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Antidepressants and antimanics – Despite their name, antimanics help to prevent depressive episodes in bipolar disorder (they are also referred to as mood sta- treatments for mood disorders bilizers). The first antimanic used was lithium carbonate, which remains the treatment of choice for preventing both manic and Treatments for the two major mood disorders that were discussed depressive episodes in bipolar disorder. Acute manic episodes in chapter 15 (major depressive disorder and bipolar disorder) respond to lithium within seven to fourteen days. Because acute were developed soon after the introduction of antipsychotics. mania has the potential to seriously disrupt patients’ lives, a sup- plemental medication (usually an antipsychotic) is administered 1 Antidepressants Two classes of drugs for the treatment of in the acute phase of the condition, to bring behaviour under con- depression were introduced in the late 1950s, tricyclic antidepres- trol as soon as possible. sants (so-called because of their three-ring chemical structure) and Lithium is effective with about 60–70 per cent of bipolar monamine oxidase inhibitors (MAOIs). Both these drugs increase patients. The mechanism by which it works remains largely the availability of catecholamine neurotransmitters (nore- unknown (Calabrese & Woyshville, 1995), although it may work pinephrine and serotonin) though they do so by different mechan- by regulating dysfunctional neuronal firing (see chapter 15). isms (see figure 16.4). The tricyclics were more widely used Patients remain symptom-free for years, provided they keep tak- because strict dietary restrictions must be followed when using ing the medication. Commonly occurring side effects are nausea, MAOIs (Burke & Preskorn, 1995). While relatively safe, tricyclics diarrhoea, excessive urine production, fine hand tremor and have many side effects, including weight gain, increased pulse, dry fatigue. Because lithium is toxic at high levels, it is a risky treat- mouth, dizziness, concentration difficulties and sexual dysfunction. ment when there is a suicide risk involved, and patients need to Drug treatment of depression changed dramatically in 1988 have their blood levels checked regularly. with the introduction of the first ‘designer drug’ (Kramer, 1993). Two newer antimanics are anticonvulsant drugs that have Prozac (designed to have a minimal effect on norephinephrine been used to treat epilepsy. These drugs – carbamazepine and and a maximal effect on serotonin) marked the development of a valproate – often work for bipolar patients who have not new class of anti-depressants called selective serotonin reuptake responded to lithium. They tend to be tolerated much better by inhibitors (SSRIs). SSRIs have fewer side effects and are much many patients. safer to use than tricyclics and MAOIs. An overdose of SSRIs is not as lethal as one involving tricyclics, with MAOIs falling in between the two. This is an important consideration given the Anxiolytics – a treatment for increased incidence of suicide attempts in depressed patients. The anxiety disorders safety of SSRIs is no doubt one of the factors that has facilitated their widespread use (perhaps over-use) by physicians in general Popularly known as tranquil- anxiolytics drugs that produce sedation practice. But SSRIs can cause nausea, diarrhoea, insomnia and a lizers, anxiolytics are the most and reduce anxiety, popularly known as loss of sexual desire or response (Montgomery, 1995). widely used psychotropic tranquillizers Approximately 70 per cent of patients respond positively to drugs. antidepressants, with declines in symptoms apparent within two In 1960, a new class of to six weeks for tricyclics, one to three weeks for MAOIs and drugs, benzodiazepines, was developed that had a specific effect two to four weeks for SSRIs (Silver, Yudofsky & Hurowitz, 1994). on anxiety. Some, such as Valium (diazepam), Librium (chlor- Patients may do better on one type of antidepressant than diazepoxide) and Xanax (alprazolam) have been prescribed so often another, and sound clinical judgement is needed to find the best that they have almost become household words. Benzodiazepines antidepressant for each individual. If a patient doesn’t respond slow nerve cell electrical activity by augmenting the effect of to a standard antidepressant, his depression is said to be refrac- gamma-aminobutyric acid (GABA), an inhibitory neurotransmit- tory, and he will most likely be treated with two antidepressants ter. They are fast acting and can affect anxiety following a single simultaneously. dose. Although useful in treating generalized anxiety disorder, In 1997 a dual-action antidepressant became available, which post-traumatic stress disorder, panic disorder and insomnia, they both blocks serotonin receptors and inhibits its reuptake. are highly addictive, interact dangerously with alcohol and impair Although too early to document its effectiveness, it is likely that psychomotor performance (so patients are advised to avoid driv- this, like other antidepressants, is more than just an antidepressant. ing during treatment). This medication has also proven useful in treating panic disorder, A newer generation anxiolytic is buspirone, a drug that is eating disorders like bulimia, migraine headache and obsessive– chemically distinct from other anxiolytics, is not addictive and compulsive disorder (Heninger, 1995; Montgomery, 1995). does not interact with alcohol or impair psychomotor perform- ance. On the other hand, nausea, headache, insomnia, dizziness 2 Antimanics People with bipolar disorder are often resistant and lightheadedness are more common with buspirone. It also to taking medication because they miss the ‘high’ experienced in has a slow onset action and full therapeutic action takes weeks, the initial phase of a manic episode. Yet not taking medication is making it unsuitable for transient or acute anxiety, where fast dangerous, because patients often engage in risky behaviours dur- relief is needed. Buspirone is as effective as the benzodiazepines ing their manic phase and are at particularly high risk for suicide in treating generalized anxiety disorder, but less so for panic dis- during the depressive phase. order (Sheehan et al., 1990). PSY_C16.qxd 1/2/05 3:45 pm Page 342

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In 1962, imipramine, a tricyclic antidepressant, was found to be the patient is kept ‘blind’ to the true nature of the treatment. But effective in treating panic attacks. Since then, other antidepressants it is essential that all the patients believe they are receiving real have been shown to be useful in treating not only panic disorder, medicine, and this can’t be guaranteed when the administering but also social phobia and obsessive–compulsive disorder (OCD). staff themselves know who is getting the real drug and who is But because most OCD patients achieve only a 35–50 per cent getting the placebo. Even without explicitly revealing the true decrease in obsessions and compulsions with drug treatment ( Jenike, nature of the treatment to the patient, the knowledge of the 1990), they need to undergo psychotherapy at the same time. staff can subtly influence the patient. It is therefore imperative for all staff who have contact with the patients to remain double-blind procedure in order ASSESSING THE EFFECTS OF unaware throughout the to evaluate treatment efficacy, the PSYCHOTROPIC DRUGS study about who is receiving patient and all staff having contact with which treatment. This is the patient remain uninformed (blind) Why a whole section on testing drugs for effectiveness? Don’t we called a double-blind procedure. as to the true nature of the treatment simply give the drug to a group of patients and compare their A very powerful experimental symptoms before and after? technique is the combination This pre–post treatment design seems sensible, but it has of the double-blind proced- randomized clinical trial (RCT) many weaknesses. Most obviously, as with any form of therapy, ure with random assignment random assignment of patients to treat- it ignores the possibility that the symptoms may have remitted of patients to treatment ment conditions in order to evaluate spontaneously, without the treatment. It also neglects the fact condition – randomized clinical the efficacy of a treatment that symptoms of several disorders fluctuate over time. Improve- trial (RCT). ment in the condition may therefore simply reflect spontaneous But we still have another couple of problems to overcome. It remission or natural fluctuation rather than any actual drug effect. is unethical to withhold an acceptable treatment in order to As we saw in chapter 2, a control group is critical to assessing the administer a placebo, so many RCTs compare the impact of a effect of an experimental manipulation – in this case the adminis- new drug to treatment as usual. This helps address another prob- tration of a drug. When we compare the effect and value of treat- lem that sometimes arises with the use of a placebo – side effects ment(s) against a control using patients, it is termed a clinical trial. can make it apparent to both staff and patients who is receiving the experimental drug. Obvious differences in side effects between treatments tend to be muted when the comparison is The placebo effect and with a standard treatment. In RCTs of new drugs, the question is double-blind procedure usually one of relative efficacy compared to the currently best available treatment. But even if a new drug is only equivalent to So is it sufficient to have two groups of equivalent patients – one an existing treatment, it may be preferred because of lower cost, receiving the drug and one not? Certainly, in this design, any dif- or fewer side effects. For example, among antidepressants the ferences after treatment would not be due to spontaneous remis- newer drugs are generally preferred over older ones, not because sion or the natural course of the disorder, as these factors would they are more effective overall, but because of more acceptable affect both groups. But neither could the differences be unequivoc- side effects (Thase, 1999). ally attributed to the drug. We also have to account for placebo effect phenomenon whereby the placebo effect – a widely patients show some form of real impro- Criteria for effectiveness documented phenomenon vement after being treated with an in the treatment of various Finally, we must consider the criteria used to judge the efficacy inert substance (a placebo) such as a diseases from flu to heart of a treatment. Usually we look at patient reports and, where pos- sugar pill disease. It has been shown sible, ratings by hospital or clinic staff. Assessments by psycho- that up to 70 per cent of logists and medical tests may also be used. But how do we decide patients actually show some real functional improvement after if a change is clinically meaningful, rather than simply a statistical being treated with an inert substance (a placebo) such as a sugar measure? This is an important issue that can dramatically alter pill. Interestingly, practitioners often make use of the placebo the inferences we draw about a treatment’s efficacy. effect in treating patients (Benson & Friedman, 1996). But re- For example, suppose reports from depressed patients are sta- searchers must eliminate it. Can we do so by simply administering tistically different from a comparison group after treatment (see a placebo to our control group, so that they get the same amount chapter 2), and yet these same patients show little difference in of attention and ‘treatment’ as the group treated with the real drug? their ability to function in everyday life and remain severely While this is a dramatic depressed. One way to address this issue is to test whether patient improvement on the basic self-reports fall into the non-depressed range of scores. Another single-blind procedure in order to pre treatment–post treat- method that can be used is to apply more novel statistical tech- evaluate the effect of a therapy, the ment design, there is still a niques (beyond the scope of this book) such as comparing the patient is kept uninformed (blind) as to problem with this single-blind ‘effect size’ underlying the statistical difference. A further cri- the true nature of the treatment procedure – so-called because terion that is increasingly emphasized is the cost-effectiveness of PSY_C16.qxd 1/2/05 3:45 pm Page 343

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a treatment. So we might ask whether a new treatment for drug dependence leads to fewer arrests and days in prison, or whether PSYCHOLOGICAL TREATMENTS a new antidepressant leads to fewer lost work days, and so on. In economically difficult times, care is sometimes subordinated to Treatments that use psychological methods rather than direct cost, making the use of psychotropic drugs particularly attractive changes to the body are known collectively as psychotherapy. for the treatment of psychological disorders. The fact that they are There are many different kinds of psychotherapy (see table often fast acting only adds to their appeal (although, as we have 16.1). Treatment is always by a trained therapist with expertise seen, the duration of these beneficial effects may be a quite differ- in handling psychological disorders, and the clients enter into a ent matter – we explore this question further in the next section). professional relationship with the therapist to work on alleviating the disorder. Training in psychotherapy usually involves comple- The limits of drug therapy tion of an advanced degree and supervised treatment experience, but its exact nature depends on the disciplinary background of There is no doubt that modern psychotropic drugs have revolu- the therapist (who might be a psychiatrist, psychologist, social tionized the treatment of psychological disorders and restored the worker or psychiatric nurse), and the regulations that govern lives of many sufferers. No one should be treated for schizophrenia practice in their country. In many countries, people with minimal or bipolar disorder without suitable medication being available, or no training may still call themselves ‘psychotherapists’, so it is and drugs can be appropriate for many other psychological dis- essential to exercise good judgement in seeking psychotherapy. orders too. And yet the use of psychotropic drugs is contro- Psychotherapy may take place in outpatient or inpatient versial, with some asserting that the beneficial effects are quite settings. Either way, the psychotherapeutic relationship is a pur- limited (Fisher & Greenberg, 1989). Others have raised concerns poseful, nurturant alliance. The psychotherapist needs good com- about over-use (Olfson et al., 1998), abuse (especially regarding munication and relationship-building skills, self-awareness and anxiolytics such as valium) and possible addiction. Furthermore, self-monitoring, and other specific skills associated with their par- some researchers have argued that the impact of psychotropic ticular type of therapy. drugs largely reflects a placebo effect (Kirsch & Sapirstein, 1998). In the next sections we consider some of the major forms of In any event, drug treatments have some obvious limits: psychotherapy that are currently in clinical use. 1. Not everyone responds to the drug. 2. Side effects may preclude their use for some patients, and PSYCHOANALYSIS AND may lead others to discontinue their use – a particularly PSYCHODYNAMIC THERAPY important consideration for treatments like antipsychotics and antimanics, when ongoing maintenance doses are needed to control symptoms effectively. Classical psychoanalysis 3. Drug treatment does nothing to help patients learn how to Classical psychoanalysis was cope with life experiences that may have contributed to the insight an individual’s understanding developed by Freud (see disorder in the first place. of the unconscious reasons for his or chapter 15). Its goals are to her maladaptive behaviour – central to This leads us neatly into the essential role of psychological help the person gain insight psychoanalysis treatments. into the ‘true’ (usually

Table 16.1 Treatments for psychological disorders, organized according to the model of abnormal behaviour on which they are based.

Model Examples of treatment Examples of treatment techniques Goals of treatment

Biological Psychosurgery, medication Lobotomy, monoamine oxidase Alter neurological system, correct inhibitor chemical imbalance Psychoanalytic/ Psychoanalysis, interpersonal Free association, interpretation, Psychosexual maturity via insight, contemporary therapy analysis of transference strengthening ego functions psychodynamic Behavioural Systematic desensitization, Counter-conditioning, modelling Changes in behaviour via new learning contingency management Cognitive Cognitive therapy, rational- Collaborative empiricism, identifying Changing cognitive processing of events emotive therapy automatic thoughts Humanistic Client-centred therapy Unconditional positive regard, active Personal growth, self-acceptance, self- listening actualization Family and couples/ Behavioural marital therapy, Communication training, paradoxical Change interpersonal context of relationship dysfunction strategic family therapy directive psychological disorder PSY_C16.qxd 1/2/05 3:45 pm Page 344

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unconscious) reasons for their maladaptive behaviour, to work short-term dynamic psychotherapy (Levenson & Strupp, 1999). through their implications and associated feelings, and to Here the goal is pragmatic – to help the client cope with a cur- strengthen the ego’s control over the id and superego. rent problem or crisis in 20 sessions or fewer. Therapists are usu- ally more active and may refer clients to self-help groups, ask 1 Uncovering repressed memories In this framework, recov- them to do homework between sessions and use other proced- ery of unconscious memories is facilitated by the method of free ures not typically associated with psychoanalytically derived association, in which the client says whatever comes to mind psychotherapies. without editing or censorship. This is a difficult procedure, which rarely reveals repressed memories clearly. According to the tradi- tional view, the analyst has to piece together patterns of associ- Do these therapies work? ation while dealing with the patient’s ‘resistance’ (the tendency to avoid the task at hand by, for example, changing topic or forget- A major limitation of psychoanalytic and psychodynamic thera- ting what they were about to say). Resistance is seen as a sign that pies is that they seem best suited to verbal, intelligent people with the patient is on the verge of recalling a painful memory. relatively mild psychological problems who are motivated to Freud also used dreams to uncover unconscious material by spend a substantial amount of time trying to uncover uncon- regarding the content of the dream as symbolic of something scious conflicts. Psychoanalysis is also expensive and usually only else. But he believed that recollection without emotion has little available to those who can afford private practice. therapeutic value, so psychoanalysis is considered useful only if The basic principles that underlie these therapies have received the patient is released from the emotional forces that had kept the very little empirical attention. In a study of free association, insight repressed. Erdelyi (1985) found that the method resulted in more material being reported, but it wasn’t clear whether this reflected actual memory enhancement (see chapter 11). In fact, it may not be pos- 2 Transference and countertransference Central to psycho- sible to test these therapies at all because the theoretical frame- analysis is transference. This is the notion that the client projects work underpinning them frequently seems to explain all possible (transfers) onto the analyst outcomes equally well (see chapter 15). For example, when a characteristics that are un- patient obtains insight and changes behaviour, this is said to pro- consciously associated with transference projection by a client vide evidence of treatment efficacy. But when a patient obtains parents and other important onto the therapist of characteristics that insight but shows no behaviour change, in the psychoanalytic interpersonal figures from the are unconsciously associated with par- framework this doesn’t reflect on treatment efficacy as the insight client’s past. Using the trans- ents and other important figures is said to be merely ‘intellectual’. The picture is brighter when it ference-charged relationship, comes to some of the more recent psychodynamic therapies. the analyst effectively holds There is some evidence that interpersonal therapy (a short-term up a mirror, allowing the client to see how he reacts to import- psychodynamic therapy that focuses on the client’s interpersonal ant people in his life. Through many experiences like this, it is relationships and current circumstances) is effective in treating argued that the patient’s symptoms gradually diminish. To be depression (Weissman & Markowitz, 1994). For the most part, able to ‘stand in’ for significant others in the patient’s early life, it however, the jury is still out when it comes to research evalu- is important for the analyst to remain neutral. They must not ations of contemporary psychodynamic therapies. allow countertransference (i.e. their own unconscious feelings towards the patient) to distort the process. Not surprisingly, trainees must undergo psychoanalysis themselves before qualify- ing as a psychoanalyst. BEHAVIOUR THERAPY

Just as behaviourism was a rejection of existing systems in psy- Contemporary psychodynamic therapy chology (see chapter 1), behaviour therapy represented a rejec- tion of psychoanalytic and psychodynamic thinking. Behaviour The now stereotypical analytic couch is foregone in contempor- therapy is concerned with what the person does that causes dis- ary psychodynamic therapies in favour of chairs and face-to-face tress. The problematic behaviour is seen to be learned, just like interaction. Classical psychoanalysts focused on what happens any other behaviour, and is not viewed as a symptom of an during analysis, so the patient’s life outside the consultation room underlying ‘illness’. The therapist uses techniques based on the ideally needed to remain stable until the analysis was complete. principles of learning to change the maladaptive behaviour. In contrast, contemporary psychodynamic therapists use a model Consistent with its roots in the work of Pavlov, Thorndike and of abnormal behaviour that involves not only intrapsychic con- Skinner (see chapter 4), behaviour therapy is highly pragmatic flict relating to early childhood, but also current interpersonal and focuses on the ‘here and now’ rather than early experiences. relationships. They therefore pay close attention to the links And yet it would be a mistake to conclude that behaviour between what goes on during therapy and the client’s life in therapy is a completely mechanistic, impersonal procedure. Like between sessions. other psychotherapists, behaviour therapists emphasize the need Emphasis on accountability and cost-effectiveness in health for a strong, supportive therapeutic relationship between the care have no doubt played a role in the recent emergence of therapist and the client in their work. PSY_C16.qxd 1/2/05 3:45 pm Page 345

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Exposure techniques

As the name implies, exposure techniques involve exposing clients to stimuli that, through pairing with anxiety responses (classical conditioning), have come to evoke anxiety or fear. Exposure is extensively used to treat agoraphobia and the panic attacks that often precede its development. In severe cases, it is usually com- bined with drug treatment. The most widely used technique is systematic desensitization, developed in laboratory studies of cats by the South African psy- chiatrist Joseph Wolpe. Wolpe reasoned that, ‘If a response anta- gonistic to anxiety can be made to occur in the presence of the anxiety-evoking stimuli so that it is accompanied by a complete or partial suppression of the anxiety responses, the bond between Figure 16.5 these stimuli and anxiety responses will be weakened’ (1958, p. 71). When this principle of Flooding is a technique used to reduce anxiety, such as that associated with particular phobias like arachnaphobia, by pro- reciprocal inhibition (counter- reciprocal inhibition loosening of the longed exposure to the trigger of the anxiety – i.e. spiders. conditioning) is applied to ability of stimuli to evoke anxiety when humans, muscle relaxation is a response antagonistic to anxiety (e.g. usually used to inhibit anxiety. relaxation) is made to occur in the pres- The client is first taught pro- ence of the stimuli gressive muscle relaxation An alternative to the brief/ flooding a technique used in beha- (tensing and then releasing graduated exposure used in viour therapy that involves exposing muscle groups) until she is able to relax her muscles on cue. systematic desensitization is the patient to highly threatening events Then the therapist works with her to develop a hierarchy of flooding – a technique that for a prolonged period of time situations that she finds increasingly anxiety-provoking. involves prolonged exposure For example, suppose the target behaviour is fear of speaking to highly threatening events. up in class. The following hierarchy might be developed: The client’s anxiety response diminishes through habituation and eventually disappears completely. When used to treat obsessive– At home, the night before I go to class. compulsive disorder, exposure is accompanied by response Driving to school before the class. prevention (clients are prevented from performing the rituals Walking to my class. they normally use to reduce their anxiety). For example, suppose Walking inside the classroom. someone has a fear of contact with objects ‘contaminated’ by Looking around at the people in the room. other people, such as doorknobs. If they normally reduce their Walking in and saying ‘hello’ to someone in the room. anxiety in such situations with repetitive hand-washing, they Sitting down in the front row. would be prevented from doing so at the same time as flooding Catching the professor’s eye and smiling. therapy is administered. Nodding or agreeing with a comment made in class. Asking the professor a question from the front of the room. Operant techniques Asking the professor a question from the back of the room. Answering a short question from the front of the room. Operant, or instrumental, conditioning occurs when behaviour is Answering a short question from the back of the room. governed by the consequences that immediately follow it. A fam- Answering a longer question. ily of therapeutic techniques has emerged from this type of con- Making a comment on a particular point to the class. ditioning, generically termed ‘contingency management’. One example is the token economy – in a controlled environment The client is therefore exposed to the least frightening situ- (such as a psychiatric ward or classroom), tokens are used to ation while deeply relaxed. When the situation no longer evokes increase the likelihood of targeted behaviours. The tokens can be anxiety, the therapist moves on to the next stage in the hierarchy, exchanged for desired items or activities (e.g. snacks, TV), much progressing accordingly until the client can encounter the most as we use money in everyday life. Token economies are widely anxiety-provoking situation while still remaining relaxed. used in hospitals that treat people with chronic, severe psycho- Exposure to the anxiety-provoking situation is usually achieved logical disorders like schizophrenia, and have proved to be highly through imagination, but can also be achieved in real life. More effective (Chambless et al., 1998). Contingency management is recently, simulated environments created using virtual reality also used in individual behaviour therapy. In the context of a technology have been used effectively to treat acrophobia (fear warm, supportive relationship with the client, a behaviour thera- of heights), aviophobia (fear of flying) and post traumatic stress pist uses social reinforcers (e.g. nods, smiles, approval) to help disorder (Rothbaum et al., 1995; 2001; 2002). bring about behaviour change. PSY_C16.qxd 1/2/05 3:45 pm Page 346

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Time out is a form of contingency management that can reduce the frequency of an undesirable behaviour by removing the person from the situation in which the behaviour is rein- forced. For example, sending a child to a quiet, boring location for a short period following misbehaviour is an effective way of changing the behaviour, especially when it is coupled with positive reinforcement of appropriate behaviour. Another pun- ishment contingency is response cost, which involves loss of a reward following a behaviour that we seek to change (such as smoking, aggression or self-abuse). Response cost suppresses behaviour longer than other forms of punishment and is con- sidered more acceptable than more severe forms of punishment, such as are used in aversion therapy.

Aversion therapy

Aversion therapy can draw on aversion therapy a problem behavi- the principles of both classical our is paired with an aversive stimulus and operant conditioning. in an attempt to establish an aversive When based on classical con- response to the behaviour (e.g. fear, ditioning, a problem behavi- disgust) our is paired with exposure to an aversive unconditioned stimulus in an attempt to establish an aversive response to the behaviour (e.g. fear or disgust). For example, an alcoholic is made nauseous (by the drug emetine) and is then given a glass of his favourite drink. After a few pairings the nausea becomes associ- ated with the drink. In one study using this technique, abstinence was successfully induced for a year in 63 per cent of 685 hospital- ized alcoholics, and 33 per cent were still dry after three years (Wiens & Menustik, 1983; see review by Elkins, 1991). However, a problem with this method is that exposure to the original stim- ulus (in this case drinking alcohol) over time tends to weaken the Figure 16.6 classically conditioned response enough to result in relapse. When based on operant conditioning, the aversive stimulus Using the ‘rapid smoking technique’, behaviour therapists force smokers to puff every few seconds for a prolonged period of acts as a punishment and is delivered immediately after the prob- time until they feel sick and disgusted with cigarettes. lematic behaviour. The Everyday psychology box in chapter 1 gives an example of how aversion therapy was used in this way to treat ruminative vomiting and save a child’s life. surprisingly, in many patients a nauseous response to alcohol, for Aversion therapy has been used to treat a variety of problems, instance, can be induced in this way. including alcoholism, smoking, overeating, compulsive gam- bling, self-injurious behaviour and some sexual deviations such as Modelling exhibitionism. One of the drawbacks, however, is that it does not teach alternative behaviours to replace the problem activities. Vicarious learning by observing and imitating the behaviour of There are also serious ethical problems, especially when the cog- others is also used in behaviour therapy. The therapist models the nitive functioning of the client prevents them giving informed behaviour for the client, who is then reinforced for performing it consent (as in the case of young children). So aversion therapy and encouraged to try it outside the therapy session. For exam- tends to be used as a last resort after other treatments have failed, ple, a therapist can treat phobias by encouraging the client to to control acute behaviours that threaten the client’s or others’ exhibit the modelled behaviour when in the feared situation. The wellbeing (such as self-abuse or uncontrollable physical violence). client first observes the model, then makes gradual contact with A more acceptable and less the feared object. Modelling is most effective when the model is intrusive form of aversion similar to the client, has high status and is reinforced (e.g. receives covert sensitization a form of aversion therapy is covert sensitization. social approval such as praise) for his action (Bandura, 1986). The therapy in which the client imagines a Here the client imagines both similarity between the client and the model can be increased problem behaviour followed by an the problem behaviour and by having the model initially display fear before successfully per- aversive stimulus the aversive stimulus. Perhaps forming the desired behaviour (Meichenbaum, 1971). PSY_C16.qxd 1/2/05 3:45 pm Page 347

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Social skills example, if a person evaluates everything he does in terms of his competence, his thinking might be dominated by the schema, A lack of social skills necessary for interpersonal relationships can ‘Unless everything I do is perfect, I’m a failure.’ To change dys- exacerbate or even partly account for psychological disorders. So functional schemas such as this one, the cognitive therapist uses behaviour therapists include social skills training in treatment an active, structured and directive approach, focusing on the of depression (Bellack et al., 1983), anxiety disorders (van Dam- ‘here and now’, and not offering interpretations of the uncon- Baggen & Kraaimat, 2000) and schizophrenia (McQuaid et al., scious origins of problems in childhood. 2000). The first step is to determine skill deficits in concrete terms Beck’s cognitive therapy (e.g. avoiding eye contact, speaking too softly) before developing more appropriate behaviour through modelling and social rein- Aaron Beck developed one of the most influential cognitive forcement. Assertiveness training is widely used, especially when therapies to treat depression. Beck maintains that the depressed the inability to express personal needs appropriately leads some- person’s negative view of self, the world and the future (the one to be depressed or aggressive. It is designed to help clients ‘cognitive triad’) results from express their feelings in ways that don’t infringe upon the rights the operation of maladaptive automatic thoughts used in cognitive of others, rather than suffering in silence or exploding in anger. automatic thoughts – the spon- therapy to refer to spontaneously gen- Social skills training has been expanded in recent years to pro- taneously generated thoughts erated thoughts associated with specific mote a broader array of skills, such as making conversation and associated with specific moods moods or situations participating in interpersonal problem solving. or situations (e.g. ‘Everything I do turns out wrong’). In depression, these cognitive distortions can take many forms Does it work? including dichotomous thinking (‘I’m either a success or a fail- ure’), overgeneralization (‘Whatever I say just shows how stupid Critics of behaviour therapy argue that it is superficial and I am’), arbitrary inference (‘He glanced over my shoulder while deals only with symptoms rather than their root causes. As a talking to me. I’m a social failure’) and magnification (‘My mis- result, critics argue that new take in answering the test question just shows that I’m an idiot symptoms are likely to arise symptom substitution the emergence who shouldn’t be at university’). (a process known as symptom of new symptoms after treating the Whatever form the cognitive distortion takes, a primary goal substitution). While it is no symptoms of a disorder (as opposed to in cognitive therapy is to help the client identify automatic doubt true that many problem its ‘root’ cause) thoughts and evaluate them. The therapist helps the client to do behaviours arise in response this by asking questions like, ‘What is the evidence for this idea?’, to past circumstances, there ‘Is there another way to look at the situation?’, ‘Are these facts, or is no evidence for symptom substitution. A second criticism is your interpretation of the facts?’ The therapist also formulates that behaviour therapy doesn’t pay attention to thought pro- a hypothesis regarding the cesses that might support problem behaviour. One view of automatic thought and invites collaborative empiricism cognitive abnormal behaviour is that it results from distorted thinking (see the client to test the validity therapy procedure in which the ther- chapter 15). Is it therefore possible that it isn’t just stimulus– of the hypothesis in a system- apist formulates a hypothesis and then response connections or reinforcement that matter, but also the atic way – a process called helps the client test the validity of the way we perceive events in our life? The internal psychological collaborative empiricism. In hypothesis processes deemed irrelevant by strict behavioural therapists taking this approach, ultim- might themselves be maladaptive and need to be changed. ately more realistic, accurate In response to these concerns, a range of techniques have been interpretations should replace the automatic thoughts, distorted developed to influence maladaptive ways of thinking directly. beliefs and assumptions. Here’s an example of cognitive therapy in action. A depressed, attractive woman in her twenties had the following interchange COGNITIVE THERAPY with her therapist. Notice how the therapist engages her in col- laborative empiricism when dealing with her automatic thoughts Cognitive therapy is a relatively short-term treatment (about about being ugly and undesirable. 20 sessions) designed to get clients thinking about events in their life – including the symptoms of their disorder – in new ways. Therapist: Other than your subjective opinion, what evidence do Sessions focus on concrete problems and help clients to challenge you have that you are ugly? Client: Well, my sister always said I was ugly. their beliefs about the problem. Although the cognitive therapist Therapist: Was she always right in these matters? engages the client in behavioural tasks, cognitive therapy differs Client: No. Actually, she had her own reasons for telling me this. from behaviour therapy in focusing on the patient’s internal But the real reason I know I’m ugly is that men don’t ask me (cognitive and affective) experiences. out. If I weren’t ugly, I’d be dating now. Central to cognitive therapy is the identification of the client’s Therapist: That is a possible reason why you are not dating. But latent dysfunctional schema – or underlying rules of life. For there’s an alternative explanation. You told me that you work PSY_C16.qxd 1/2/05 3:45 pm Page 348

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Following this interchange, the client became more active and Pioneer was able to relinquish the thought that she was ugly. Therapy then focused on helping her change her assumption that her worth was based on her appearance. The treatment went on to deal with her assumption that she could not be happy without love (or attention from a man).

Therapist: On what do you base this belief that you can’t be happy without a man? Client: I was really depressed for a year and a half when I didn’t have a man. Therapist: Is there another reason why you were depressed? Client: As we discussed, I was looking at everything in the dis- torted way. But I still don’t know if I could be happy if no one was interested in me. Therapist: I don’t know either. Is there a way we could find out? Client: Well, as an experiment, I could not go out on dates for a while and see how I feel. Therapist: I think that’s a good idea. Although it has its flaws, the experimental method is still the best way currently available to discover the facts....If you find you can be happy without a man, this will greatly strengthen you and also make your future relationships all the better. (Beck et al., 1979, pp. 253–4) Although initially formulated to treat depression, Beck’s cognitive therapy has been applied to the treatment of anxiety disorders, personality disorders, eating disorders and as a com- plement to antipsychotic drug therapy for schizophrenia (Wright & Beck, 1994). Numerous controlled studies show that cognitive Figure 16.7 therapy is effective for depression, producing acute symptomatic Aaron Beck rejected the psychoanalytic approach and relief and lower relapse rates than drug treatment. In one study developed a cognitive therapy for depression, based on the relapse rate was just 23 per cent at two years, as opposed to the belief that a depressed person’s negative view of self, the world and the future results from maladaptive 78 per cent after drug treatment (Blackburn et al., 1981). There is automatic thoughts. also evidence of effectiveness for anxiety disorders, particularly generalized anxiety disorder and panic disorder. Aaron T. Beck (1921– ) graduated from Yale University in psychiatry in 1946 and completed formal training in psy- Rational emotive therapy choanalysis at the Philadelphia Psychoanalytic Institute in 1956. He then began to conduct research to validate Albert Ellis developed one of the earliest forms of cognitive therapy psychoanalytic theories. But when his research did not – rational emotive therapy (RET). According to Ellis (1973), when support his hypotheses, he rejected the psychoanalytic an emotional consequence (C) follows an activating event (A), it approach and developed a cognitive therapy for depres- is not A that causes C but the individual’s beliefs (B) (figure 16.8). sion. His well-known tests to assess depression include the The goal of RET is to change pervasive patterns of irrational Beck Depression Inventory and the Scale for Suicide Idea- thinking. It ‘largely consists of the use of the logico-empirical tion. Among his several influential books are Depression: ABC Clinical, Experimental, and Theoretical Aspects (1967), Cognit- Negative Irrational Emotional ive Therapy and the Emotional Disorders (1979) and Cognitive activating event belief consequences Therapy of Depression (1979, with Rush, Shaw and Emery). (the break-up of (‘I can’t live a (feelings of a close happy life without sadness relationship) this person’) and despair)

in an office by yourself all day and spend your nights alone at home. It doesn’t seem like you’re giving yourself opportunities to meet men. Figure 16.8 Client: I can see what you’re saying but still, if I weren’t ugly, men would ask me out. A-B-C model that underlies the use of rational emotive therapy. Therapist: I suggest we run an experiment: that is, for you to According to Ellis (1973), emotional distress is caused by irra- tional beliefs. This distress, in turn, helps to sustain irrational become more socially active, stop turning down invitations to beliefs. parties and social events and see what happens. PSY_C16.qxd 1/2/05 3:45 pm Page 349

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method of scientific questioning, challenging and debating’ (Ellis, 1977, p. 20). So the RET therapist is challenging and confronta- Pioneer tional, asking questions like, ‘Where is it written that life has to be fair?’ or ‘Who says you’ll have a breakdown if your partner breaks up with you?’ A common technique used in this form of therapy is to engage in shame-attacking exercises, in which clients are encouraged to deliberately do something they find embarrassing to show that the consequences are not catastrophic.

Does it work?

Two criticisms of cognitive therapy are that the linear causal- ity on which it is based (cognition → behaviour) is too simple, and that it emphasizes internal events (cognition) at the expense of contextual events. But the cognitive perspective on which cognitive therapy is based is actually closer to a diathesis–stress model, in which life events, thoughts, behaviour and emotions are inextricably linked and exert reciprocal effects on each other. Indeed, attention to behaviour is central to cognitive therapy, and so the distinction between behavioural and cognitive therapy has been blurred. Beck’s therapy is generally viewed as a cognitive– behavioural therapy, and RET is now often referred to as rational emotive behaviour therapy (Ellis, 1993; 2001). Although criticized for being too simplistic, RET itself can be useful in clinical practice. But, while there is evidence that the tendency to endorse irrational thoughts is associated with a vari- ety of disorders (Alden & Safran, 1978), Ellis’s a priori identifica- tion of a core set of irrational beliefs has been questioned. Critics argue that the utility of beliefs needs to be taken into account when we decide on their rationality. A client’s ‘irrational’ belief can be effective and desirable in their circumstances, while a Figure 16.9 ‘rational’ belief may be maladaptive in a certain situations (Arnkoff Frederick ‘Fritz’ Perls founded Gestalt therapy, which & Glass, 1982). Finally, critics question whether the positive effects roots the client in the ‘here and now’ and helps them to of cognitive therapy reflect something specific to cognitive therapy, achieve a whole sense of the self. or to some mechanism that it shares with other psychotherapies. Frederick ‘Fritz’ Perls (1893–1970) was born in Germany, earned his MD degree in 1926, and then worked at the HUMANISTIC THERAPY Institute for Brain Damaged Soldiers in Frankfurt. He became a psychoanalyst before developing Gestalt ther- Humanistic therapies focus on the phenomenology (conscious apy. Perls moved to South Africa in the early 1930s, where experience) of the client and view psychological problems as dis- he wrote Ego, Hunger, and Aggression: A Revision of Freud’s turbances in awareness or undue restrictions on existence. Accord- Theory and Method (1946). In 1946 he moved to New York ing to this framework, a client’s problems can be understood only City and wrote The Beginning of Gestalt Therapy (with Ralph when viewed from his or her own point of view. The aims of Hefferline and Paul Goodman) in 1951. Perls and his wife humanistic therapies (also called experiential or phenomenolo- organized the New York Institute of Gestalt Therapy gical therapies) are to help people get in touch with their feelings, before moving to California in 1960, where he continued experience their ‘true selves’ and develop meaning in their life. to offer Gestalt therapy workshops until his death in 1970. This is done through the nature of the therapeutic relationship and the client’s tendency to grow as a unique individual (a pro- cess known as self-actualization). too much, losing touch with their emotions and authentic selves. Gestalt therapy The Gestalt therapist aims to enhance the client’s awareness of herself, which helps the client to grow (Perls, 1969). According to Developed by Fritz Perls, Gestalt therapy reflects the view that this viewpoint, talking about the past or future obstructs therapy, people often control their own thoughts, behaviours and feelings as it is an escape from the reality of the ‘here and now’, which is PSY_C16.qxd 1/2/05 3:45 pm Page 350

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of paramount importance in Gestalt therapy. Awareness in the here and now supposedly leads to change. Consistent with the Pioneer Gestalt principle of holism (the whole is greater than the sum of the parts; see chapter 1), the goal is to help the client, through change, to integrate polarities (e.g. feminine and masculine sides of the personality), and achieve a whole sense of the self. The Gestalt therapist may often be quite confrontational in forcing the client to focus on the here and now and deal honestly with his feelings. Indeed, according to one commentator, Perls ‘was often seen as inhumane in application of his technique’ (Cottonne, 1992, p. 148). Role-playing is used extensively in Gestalt therapy to explore interpersonal games, conflicts between different parts of the self, and so on. Sometimes an empty chair is placed near the client, and he is asked to imagine that the person towards whom he experiences repressed emotions is sitting in the chair. The client can then safely experience his feelings by ‘talking’ to the person. In a similar vein, two chairs might be used to allow the client to ‘seat’ two different sides of the same conflict, one in each chair. The client then plays the part of each side of the conflict, as a way of learning to allow the polarities to exist. Enactment (or putting feelings or thoughts into action) is another form of role-play used in this approach. Gestalt therapy has been aptly summarized as follows: ‘The Gestalt therapist places more value in action than in words, in experience than in thoughts, in the living process of therapeutic interaction, and the inner change resulting thereby, than in influ- encing beliefs’ (Naranjo, 1970, p. 47). Figure 16.10 Client-centred therapy Humanist Carl Rogers developed a client-centred approach to therapy, in which the client’s self-worth is reinforced by keeping sessions free from judgement, This most influential humanist therapy was developed by Carl direction or interpretation by the therapist. Rogers, who believed that ‘it is the client who knows what hurts, what directions to go, what problems are crucial, what experi- ences have been deeply buried’ (1961, pp. 11–12). In his system, Carl Rogers (1902–87) was reared in a strict religious envir- called either client-centred or person-centred therapy, the client onment. He entered the Union Theological Seminary, determines what to talk about and when to do so, without direc- New York, in 1924 and became involved in working with tion, judgement or interpretation by the therapist. disturbed children. When his interests shifted to clinical Rogers argued that a person’s natural tendency to grow as a psychology, he obtained a doctoral degree from Columbia unique individual (self-actualize) is thwarted by judgements University. He taught at Ohio State University, the Uni- imposed on them by other people – what he called conditions of versity of Chicago and the University of Wisconsin, before worth. He therefore emphasized the importance of affirming the settling at the Center for Studies of the Person in La Jolla, worth of the client, who typically is not interrupted or questioned California. As the founder of nondirective (later relabelled by the therapist. This is achieved by the exercise of three thera- person-centred, or client-centred) therapy, he wrote many peutic attitudes: influential books, including Counseling and Psychotherapy: Newer Concepts in Practice (1942), Client-Centered Therapy 1. Unconditional positive regard is established by showing the (1951), On Becoming a Person (1961) and A Way of Being client that she is valued, no matter what. It conveys that (1980). He was nominated for a Nobel Peace Prize in 1987. the therapist cares about the client, accepts her and trusts in her ability to change. It does not mean that the therapist must agree with or approve of what the client says, but it does mean that the therapist non-judgementally accepts 2. Also essential to the Rogerian therapist is empathy – an everything the client says as a reflection of her as a person. emotional understanding of what the client is experiencing Given these tenets, Rogerian therapists understandably do by seeing things from his point of view. Empathy is con- not offer advice – to do so would imply that the client is not veyed by active listening and the use of reflection – a para- competent and is dependent on help. phrasing of what the client has said, which identifies the PSY_C16.qxd 1/2/05 3:45 pm Page 351

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feelings and meanings underlying the statement. Clients 3. Finally, congruence between the therapist’s actions and often elaborate on their feelings and concerns following feelings, sometimes called genuineness, is important in this a reflection, so this technique helps the client to raise form of therapy. A therapist who is experiencing fatigue in material without the therapist having to ask disruptive the therapy session would not mention it in most psycho- questions. The impact of reflection is evident in everyday therapy approaches, but, for Rogers, mentioning the fatigue life: people who reflect back what has been said to them are ‘strengthens the relationship because the therapist is not often viewed as good listeners. trying to cover up a real feeling. It may reduce or eliminate the fatigue and restore the therapist to a fully attending and The following interaction between Carl Rogers and a young empathic state’ (Raskin & Rogers, 1989, p. 172). man illustrates the technique of reflection. Rogers skilfully helps the client clarify his feelings for his stepfather. Without direct prompting from Rogers, the client moves from a blunt assertion Does it work? of mutual hatred to one of unilateral hatred to one in which he expresses respect for his stepfather and the reasons for that respect. Humanistic therapy has been criticized for emphasizing ‘aware- ness’, which is seen as counterproductive when distressed indi- Client: You see I have a stepfather. viduals may well be already over-aware. Gestalt therapy is also Therapist: I see. sometimes said to border on game-playing, despite its positive Client: Let’s put it this way. My stepfather and I are not on the hap- view of human nature (Cottone, 1992). piest terms in the world. And so, when he states something and, Ironically, Rogers was among the first to recognize the need to of course, she goes along, and I stand up and let her know that evaluate psychotherapy using scientific research, and yet there is I don’t like what he is telling me, well, she usually gives in to me. little data available to substantiate the effectiveness of his client- Therapist: I see. centred therapy. He was the first to record therapy sessions, but Client: Sometimes, and sometimes it’s just the opposite. Therapist: But part of what really makes for difficulty is the fact analysis of those sessions shows that out of eight different that you and your stepfather, as you say, are not...the rela- categories of client statement, Rogers consistently followed only tionship isn’t completely rosy. one type of statement (i.e. those expressing progress) with a Client: Let’s just put it this way, I hate him and he hates me. It’s positive response, such as ‘Uh-uh. That’s nice’ or ‘Oh really. Tell that way. me more.’ It perhaps comes as no surprise, then, that his clients Therapist: But you really hate him and you feel he really hates you? increasingly expressed progress during therapy. But this observa- Client: Well, I don’t know if he hates me or not, but I know one tion doesn’t in itself invalidate client-centred therapy. It merely thing, I don’t like him whatsoever. shows the power of social reinforcers in influencing behaviour. In Therapist: You can’t speak for sure about his feelings because only recognition of this form of therapeutic control, Rogers changed he knows exactly what those are, but as far as you are con- the original description of his therapy from ‘non-directive’ (which cerned... it clearly was not) to ‘person-centered’. Client: . . . he knows how I feel about it. Therapist: You don’t have much use for him? Client: None whatsoever. And that’s been for about eight years now. FAMILY AND COUPLES THERAPY Therapist: So for about eight years you’ve lived with a person whom you have no respect for and really hate? Individual psychological disorders often reflect disturbance in Client: Oh, I respect him. family relationships – Framo said that ‘whenever you have a dis- Therapist: Ah. Excuse me. I got that wrong. turbed child you have a disturbed marriage’ (1965, p. 154). And Client: I have to respect him. I don’t have to, but I do. But I don’t love him, I hate him. I can’t stand him. the association between problems in couple relationships and Therapist: There are certain things you respect him for, but that various psychological disorders is well documented (Fincham, doesn’t alter the fact that you definitely hate him and don’t love 2003). So it’s hardly surprising that couples and family therapies him? have become major psychotherapeutic approaches. Client: That’s the truth. I respect anybody who has bravery and courage and he does... Therapist: . . . You do give him credit for the fact that he is brave, Family therapy he has guts or something? Client: Yeah. He shows that he can do a lot of things that, well, a We can trace family therapy back to the family theories of schizo- lot of men can’t. phrenia in the 1950s (recall the concept of the ‘schizophrenogenic Therapist: M-hm, m-hm. mother’ described in chapter 15). The proponents of these theories, Client: And also he has asthma, and the doctor hasn’t given him such as Bateson and colleagues (1956) emphasized distorted com- very long to live. And he, even though he knows he’s going to die, he keeps working and he works at a killing pace, so I munication as the cause of schizophrenia. They offered a radical respect him for that, too. new perspective on psychological disorders by focusing on the Therapist: M-hm. So I guess you’re saying that he really has... interaction taking place when the behaviour occurs and moved Client: . . . what it takes. away from considering individual behaviour isolated from an (Raskin, 1985, pp. 167–8) interpersonal context. PSY_C16.qxd 1/2/05 3:45 pm Page 352

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The goal of family therapy is to change dysfunctional patterns Couples therapy of interaction. Structural family therapy (Minuchin, 1974), as the name suggests, focuses on the organization or structure of the Traditionally focused on the marital dyad, couples therapy is also family and uses direct, active interventions to disrupt dysfunc- used with gay and lesbian couples and non-married heterosexual tional interactions. For example, a therapist working with a fam- couples. Like family therapy, various types of couple therapy are ily who had an anorexic daughter discovered that the father felt practised in an attempt to change interactional patterns. An closer to his daughter than to his wife and forbade his children to example of such a pattern is a husband who withdrew whenever close their bedroom doors. The therapist surmised that a break- the wife raised a topic on which they disagreed – a response pat- down in generational boundaries might underlie the girl’s refusal tern that was extremely distressing to the wife. This response to to eat. So the first stage of treatment was a directive from the conflict was a pattern developed in his family of origin. The therapist for the daughter to be allowed to close her bedroom conflict between his mother and father had been so distressing door for two hours a day, and for the husband and wife to spend that, with help, the husband was eventually able to recall climb- an hour together each evening in their bedroom with the door ing into his wardrobe and covering his ears when his mother and shut (Hoffman, 1981). This constituted the beginning of a suc- father disagreed with each other. The therapist also discovered cessful intervention in which family boundaries were redefined. that a prior attempt to stop the conflict between his parents had

Research close-up 1 Can family involvement improve treatment of drug abuse? The research issue A resurgence in heroin use is making it the most commonly used illicit drug by people entering drug abuse treatment pro- grammes. And the UK has the fastest-growing number of heroin users of any country in Europe (The Guardian, July 6, 2003). Naltrexone is a medication that blocks the effects of heroin and other opioids (a class of drugs that includes heroin, mor- phine and codeine). Although an effective treatment for opioid abuse, naltrexone has not been widely used in drug abuse treatment, largely because of poor patient compliance in taking the medication. The present study examined whether behavioural family counselling, which involved a ‘recovery contract’ with a family member, would improve patient compli- ance and treatment outcomes.

Design and procedure Participants were male opioid-dependent patients seeking outpatient treatment for substance abuse who lived with a par- ent, a spouse or other intimate partner, or other family member willing to participate in the treatment (and who did not also have a current substance use disorder). At the beginning of treatment all patients were given a prescription for naltrexone (50 mg/day) and were then randomly assigned to one of two treatment groups: behavioural family counselling (BFC) or individual-based treatment (IBT). In BFC, patients had an individual and a family session each week for 16 weeks and took naltrexone daily while the family mem- ber observed and verbally reinforced the patient’s medication ingestion (e.g. ‘I really appreciate you taking your medica- tion’). In IBT, patients were started on naltrexone and were asked in their twice-weekly counselling sessions whether they had taken their daily dose, but there was no family involvement or compliance contract.

Results and implications Patients in the two treatment groups were equally satisfied with the therapy they received. But BFC patients took naltrex- one on more days during treatment than did IBT patients. Urine screening also showed that they had longer periods of con- tinuous abstinence from opioid use during treatment and in the 12-month follow-up period than patients in the IBT condition. Finally, patients who received BFC had better secondary outcomes: that is, they had more days of abstinence from drugs other than opioids and displayed more positive psychosocial functioning (they experienced fewer drug-related, legal and fam- ily problems). This study demonstrates the importance of involving the patient’s significant others in treatment. It shows how a daily recovery contract can serve as a noncoercive method to encourage compliance with pharmacotherapy and commitment to treatment. Its significance is emphasized by the fact that medication can only be effective if it is taken.

Fals-Stewart, W., & O’Farrell, T., 2003, ‘Behavioral family counseling and naltrexone for male opioid-dependent patients’, Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 71, 432–42. PSY_C16.qxd 1/2/05 3:45 pm Page 353

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to family or relationship conflict (Alexander, Holtzworth- Munroe & Jameson, 1994).

ASSESSING THE EFFECTS OF PSYCHOTHERAPY

In 1994, 180,000 subscribers to Consumer Reports, a popular magazine in the USA, were asked to respond to questions about mental health, including whether they had received help for a mental health problem since 1991. Of the 2,900 respondents who had received psychotherapy, 90 per cent stated that the therapy helped at least ‘somewhat’, with 54 per cent reporting that it had ‘helped a great deal’. Martin Seligman, an eminent psychologist (see chapter 15), has argued that these findings contribute to the ‘empirical validation of psychotherapy’ (1995, p. 895). Figure 16.11 The earlier discussion of evaluating psychotropic drugs applies In couples therapy, participants are encouraged to develop com- equally well to the appropriate evaluation of psychotherapy. munication and problem-solving skills. Clearly the absence of a control group in the Consumer Reports study means that we cannot attribute any individual change to treatment. Also, relying solely on client report is dubious at best, given the client’s stake (for example, his/her personal investment resulted in a severe beating, so avoidance of conflict had been in terms of time and money) in believing the psychotherapy adaptive. Decades later, this response was now unconsciously worked – a clear example of cognitive dissonance (see chapter guiding his interaction with his wife. 17). In the end the Consumer Reports survey was dismissed as un- The most thoroughly evaluated couple therapy is based on interpretable (Hollon, 1996; Jacobson & Christensen, 1996) for the premise that ‘distress results from couples’ aversive and in- several reasons, including: effectual response to conflict’ (Koerner & Jacobson, 1994, p. 208). Interactions of distressed couples are characterized by negative n the minimal response rate – 1.9 per cent of the original reciprocity – the tendency for one partner to respond with negat- sample; ive behaviour when the other partner behaves negatively, result- n the unknown nature and metric of the outcome variable – ing in long chains of escalating negative interaction. In such cases, what exactly constitutes being ‘helped’ and the scale used the goal of therapy is to help couples develop communication by clients to rate this outcome are both unknown; and and problem-solving skills that will allow them to avoid such n the self-selected nature of the sample. cycles, and to break out of them should they occur. This form of therapy therefore tends to focus on changing behaviour and so is Yet, although best viewed as an informal survey of client satisfac- really a form of behaviour therapy. tion rather than a systematic study of psychotherapy efficacy, the controversy generated by this piece had the salutary effect of forcing both proponents and critics of psychotherapy to clarify Do couples and family therapies work? issues regarding the its evaluation.

Because many family therapies have been developed by highly skilled, charismatic therapists, some critics argue that the attrac- How can we assess psychotherapies? tion of these therapies may reflect little more than this charisma. This concern is reinforced by the relative lack of research There has been sustained attention to evaluating the effectiveness on many of these therapies. Indeed, when fifteen different of psychotherapy since the 1950s. The continued need to clarify approaches to family and couples therapy were cross-tabulated how best to do this attests to the difficulty of the task. across ten different psychological disorders, it was found that The first difficulty is one of sheer magnitude. With some systematic evaluations of the efficacy of these therapies had 400 therapies and over 150 psychological disorders (Garfield & been conducted on only 35 of the 150 method-by-problem Bergin, 1994), there are potentially 60,000 treatment/disorder combinations (Gurman et al., 1986). This is a circumstance that combinations to evaluate. To do so systematically would require has improved only slightly since this time. Nevertheless, it has 47 million comparisons. Needless to say, only a minute fraction been reported that bona fide treatments produce beneficial of this number of analyses has been conducted. Some treat- outcomes for about two-thirds of cases in 20 sessions or fewer, ments have not been investigated at all, as their proponents and these treatments are probably as effective or even more assert simply that they ‘work’ and that objective verification is effective than many individual treatments for problems relating unnecessary. PSY_C16.qxd 1/2/05 3:45 pm Page 354

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Taking drug assessment as a model in fact raises more Average Average difficulties. For example, what constitutes an appropriate con- untreated treated trol group in evaluating psychotherapy? In drug evaluations, person person a placebo group is a useful starting point, and placebo effects also occur in psychotherapy. But suppose in our evaluation of psychotherapeutic efficacy we set up an ‘attention placebo con- 80% of trol group’, in which regular meetings with another human

Number of people untreated being involve theoretically inert therapeutic content. Is this truly persons a placebo, when the experimental treatment is premised on the No improvement Outstanding therapeutic value of a human relationship? Moreover, while it improvement is possible to use single-blind procedures in psychotherapy research, it is virtually impossible to conduct double-blind studies. Figure 16.12 Another vexing problem in applied settings is that clients The effects of psychotherapy. Using meta-analysis to summar- choose whether to seek psychotherapy, choose the type of psy- ize the results of 475 studies, Smith et al. (1980) found that chotherapy and determine how long they will remain in therapy. the average psychotherapy client shows more improvement than 80 per cent of the no treatment controls. From these This self-selection means that different types of people are likely results, the authors concluded that ‘psychotherapy benefits to select and remain in different type of therapies, resulting in people of all ages as reliably as schooling educates them, biased samples. Added to this is the difficulty of obtaining a stable medicine cures them, or business turns a profit’. Source: Smith, Glass and Miller (1980). group sample (clients may change therapists or discontinue ther- apy completely). These are just a few examples from a long list of problems con- per cent improvement rate found for psychotherapy provides fronting psychotherapy evaluation. some modest evidence for its efficacy. In an analysis of 475 studies involving 25,000 patients treated What do we know about by a variety of psychotherapies, substantial data were accumu- lated. Smith, Glass and Miller (1980) executed this monumental psychotherapy’s effectiveness? task using meta-analysis, a quantitative method for combining results across a number of studies. Meta-analysis involves Recognizing the evolving nature of its evaluation, what have we examining effect sizes (a measure of association between two learned about the effectiveness of psychotherapy over the last variables in a standard metric that can be applied across studies). 50 years? In this case, effect sizes were the average difference in improve- Hans Eysenck published a landmark paper on the topic in ment in treated and untreated clients in each study. These the early 1950s. Although he was not the first to address psy- average differences were computed from a variety of outcome chotherapy outcome, it was distinguished from its predecessors variables, including client report, therapist rating of client by its reliance on empirical data and by its unpopular conclu- improvement and improvement observed by friends and family. sions. Eysenck (1952) concluded that approximately two thirds Smith, Glass and Miller averaged the effect sizes across outcome of neurotic patients (i.e. patients with anxiety disorders and variables in each study, and then averaged them across all studies. depression) recovered spontaneously, compared to 60 per cent They found that the average client who received treatment who received psychotherapy. In other words, in these groups of was better off than 80 per cent of the clients who went untreated patients psychotherapy had no beneficial effect! However, the (figure 16.12). These findings were repeated when clients were studies reviewed failed to meet even the minimal methodolo- studied months or years after their treatment (Nicolson & gical criteria that must now be met to qualify for systematic Berman, 1983). evaluation. Nevertheless, when Eysenck reviewed the literat- More recent meta-analyses have reached similar conclusions ure again eight years later, including studies that were more (e.g. Anderson & Lambert, 1995; Shadish et al., 1997; Weisz et al., adequate methodologically, he reached the same conclusion: 1995). We now know that for 50 per cent of clients, beneficial ‘With the single exception of therapeutic methods based on effects begin to appear after about six to eight sessions of psy- learning theory, results of published research...suggest that the chotherapy, and that 75 per cent of those who show improve- therapeutic effects of psychotherapy are small or non-existent’ ment do so by the 26th session (Howard et al., 1996). (1960, p. 245). The value of Eysenck’s work may lie in the stimulus it pro- vided to improve the quality of psychotherapy outcome research, What can we conclude? which has since dramatically increased. In hindsight, it is also clear that Eysenck overestimated the rate of spontaneous Can we therefore conclude that psychotherapy is effective? The improvement, which, according to a subsequent review, is data certainly support this conclusion, but there are still some around 30 per cent, depending on the diagnostic composition of concerns. For example, examine figure 16.12 carefully and you the group (Bergin, 1971). From this revised perspective, the 60 will see that some treated clients end up worse off than the PSY_C16.qxd 1/2/05 3:45 pm Page 355

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Everyday Psychology Young men and suicide Youth suicide has long been a topic of concern. Indeed, suicide among high school students was the theme of the first meeting of the Viennese Psychoanalytic Society, attended by Sigmund Freud and Alfred Adler in 1910. With the recent rise in suicide rates among young people, especially young men, it has become a major issue. A recent survey conducted in Ireland indicated that the suicide rate for men aged 15 and over in 1977 was 8.9/100 000 population (Swanwick & Clare, 1997). By 1996 this figure had risen to 17.38/100 000 (NWHB, 1998). This increase may partly be due to better recording of the relevant data, but better recording should affect data relating to both men and women of all ages. So the increased incidence appears to be real rather than artefactual. It affects most acutely men aged between 20 and 24 years. Apart from being male, other factors that appear to increase the risk of suicide include being unemployed, living alone or with parents (for young males), being married (for young females), rural living (particularly for males) and underlying men- tal illness or personality disorders. Foster et al. (1997) conducted ‘psychological autopsies’ on 118 of 154 deaths due to suicide in Northern Ireland (July 1992 – July 1993) and ascribed DSM-III-R axis I and/or axis II diagnoses to 90 per cent of these deaths. Major DSM-III-R axis I diagnoses implicated were: alcohol dependence (37 per cent), unipolar depression (32 per cent) and anxiety dis- orders (10 per cent). Remember, though, that these diagnoses don’t necessarily indicate direct causality (see chapter 2): for example, depend- ence on alcohol may be a reaction to a more fundamental problem, which itself causes both the alcohol dependency and the ultimate suicide. Using similar ‘psychological autopsy’ techniques, Lesage et al. (1994) compared 75 young men (aged 18–35) who had committed suicide with 75 living young men matched for age and socio-economic background. They found that 88 per cent of the suicide group, compared with only 37 per cent of the controls, were diagnosed with DSM-III-R axis I disorders. Furthermore, young people who have been psychiatric patients during childhood and adolescence are known to be at increased risk from suicide. Working with Men, a London-based organization, published a report in 1997 (Young Men and Mental Health Project) on work carried out by agencies dealing with young people. The report notes that young men aged 16–25 tend to approach these agencies seeking advice on practical issues rather than for personal counselling. Younger boys seem to prefer short visits and want immediate answers to problems. Men tend to come alone, delay help-seeking (48 per cent left their prob- lems more than a month before tackling them) and have difficulty asking for help. The report recommends:

n working with young men on help-seeking, recognition of feelings, and relationships in school or youth club environ- ments; n developing public education initiatives targeted at young men; n improving drop-in services, as self-referral to the agencies seems most popular with young men; n more information sharing among those working with young men in order to identify best practice.

Lesage, A.D. et al., 1994, ‘Suicide and mental disorders: A case control study of young men’, American Journal of Psychiatry, 151 (7), 1063–8.

average untreated client. So you might justifiably wonder whom, is most effective for this individual with that specific prob- whether psychotherapy can be harmful. lem, under what set of circumstances?’ (Paul, 1969, p. 44). It is estimated that about 5–10 per cent of clients deteriorate after psychotherapy, but the causes of such changes are poorly understood (Shapiro & Shapiro, 1982; Smith et al., 1980). In addi- BIOLOGICAL OR PSYCHOLOGICAL tion to a bad therapist–client relationship and therapist incom- TREATMENT? petence (Hadley & Strupp, 1976; Smith et al., 1980), it is also possible that for some clients psychotherapy disrupts a stable pattern of functioning without offering a clear substitute (Hadley Both psychotropic medication and psychotherapy are clearly use- & Strupp, 1976). ful in treating psychological disorders. But if medication reduces Clearly much remains to be learned if we are to answer the psychological symptoms, does this mean that the roots of psy- ‘ultimate question’ about psychotherapy: ‘What treatment, by chological disorders lie in biological dysfunction? On the other PSY_C16.qxd 1/2/05 3:45 pm Page 356

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Research close-up 2 Combining psychotropic drugs and psychotherapy in the treatment of depression The research issue Major depression tends to be both chronic and recurrent (see chapter 15). Biological and psychological therapies are both effective in treating depression. However, there is little evidence that administering both types of treatment at the same time yields better outcomes than administering either treatment alone. This study adopts a different approach to com- bining treatments by examining their sequential application. In particular, the researchers wondered whether cognitive behavioural treatment (CBT) after successful pharmacological treatment of depression would improve relapse rates.

Design and procedure To examine this question, Fava et al. randomly assigned consecutive outpatients who had experienced three or more episodes of depression, to one of two treatment groups: pharmacotherapy and CBT, or pharmacotherapy and clinical man- agement (CM). CBT consisted of Beck’s cognitive therapy and ‘lifestyle modification’ (patients were instructed that relapse might ensue if inappropriate lifestyle behaviours continued and were encouraged to modify their schedules, arrangements, etc. accordingly). CM consisted of monitoring medication, reviewing the patient’s clinical status and providing the patient with support and advice if necessary.

Results and implications Short-term CBT after successful antidepressant drug therapy decreased relapse rate after discontinuation of antidepres- sants. As shown in figure 16.13, those who experienced CBT had a much lower relapse rate (25 per cent) during the two- year follow-up than those assigned to CM (80 per cent).

1.0 0.9 0.8 0.7 0.6 0.5 0.4 0.3

0.2 Figure 16.13 Clinical management (n = 20) 0.1 Cognitive behavioural therapy (n = 20) The proportion of patients who remain in remission Proportion of patients remaining in remission 0 as a function of treatment received and time since 0 5040302010 11010090807060 the completion of treatment. Source: Fava et al. (1998). Week

This study challenges the widely held view that long-term drug treatment is the best tool to prevent relapse in patients with recurrent depression. Although maintenance pharmacotherapy may be necessary for some patients with recurrent depression, CBT appears to offer an alternative for others. This study adds to an emerging body of research (e.g. Paykel et al., 1999) that emphasizes the value of cognitive therapy in preventing relapse in depression.

Fava, G.A., Rafanelli, C., Grandi, S., Conti, S., & Belluardo, P., 1998, ‘Prevention of recurrent depression with cognitive behavioral therapy: Preliminary findings’, Archives of General Psychiatry, 55, 816–20. PSY_C16.qxd 1/2/05 3:45 pm Page 357

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hand, does successful psychotherapy mean that the causes of psy- (Elkin et al., 1989). However, drug treatment effects appeared chological disorders are necessarily psychological? sooner, were more consistent across sites and appeared to be An affirmative answer to either question would mean we have more effective in treating severe depression. Similar findings have fallen prey to the treatment–etiology fallacy – a logical error in been obtained in studies of generalized anxiety disorder (Gould which treatment mode is et al., 1997) and obsessive–compulsive disorder (Abramowitz, assumed to imply the cause 1997). treatment–etiology fallacy a logical of the disorder. After all, very What about combining the two forms of treatment? Surpris- error in which treatment mode (e.g. few people would wish to ingly, studies that address this issue have found that concurrent, psychopharmacology) is assumed to argue that because aspirin joint use of medication and psychotherapy produces little addi- imply the cause of the disorder (e.g. relieves headache, headache tional advantage (Elkin, 1994; Hollon, Shelton & Loosen, 1991). biological) is actually due to the lack of But it does appear that combined treatment can be more effect- aspirin in the body. So even ive for some disorders, including attention deficit hyperactivity though an antidepressant medication regulates neurotransmitters disorder in children, alcoholism, panic disorder and obsessive– in the brain, it is quite possible that a psychological event gave compulsive disorder (e.g. DeBeurs et al., 1995; Engeland, 1993). rise to the neurotransmitter changes in the first place. How then Recent evidence suggests that combining treatments sequen- do we choose between biological and psychological treatments? tially may be helpful, especially in preventing relapse. A combined In trying to answer this question we must watch out for another treatment approach is particularly valuable with clients who may logical error, similia similibus curantur – like is cured by like (a prin- initially be too depressed or anxious to participate fully in psy- ciple used in homeopathy). In fact, psychotherapy can be used to chotherapy. In these cases, symptomatic relief through drug treat biologically caused psychological disorders and vice versa, therapy may be adequate, but if it is not, the drugs will most although treatment of bipolar disorder, schizophrenia and other likely alleviate the symptoms sufficiently to allow the person to psychotic disorders without medication would be irresponsible. participate in, and benefit from, psychotherapy. An alternative, For anxiety disorders and depression, neither biological nor psy- conservative approach would be to treat the patient with psy- chological treatment appears to be clearly superior (Antonuccio, chotherapy first (as it usually has no major side effects) and to add Danton & DeNelsky, 1995). A large-scale, multi-site study of or change to medication only when it becomes apparent that 240 people suffering from depression found that two forms of the psychotherapy is not producing results. However, such an psychotherapy (i.e. cognitive and interpersonal) administered approach may be risky when there is perceived to be significant together were generally as effective as a tricyclic antidepressant risk of suicide.

FINAL THOUGHTS

We have explored biological and psychological interventions for psychological disorders and noted that great progress has been made since the traditional methods of medicine were first applied to the treatment of psychological disorders. What has emerged from this brief survey is that there is a role for both biological and psychological forms of treatment. Each may be implemented in a variety of ways, and these implementations require careful evaluation in clinical trials to rule out placebo effects and demonstrate that they are effective. Determining disorders and conditions under which biological and psychological interventions are best used alone or combined, either concurrently or sequentially, presents a challenge for future research. Just as the biological vs. psychological source of a disorder is not determinative in deciding the best course of treatment, nor is the validity of a theoretical framework that has been formulated to explain the disorder. As we saw, the models used to account for psychological disorders in chapter 15 do inform their treatment. But the validity of a model used to account for a psychological disorder is quite distinct from the efficacy of a treatment regime derived from it. There is simply no substitute for establishing the efficacy of a treatment directly by means of empirical research. PSY_C16.qxd 1/2/05 3:45 pm Page 358

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Summary

n The last chapter dealt with the field of abnormal psychology (i.e. behavioural syndromes or sets of symptoms that result in impairment in people’s lives). In this chapter, we considered the kinds of therapy that are available to treat these disorders. n We first considered the major biological approaches to treating mental disorders. We noted that, because an illness has a bio- logical manifestation, this does not necessarily mean that the illness has a biological cause. n Treatment with drugs can be very useful for certain types of mental illness, especially in the acute stages, but this form of therapy alone does not necessarily help the client come to terms with some of the key psychological issues that may underlie their functional impairment. The same consideration may be applied to other forms of biological intervention, such as ECT and psychosurgery. n In extreme cases, it may be necessary to administer these forms of therapy (e.g. where there is a serious risk of harm to the client or to others, or even suicide). However, psychological forms of treatment should also be considered to address the cause of the illness. n Different forms of psychotherapy emphasize different elements of the human condition (e.g. developmental, behavioural, phenomenological). It is frequently important to consider the status of the individual’s mental health within the context of his or her family and other significant relationships. n When considering the efficacy of different forms of treatment (e.g. biological, psychological), it is important to consider pos- sible placebo effects. The best way of addressing this is via the double-blind randomized clinical trial. However, this is not always possible (for example, in evaluating psychotherapy).

REVISION QUESTIONS

1. What are the major biological approaches to treating mental disorders? 2. Is psychosurgery merely of historical interest, or does it have a future in the treatment of psycholo- gical disorders? 3. Is the decision to administer ECT simply a medical judgement, or is it also an ethical judgement? 4. What are the limitations of pharmacotherapy for treating psychological disorders? 5. What is a double-blind randomized clinical trial, and what advantages does it confer in evaluating the efficacy of a drug treatment? 6. What is psychotherapy? How do you account for the existence of different types of psychotherapy? 7. What assumptions do humanistic therapies make about human behaviour that distinguishes them from other therapies? 8. Is psychotherapy effective? 9. What are the relative advantages of biological treatments over psychotherapy and vice versa? Are there clear indicators for the use of psychotropic medication with some clients regardless of their receipt of psychotherapy? If so, what are they?

FURTHER READING Dattilio, F.M. (ed.) (1998). Case Studies in Couple and Family Therapy. New York: Guilford Press. A useful complement to Oltmanns et al. (1995; see below) as DSM–IV does not have a relationship dysfunction diagnosis. Kazdin, A.E. (1994). Behavior Modification in Applied Settings. Pacific Grove, CA: Brooks/Cole. Numerous illustrations of the application of behaviour therapy in a variety of settings. Nietzel, M.T., Bernstein, D.A., Kramer, G.P., & Milich, R. (2003). Introduction to Clinical Psychology. 6th edn. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall. A very user-friendly introduction to clinical interventions and other tasks performed by the clinical psychologist. PSY_C16.qxd 1/2/05 3:45 pm Page 359

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Oltmanns, T.F., Neale, J.M., & Davison, G.C. (1995). Case Studies in Abnormal Psychology. 4th edn. Chicester: John Wiley & Sons. Case studies of all the major disorders found in DSM–IV, each including a section on treatment. Snyder, C.R., & Ingram, R.E. (eds) (2000). Handbook of Psychological Change: Psychotherapy Processes and Practices for the 21st Century. New York: John Wiley & Sons. Comprehensive analyses of a variety of topics pertaining to psychological treatment of mental disorders. Vervaeke, G.A.C., & Emmelkamp, P.M.G. (1998). Treatment selection: What do we know? European Journal of Psychological Assessment, 14, 50–9. A short review of the main findings in psychotherapy research that contribute to the selection of a successful treatment.

Contributing author: Frank D. Fincham PSY_C17.qxd 1/2/05 3:47 pm Page 360

Attitudes, Attributions and 17 Social Cognition

CHAPTER OUTLINE

LEARNING OBJECTIVES

INTRODUCTION

ATTITUDES How do you measure an attitude? The three components of attitude How do attitudes influence behaviour? Forming and changing attitudes ATTRIBUTIONS Early theories of attribution The effects of bias Cultural differences SOCIAL COGNITION Social schemas Categorization and stereotyping How do schemas work? Recent research into social processing The power of stereotypes FINAL THOUGHTS

SUMMARY

REVISION QUESTIONS

FURTHER READING PSY_C17.qxd 1/2/05 3:47 pm Page 361

Learning Objectives

By the end of this chapter you should appreciate that:

n attitudes summarize beliefs, feelings and past behaviour regarding attitude objects – they can also predict behaviour;

n attitude–behaviour relations are strongest when attitudes are measured at the same level of specificity as the target behaviour;

n attitudes predict behaviour in conjunction with other variables (e.g. social norms, perceived control);

n people tend to be more influenced by message arguments when they are motivated and able to process the arguments;

n attribution theory concerns itself with the processes by which we use causal explanations for everyday events and behaviour in an effort to understand and make sense of the social world;

n schemas help us to categorize, evaluate and process social information quickly and efficiently;

n the processing of social information can occur anywhere along a continuum ranging from category-based processing (which is fast, automatic and unconscious) to data-based processing (which is slow, strategic, conscious and requires cognitive effort).

INTRODUCTION

People often try to influence others. Salespeople liked or disliked) attitude object the thing (e.g. idea, urge customers to buy goods or services; politicians is often called the person, behaviour) that is accorded a exhort people to vote for them; dating partners try attitude object. favourable or unfavourable attitude to make a good impression on each other; man- Attitudes indirectly agers attempt to maintain employees’ dedication to or directly affect behaviour in virtually every social work; and advertisers try to raise interest in con- interaction. This is why the study of attitudes and sumer products. In all of these examples, people attitude change is a fundamental area of social try to make others like or dislike particular objects, psychological research. ideas, individuals, groups or tasks. We will tackle each of these questions before Attitudes are tendencies to like or dislike some- turning to a related attribution an individual’s belief thing – such as an idea, person or behaviour – and topic – attribution about causality the object of these tendencies (the thing being theory. In everyday PSY_C17.qxd 1/2/05 3:47 pm Page 362

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life, we try to make sense of events and the The final topic of this chapter binds the first behaviour of other people. Why did I get two topics together. Attitudes and attributions so angry in the meeting yesterday? Why did summarize vast amounts of information from our Sally leave Harry? Why does Hannah’s baby have complex social world. How do we process this leukemia? Why did Manchester United fail to information? And how do we use it to make judge- make the cup final this year? Attribution theory ments and draw inferences? These questions are is the process of deriving causal explanations central to the study of social cognition. Many of for events and behaviour – an important field the concepts and experimental methods central of investigation in social psychology. The Aus- to this field have been borrowed from work in trian psychologist Fritz Heider (1958) saw this cognitive psychology. But, while cognitive psycho- process as part of a commonsense or naive logy concerns itself with how we perceive physical psychology – a basic property of human thinking stimuli and objects, social cognition focuses on that fulfils a need to predict and control the the perception and processing of social objects, environment. such as people, social groups and events.

above may reveal negative attitudes towards immigrants in their ATTITUDES behaviour, their self-reports may appear more positive because they are reluctant to seem prejudiced. Contemporary research therefore frequently uses non-self-report measures in cases like this – i.e. when HOW DO YOU MEASURE AN ATTITUDE? people’s ability to rate their attitudes accurately is questionable. Despite this weakness, self-report measures have predicted a variety An attitude cannot be recorded directly. We cannot view some- of relevant behaviours in past research, which suggests that we one’s tendency to like something in the way we can see physical are at least somewhat accurate in reporting our own attitudes. attributes, such as eye colour or running speed. Another difficulty Other measures elicit attitudes without relying on self-reports is that attitudes can be expressed through many behaviours. For and without relying on overt behaviours towards the attitude example, a person who likes music might listen to it all the time, object. For example, a common approach is to present the names buy countless CDs, attend numerous music concerts, and buy of objects that people might like or dislike on a computer screen. several magazines about music. How does a researcher go from Then the computer presents an adjective (e.g. terrible, pleasant) information about such a variety of behaviours to an estimate of and respondents are asked to decide whether it means a good thing the person’s fundamental attitude towards music? or bad thing. This question is easy to answer, and most people can One general approach is to examine one or more specific beha- answer correctly every time. Nonetheless, responses to adjectives viours that are seen as directly reflecting attitude. For example, a with a positive meaning (e.g. delightful) tend to be faster after person who has a negative attitude towards a particular immigrant people have seen something they like than after seeing something group is likely to seek more physical distance from members they do not like, whereas responses to adjectives with a negative of that group, avoid eye contact with them, show unpleasant connotation (e.g. awful) tend to be slower after people have seen facial expressions, and so on. Another general approach employs something they like than after seeing something they dislike. By self-report questionnaires, which ask participants to express contrasting the speed of responses to the positive and negative their attitude towards the particular object. The most common adjectives, researchers can obtain a measure of attitude that pre- version simply asks respond- dicts behaviour towards an attitude object (Fazio et al., 1995). ents to indicate their attitudes semantic-differential scales these meas- towards a named object using ure attitudes by using a dimension that semantic-differential scales. So depicts a strongly negative attitude at THE THREE COMPONENTS OF ATTITUDE people might be asked to one end to a strongly positive attitude rate their attitude towards at the other An important feature of attitudes is their ability to sum up several immigrants using a scale types of psychological information. Consider an American who − from 3 (extremely bad) to favours US membership in a global pact to reduce air pollution. + 3 (extremely good). Typically, though, people rate their attitude Her positive attitude towards the pact may summarize relevant using several different scales, each labelled by different adject- cognitions, emotions and behaviours. She may: ive pairs (negative/positive, worthless/valuable, unfavourable/ favourable). Responses to the scales are then averaged to form an n believe that the pact will be good for the environment attitude score for each participant (see figure 17.1). (cognition); Of course, self-report measures can be affected by people’s n feel excited when she hears plans for the pact (emotion); and desire to state socially desirable attitudes. So while our respondents n sign a petition supporting the pact (behaviour). PSY_C17.qxd 1/2/05 3:47 pm Page 363

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Using the scales below, please indicate your attitude towards immigrants. Immigrants are: Bad or Good? Extremely Very Slightly Neither Slightly Very Extremely bad bad bad good good good –3 –2 –1 0 +1 +2 +3 Harmful or Beneficial? Extremely Very Slightly Neither Slightly Very Extremely harmful harmful harmful beneficial beneficial beneficial –3 –2 –1 0 +1 +2 +3 Dislikeable or Likeable? Extremely Very Slightly Neither Slightly Very Extremely dislikeable dislikeable dislikeable likeable likeable likeable –3 –2 –1 0 +1 +2 +3 Negative or Positive? Extremely Very Slightly Neither Slightly Very Extremely negative negative negative positive positive positive –3 –2 –1 0 +1 +2 +3

Attitude = Mean rating Figure 17.1 = (2+3+0+1) / 4 = 1.50 Sample semantic–differential scale.

This example illustrates three-component model states that Effects of beliefs the three-component model of beliefs, feelings and behaviour towards attitude structure, which an object can influence attitudes It could be argued that persuasive messages such as advertise- states that beliefs, feelings towards it, and that these attitudes can ments often change attitudes by changing people’s beliefs about and behaviours form three reciprocally influence the beliefs, feel- the object of the message. For example, anti-smoking ads attempt distinct types of psychological ings and behaviours to change people’s beliefs about the consequences of smoking, information that are closely and those beliefs should in turn influence their attitude towards tied to attitudes (figure 17.2). smoking. This model predicts that: Consider a simple experiment in which Canadian particip- ants received a booklet describing a study of a new immigrant 1. beliefs, feelings and behaviour towards an object can group to Canada (Maio, Esses & Bell, 1994). The information in influence attitudes towards it; and reciprocally the booklet was manipulated to create positive and/or negative 2. attitudes towards an object can influence beliefs, feelings beliefs about the group. For example, some participants read that and behaviours towards it. the immigrants scored above average on desirable personality traits (e.g. hardworking, honest), whereas other participants read In other words, any particular attitude affects these three com- that the group members scored below average on these traits. ponents and/or is affected by them. After reading the information, participants rated their attitudes towards the group. Not surprisingly, the results indicated that those who received positive information indicated more favour- able attitudes towards the immigrant group than those who Beliefs Beliefs received negative information. This simple demonstration is important from a practical perspect- ive, because it demonstrates how even second-hand information about others can have a powerful effect on our attitudes towards Feelings Attitude Feelings them. When prejudice has arisen largely from indirect information, interventions encourage direct, positive interactions to change beliefs and reduce the prejudice.

Behaviour Behaviour Effects of feelings

Figure 17.2 If you look carefully at advertisements, you will find that many give very little information about the objects they are promot- The three-component model of attitudes. ing. For example, an advertisement for a Citroen car shows PSY_C17.qxd 1/2/05 3:47 pm Page 364

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than those that are paired with negative stimuli. This effect occurs even when the attitudes are measured in a different con- text. For example, one clever experiment exposed participants to a series of names, each followed by a positive or negative word. In this list, (a) positive words were linked with the name ‘Ed’ and negative words with the name ‘George’ or (b) positive words were linked with the name ‘George’ and negative words with the name ‘Ed’ (Berkowitz & Knurek, 1969). Participants then went to an ostensibly unrelated experiment, where they had a brief discussion with two confederates. The confederates’ first names were George and Ed. Later, the confederates rated each participant’s friendliness towards them as an indication of their Figure 17.3 attitudes. As expected, the participants were friendlier (i.e. they had a more positive attitude) towards the confederate whose Anti-smoking advertisements aim to change people’s beliefs about the consequences of smoking as a way of changing their name had been paired with the positive stimuli. attitudes. Effects of behaviour supermodel Claudia Schiffer smiling and undressing on her way to the car, while upbeat music plays in the background. Rather Initiation rituals have often been prerequisites for acceptance than focusing on concrete information (e.g. performance, fuel into social groups, such as military squads and college fraternities economy), ads like this work by linking the product with positive and sororities. Would-be new members may be asked to perform feelings. embarrassing acts, such as streaking nude at a public event or dress- Research supports this technique. Many studies use a classical ing in a strange costume during classes. Why do new recruits conditioning approach (see chapter 4), which exposes participants not leave a group after enduring such ordeals? One possible to the name of an attitude object together with an accompanying explanation is that the behaviour of submission to group rules positive or negative stimulus (e.g. Cacioppo, Marshall-Goodell, leads to more positive attitudes towards the group. In other Tassinary & Petty, 1992; Zanna, Kiesler & Pilkonis, 1970). Some- words, the new recruit’s behaviour affects his attitudes. times the stimulus is a direct, pleasant or unpleasant experience For many decades, the general effect of behaviour on attitudes (e.g. presence or absence of a shock), and sometimes it is simply has captured a great deal of interest. Researchers first began to a word that has positive or negative association (e.g. ‘happy’ vs. notice an interesting effect arising from role-playing. For example, ‘sad’). The stimuli evoke positive or negative affective responses participants assigned to play the role of a person diagnosed with (figure 17.4), which in turn become linked in memory with the terminal lung cancer later reported more negative attitudes towards attitude object. So, whenever the attitude object is presented, the smoking than those who had listened to an audiotape of the role- positive or negative affective response is recalled and experienced play ( Janis & Mann, 1965). Similarly, people assigned to debate a by association. particular position on an issue such as legalized abortion sub- As you might expect, results typically indicate that people sequently express a more favourable attitude towards the position come to like objects that are paired with positive stimuli more they have been required to advocate (e.g. Janis & King, 1954). People who merely listen to the participants’ arguments do not show so much attitude change. Something about the role-playing Target: Stimulus: Affect: behaviour drives the change. new car attractive models attraction What if the role-playing task explicitly requires counter-attitudinal advocacy – presenting an attitude or opinion that opposes the person’s previous attitude? Suppose university students are asked Target: Affect: new car attraction to write an essay arguing for increased tuition fees – a position that obviously con- counter-attitudinal advocacy present- Target: Stimulus: Affect: smoking death anxiety tradicts most students’ feel- ing an attitude or opinion, within a role- ings on this issue. Amazingly, play context, which opposes the person’s they still tend to change their initial attitude Target: Affect: attitudes towards the posi- smoking anxiety tion they have advocated (see Cooper & Fazio, 1984; Harmon-Jones & Mills, 1999). Another Figure 17.4 interesting finding is that this attitude change is more likely when participants are given only a small incentive to argue the counter- Classical conditioning approach to attitude formation. attitudinal position than when they are given a large incentive. PSY_C17.qxd 1/2/05 3:47 pm Page 365

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Several theories help to explain this effect (e.g. Schlenker, 1982; of the earliest evidence that people’s behaviours (in this case, Steele, 1988), but two are particularly prominent. accepting the Chinese couple) can fail to match their attitudes On the one hand, cognitive towards the behaviour (i.e. their desire to refuse permission). dissonance theory suggests This raised some doubts about the ability of attitudes to predict that a small incentive makes behaviours. cognitive dissonance theory describes people feel guilt or tension There were many methodological limitations to LaPiere’s study, how people may feel an aversive ten- from having acted, behavi- however (Campbell, 1963). For example: sion when their behaviour is inconsist- ourally, against their original ent with their attitude, and in order to attitude without sufficient reduce their discomfort, will change n the attitude and behaviour were measured at different reason. To reduce their dis- their behaviour to be consistent with times and locations; comfort, they change their their attitude n the attitude measure itself was, at best, indirect (LaPiere attitude (Festinger, 1957). did not ask the restaurant owners to complete an attitude This idea has also been used scale); to explain the effects of initi- n the young couple may have looked more pleasant than the ation rituals. On the other proprietors had imagined; hand, self-perception theory self-perception theory indicates that n the proprietors may have followed the norm of hospitality suggests that small incen- people may guess their own attitude to guests once they entered the restaurant; and tives cause people to assume from their behaviour towards the atti- n the situation in which behaviour was measured may simply that their attitude must actu- tude object, particularly when they have made it too difficult for most proprietors to refuse ally match the position they can see no external reasons for the the Chinese couple, because of the embarrassing scene that have advocated (Bem, 1972), behaviour might ensue. because they can see no external reasons why they performed the behaviour. Subsequent studies used more stringent procedures (see Current evidence suggests that both theories have some Wicker, 1969). Using a correlational technique, these studies tested validity. Apparently, cognitive dissonance processes may occur whether people with positive attitudes towards a particular object when people perform a behaviour that strongly contradicts exhibit more favourable behaviour towards the object than do their initial attitude (like the tuition fees example), whereas people with negative attitudes towards the object. Even so, until self-perception processes may occur when people perform a 1962, researchers still found only weak relations between attitudes behaviour that is not so strongly contradictory (Fazio, Zanna & and behaviour. Cooper, 1977). The consistent failure to find strong attitude–behaviour cor- relations led researchers to search for explanations. Fishbein and Ajzen (1975) pointed out that past research often failed to HOW DO ATTITUDES INFLUENCE BEHAVIOUR? measure a behaviour that directly corresponded to the attitude being measured. For example, suppose we measure the relation Ever since the beginning of attitude research, investigators between (a) attitudes towards protecting the environment and have puzzled over the relation between attitudes and behaviour. (b) using a recycling facility in a particular week. Even if some- Why do people sometimes say they like something and then act one is a strong environmentalist, there are many reasons why as if they do not? Are these instances much less frequent than they might fail to recycle in a particular week (lack of a nearby instances where the attitude and behaviour match perfectly? facility, lack of time to sort recyclables, and so on). The prob- lem is that the measured behaviour (recycling in a particular week) is very specific, whereas the attitude object (protecting the Measuring the attitude–behaviour link environment) is much more general. To better measure ‘general’ Researchers were intrigued by the results of some early research behaviour, Fishbein and Ajzen multiple-act criterion assessment of that revealed very weak relations between attitudes and beha- (1975) proposed the multiple- many behaviours that are relevant to viour. In one study (LaPiere, 1934), a researcher and a young act criterion, which involves the attitude being measured Chinese couple travelled around the Western portion of the measuring a large number of US, visiting 250 restaurants, inns and hotels. Despite widespread behaviours that are relevant American prejudice against Chinese people at that time, the to the general attitude being studied. For example, to measure researcher and his visitors were refused service at only one of pro-environment behaviour, we could measure numerous pro- the establishments. Yet, when he later wrote to these estab- environment behaviours, including recycling across several weeks, lishments requesting permission to visit with ‘a young Chinese willingness to sign pro-environment petitions and tendency to gentleman and his wife’, 92 per cent refused permission! These pick up litter. This would give us a more precise and reliable refusals are often interpreted as indicators of negative attitudes measure of behaviour. Weigel and Newman (1976) did just this towards Chinese people. Viewed this way, they provide some and found much stronger attitude–behaviour relations by taking PSY_C17.qxd 1/2/05 3:47 pm Page 366

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Research close-up 1 The effects of behaviour on attitudes The research issue Before this experiment was conducted, most researchers were primarily interested in the effects of attitudes on behaviour. In contrast, Festinger and Carlsmith (1959) set out to show that our behaviour can occasionally be awkwardly inconsistent with our true attitude and, to resolve this uncomfortable inconsistency, we may change our attitude to match the behaviour.

Design and procedure The experiment consisted of three stages. In the first stage, the experimenter attempted to make participants dislike a series of boring tasks. Participants were falsely told that they were taking part in a study of ‘measures of performance’. They were asked to put 12 spools on a tray, empty the tray, and refill it. Participants repeated this task for half an hour, using one hand, while the experimenter pretended to record their performance. Next, participants were asked to use one hand to turn 48 square pegs on a board (a quarter turn one way, then the other way) for half an hour, while the experimenter continued to monitor their performance. Presumably, participants came to hate these dull tasks. In the second stage, the experimenter asked the participants to tell a new participant that the tasks were interesting and enjoyable. The experimenter justified this request by stating that he was comparing the performance of participants who had been told nothing about the task with the performance of participants who had been given specific, positive expecta- tions. The experimenter indicated that his colleague usually gave specific (positive) information to participants, but that this colleague had not arrived yet. The experimenter then asked whether the participant could temporarily fill in and be ‘on call’ for future elements of the study. Virtually all of the participants agreed to this request. The participants then attempted to persuade the next par- ticipant (who was actually a confederate of the experimenter) that the tasks were interesting, fun, enjoyable, intriguing and exciting. In the third stage, participants were asked to meet an interviewer to answer questions about the previous tasks (e.g. turning the pegs). One of the questions was about the extent to which participants enjoyed the tasks. Festinger and Carlsmith expected that participants’ intervening behaviour would cause them to like the tasks to a greater extent only when they believed they had been given little external incentive for engaging in the behaviour. If the behaviour was performed with little reward, participants should feel a need to justify the behaviour to themselves. To do this, they should change their attitude to support the behaviour. In other words, participants should come to believe that they actually liked the tasks that they had undertaken during the intervening period. To test this reasoning, the experiment included a crucial manipulation: participants were offered either $20 (a lot of money in the 1950s!) or $1 to describe the dull tasks favourably to the other ‘participant’.

Results and implications 5 4 As shown in figure 17.5, the results support this prediction. After the experimental manipulation, participants were more 3 favourably disposed towards the tasks if they had been 2 offered $1 than if they had been offered $20. In addition, 1 participants who were offered $1 were more favourably dis- posed than those who were not asked to say anything about 0 the tasks (control condition). –1 Overall, these results support cognitive dissonance theory by showing that people can alter their attitudes to justify –2

their past behaviour. Since this experiment, abundant Enjoyableness of the task –3 research has shown that this attitude change helps to –4 reduce an unpleasant arousal that people experience after performing the attitude-incongruent behaviour, while also –5 Control $1 $20 finding some limitations to this effect (see Cooper & Fazio, 1984). Figure 17.5 Festinger, L., & Carlsmith, J.M., 1959, ‘Cognitive con- sequences of forced compliance’, Journal of Abnormal and The effects of reward on participants’ enjoyment of the dull Social Psychology, 58, 203–10. tasks in Festinger and Carlsmith’s (1959) experiment. PSY_C17.qxd 1/2/05 3:47 pm Page 367

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Correlations with Correlations with Correlations with is influenced by behavioural behavioural intentions intentions to single behaviours groups of behaviours all behaviours intentions – intentions to perform or not to perform a specific perform or not to perform Sign petition on behaviour offshore oil .41 the behaviour (see also chap- nuclear power .36 Petitions .50 ter 19). These intentions, in auto exhaust .39 turn, are influenced by: Circulate petitions .27 n the attitude towards the behaviour – the individual’s Pick up litter Overall evaluations of the positive and negative consequences of as individual .34 Litter .36 behaviour .62 recruit friend .22 index performing the behaviour; n the subjective norms regarding the behaviour – the indi- Recycle during vidual’s desire to behave in the same way as people who are week 1 .34 week 5 .12 important to him think he should behave; and week 2 .57 week 6 .20 Recycle .39 n perceived control over performance of the behaviour – week 3 .34 week 7 .20 week 4 .33 week 8 .34 the extent to which the individual believes he can control whether he performs the behaviour.

Figure 17.6 According to the theory, when attitudes and subjective norms support a target behaviour and perceived control over the per- Correlations between attitudes towards environmental preserva- tion and measure of environmental behaviour. Source: Weigel formance of the behaviour is high, intentions to perform the and Newman (1976). behaviour should be stronger. People who form strong inten- tions should be more likely to perform the behaviour. Abundant research has supported these predictions (see Conner & Armitage, 1998), while also making it clear that the theory neglects several Pioneers additional important predictors of behaviour – such as a sense of moral obligation to perform the target behaviour (Schwartz, Martin Fishbein (1936– ) and Icek Ajzen’s (1942– ) 1977) and the pattern of the individual’s past behaviour in similar research has provided valuable insights into the relations situations (Ouellette & Wood, 1998). between attitudes and behaviour, attitude theory and measurement, communication and persuasion, behavioural Accessible vs. inaccessible attitudes prediction and change, and behaviour change interven- tion. They conducted many influential studies of these According to Fazio (1990), attitudes often influence behaviour topics in both field and laboratory settings, many of which through a spontaneous process. Effects of attitudes can occur applied and evaluated the theory of planned behaviour. quickly, but only for people whose attitude is accessible (easy Their theories of attitude–behaviour relations have laid to retrieve). When attitudes are accessible, they come to mind the foundation for hundreds of studies attempting to pre- instantly when we see the attitude object. The attitude then influ- dict important health-related behaviours (e.g. cessation ences how we behave towards the object. If the attitude is less of smoking, condom use). Their research has particularly accessible, it doesn’t come to mind, and so it doesn’t influence focused on the relation between verbal attitudes and overt our behaviour. behaviour.

Attitude

an average measure of all of the behaviours, rather than any single behaviour (figure 17.6). Subjective norm Intention Behaviour Predicting behaviour

Behaviour is normally influenced by more than attitudes alone. Perceived control For instance, as we discussed previously, the behaviour of people towards the Chinese couple in LaPiere’s study would also have been influenced by social norms – the socially prescribed ways of Figure 17.7 behaving in a situation (Campbell, 1963). Ajzen (1991) developed a model of attitude–behaviour rela- The theory of planned behaviour. The dashed line indicates that tions that recognized the impact of social norms. According the effect of perceived control on behaviour occurs only when perceived control matches actual control. to this theory of planned behaviour (figure 17.7), actual behaviour PSY_C17.qxd 1/2/05 3:47 pm Page 368

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For example, suppose you are walking by an ice cream seller. Presentation Recipient exposed to the message You may spontaneously recall your passion for ice cream, and this attitude may motivate a decision to buy some. But if you don’t spontaneously recall your attitude (because it is inaccessible – Attention Recipient pays attention to the message perhaps you are distracted by a more pressing thought at the time you walk past the ice cream seller), it will lie dormant and not elicit Comprehension Recipient understands the message the decision to buy. Indeed, there’s a great deal of evidence that attitudes do exert a stronger influence on behaviour when they are accessible than when they are difficult to retrieve (Fazio, 2000). Yielding Recipient agrees with the message Recipient remembers the post-message attitude Retention at the time when a relevant behaviour can be FORMING AND CHANGING ATTITUDES performed Recipient performs the behaviour advocated by Behaviour Incentive for change the message

To understand how attitudes Figure 17.8 attitude function the psychological can be changed, it is first needs that an attitude fulfils McGuire’s (1969) information-processing approach to persuasion. important to understand attitude functions – the psy- chological needs that attitudes fulfil (Maio & Olson, 2000). Early McGuire (1969) extended this theory further. According to his theories proposed a number of important attitude functions model, a message will elicit the desired behaviour only if it (table 17.1). For example, people may have a positive attitude succeeds at six stages (figure 17.8). People must: towards objects that help them become popular among people they like, but not objects that make them estranged from those 1. encounter the message (presentation stage); people. This is the social adjustment function, which provides the 2. attend to it (attention stage); basis for the entire fashion industry: people tend to like clothing 3. understand it (comprehension stage); that is popular among people they like. 4. change their attitude (yielding stage); In the earliest model of attitude change, Hovland, Janis and 5. remember their new attitude at a later time (retention stage); Kelley (1953) suggested that persuasive messages change people’s and attitudes when they highlight some incentive for this change. For 6. the new attitude must influence their behaviour (behaviour example, an advertisement might describe the utilitarian benefits stage). of buying a particular model of car (e.g. good fuel economy) or the social-adjustment benefits (e.g. a sporty look). The incentives Interestingly, even if the odds of passing each stage are quite must seem important if the message recipients are to change their good, the chances of completing all the stages can be low. For attitude. example, we might optimistically assume that a Nike running Hovland et al.’s theory also suggests that processing of any shoe ad has an 80 per cent chance of success at each stage. If this message must occur in stages if it is to be successful. The intended were the case, the laws of probability indicate that the odds of audience must: successfully completing all of the stages would be only 0.26 (0.8 × 0.8 × 0.8 × 0.8 × 0.8 × 0.8). In other words, the ad would have a 1. pay attention to the message, 26 per cent chance of getting someone to buy the running shoes. 2. comprehend the message, and In reality, the odds of completion of each stage (especially 3. accept the message’s conclusions. yielding and behaviour) may be far lower, creating even lower chances of success (possibly less than 1 per cent). For this reason, Table 17.1 Seminal theories of attitude function. modern marketing initiatives take steps to compel completion of . each stage, where this is possible. So advertisers will present the Function Definition message many times, make it attention-grabbing and memorable, and make the message content as powerful as they can. Object appraisal/ Summarize the positive and negative utilitarian attributes of objects in our environment. Social adjustment Help identify with people whom we like and Motivation and ability dissociate from people whom we dislike. Ego-defence/ Protect the self from internal conflict. Two newer models of persuasion, the ‘elaboration likelihood externalization model’ (Petty & Cacioppo, 1986) and the ‘heuristic–systematic Value expression Express self-concept and personal values. model’ (Chaiken, Liberman & Eagly, 1989), predict that the effects of persuasive messages depend on people’s motivation and abil- Source: Selected functions from Katz (1960); Smith, Bruner and ity to think carefully about them. If someone is highly motivated White (1956). and able to process a persuasive message, they should be heavily PSY_C17.qxd 1/2/05 3:47 pm Page 369

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should not always lead to the lower use of cues such as the presenter’s attributes. For example, when a personally relevant message contains ambiguous arguments (i.e. it has strengths and weaknesses), people may be more persuaded by a message from an expert source than from an inexpert source (Chaiken & Maheswaran, 1994). According to this model, high personal relevance causes people to use environmental cues when the message arguments themselves provide no clear conclusions. This prediction has received some experimental support (Chaiken & Maheswaran, 1994).

ATTRIBUTIONS

EARLY THEORIES OF ATTRIBUTION

We said earlier that attributions are explanations for events and behaviour. Heider differentiated between two types of causal attribution – personal and situational. Personal attributions refer to factors within the person, such as their personality char- acteristics, motivation, ability and effort. Situational attributions refer to factors within the environment that are external to the person. For example, if we were discussing why a particular student has failed an important university examination, we would consider personal factors (such as her academic ability and how much effort she invested in preparing for the exam). But we might also look at situational attributions (such as whether she had good tuition, access to library facilities and sufficient time Figure 17.9 to study). Advertisements often use attractive or well-known people to Heider noted that we tend to overestimate internal or personal endorse their products. Under what conditions is this strategy factors and underestimate situational factors when explaining effective? behaviour. This tendency has become known as the fundamental attribution error, which we’ll return to in the next section. In a similar vein, Jones and Davis (1965) found that we tend to influenced by the strength of the arguments in the message. But make a correspondent inference about another person when we if they are less motivated or able to process the message, then they are looking for the cause of their behaviour. In other words, we should be strongly affected by simple cues within the message, tend to infer that the behaviour, and the intention that produced such as the presenter’s attractiveness or expertise. Many variables it, correspond to some underlying stable quality. For example, influence motivation and ability. Motivation is high when the a correspondent inference would be to attribute someone’s message is relevant to personal goals and there is a fear of being aggressive behaviour to an internal and stable trait within the wrong. Ability is high when people are not distracted and when person – in this case, aggressiveness. Jones and Davis argued that they possess high cognitive skills. Although all of these variables this tendency is motivated by our need to view people’s beha- have been studied in connection with both models of persuasion, viour as intentional and predictable, reflecting their underlying most of this research has focused on the personal relevance of personality traits. But in reality, making correspondent inferences the message. is not always a straightforward business. The information we For example, Petty et al. (1983) found that the attractiveness need in order to make the inferences can be ambiguous, requir- of the spokesperson presenting a message influences attitudes ing us to draw on additional cues in the environment, such as the when the issue is not personally relevant, but has no effect when social desirability of the behaviour, how much choice the person the issue is personally relevant. In contrast, the strength of the had, or role requirements. argument within the message influences attitudes when the issue Like Heider, Kelley (1967) likened ordinary onlookers to naive is personally relevant, but not when the issue is not personally scientists who weigh up several factors when attributing causality. relevant. These findings support the predictions of the elaboration Kelley’s covariation model of attribution states that, before two likelihood model and the heuristic–systematic model. events can be accepted as causally linked, they must co-occur. Although many experiments have revealed similar effects, the The covariation of events and behaviour was assessed across heuristic–systematic model suggests that high personal relevance three important dimensions: PSY_C17.qxd 1/2/05 3:47 pm Page 370

Research close-up 2 Personal relevance and the processing of persuasive messages The research issue Petty, Cacioppo and Goldman (1981) were interested in exploring whether the personal relevance of a topic affects the way in which people process persuasive messages about that topic. According to their elaboration likelihood model (Petty & Cacioppo, 1986), people should process a message carefully when it is highly relevant to them. This careful processing should lead to positive thoughts about strongly argued personally relevant messages and negative thoughts about weakly argued personally relevant messages, and these thoughts should influence attitudes towards the topic of the message. In contrast, when the message is not personally relevant, people should process the message superficially. This super- ficial processing should lead to the use of easily discernible cues (such as the expertise or attractiveness of the speaker) when evaluating the message.

Design and procedure Participants were undergraduate university students. They were told that their university was re-evaluating its academic poli- cies, and that the chancellor had asked several groups to prepare policy recommendations to be broadcast on the campus radio station. Participants then heard a recording that advocated the implementation of new comprehensive examinations of students’ knowledge in their area of specialization (e.g. psychology) prior to graduation. These exams would be added to the existing exams for each course. Three variables were manipulated in this experiment:

1. the personal relevance of the issue – some participants were told that the new exams would be implemented in the following year (high relevance), whereas others were told that the exams would be implemented in ten years’ time (low relevance); 2. the expertise of the source of the proposal – half the participants were told that the proposal had been formulated by the Carnegie Commission on Higher Education (high expertise), and the others were told that it had been formulated by a class at a local high school (inexpert source); and 3. the exam proposal, which contained either strong or weak arguments – the strong arguments provided substantial evidence to support the proposal, including evidence that the new exams led to better scores on standardized achievement tests at other universities, while the weak arguments relied on anecdotes and little evidence.

After reading the proposal, participants were asked to rate their attitudes towards the implementation of the comprehen- sive exams. Based on the Elaboration Likelihood Model, Petty et al. expected that attitudes would be influenced by the strength of the message when the issue was made to seem personally relevant, and by source expertise when the issue was made to seem personally irrelevant.

0.8 Results and implications 0.6 0.4 As shown in figure 17.10, the results support these Expert source predictions. 0.2 When the issue was personally relevant, participants who 0 read the strong arguments formed more positive attitudes –0.2 Inexpert source than those who read the weak arguments. When the issue –0.4 was of low relevance, participants who read the strong argu- –0.6 ments did not form significantly more positive attitudes. When the issue was personally relevant, participants who received the proposal from an expert source did not form 0.6 0.4 more positive attitudes than those who received the pro- Strong arguments

posal from an inexpert source. When the issue was not per- comprehensive exams 0.2 sonally relevant, participants who received the proposal 0 Post-message attitude towards from an expert source did form more positive attitudes. –0.2 It seems that high personal relevance of an issue can –0.4 Weak arguments cause people to consider more thoroughly logically relevant arguments and to be less influenced by simple cues. Since –0.6 this experiment, numerous other studies have replicated this –0.8 pattern in a variety of settings (Petty & Cacioppo, 1990). Low High relevance relevance Petty, R.E., Cacioppo, J.T., & Goldman, R., 1981, ‘Personal involvement as a determinant of argument-based persua- Figure 17.10 sion’, Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 41, 847–55. Results from Petty et al. (1981). PSY_C17.qxd 1/2/05 3:47 pm Page 371

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1. consistency – does the person respond in the same way to the same stimuli over time? Pioneer 2. distinctiveness – do they behave in the same way to other different stimuli, or is the behaviour distinctively linked to Susan Fiske (1952– ) has been at the forefront of research specific stimuli? in the field of social cognition since the late 1970s. She 3. consensus – do observers of the same stimuli respond in a has contributed important research on a number of topics, similar way? including the development of schemas, schema-triggered affect, categorical processing, stereotypes, prejudice and Kelley argued that we systematically analyse people- and discrimination, and is co-author with Shelley Taylor of environment-related information, and that different combinations two editions of the leading source book in this field, Social of information lead to different causal attributions. Cognition. Beginning with the premise that people readily For example, while attributing causality for behaviour like ‘John categorize other people (especially based on race, gender laughed at the comedian’, we would run through the following and age), Fiske’s research addresses how stereotyping, pre- considerations: judice and discrimination are encouraged or discouraged by social relationships, such as cooperation, competition 1. If John always laughs at this comedian, then his behaviour and power. is highly consistent. 2. If John is easily amused by comedians, then his behaviour has low distinctiveness. 3. If practically no one else in the audience laughed at the has discovered persistent biases in the attributional processes. comedian, then his behaviour has low consensus. According to Fiske and Taylor (1991), bias occurs if the social perceiver systematically distorts (over-uses or under-uses) what A combination of high consistency, low distinctiveness and low are thought to be correct and logical procedures. We will now consensus would lead to a dispositional (internal) attribution look in more detail at four of the most pervasive biases: the for John’s laughter, such as ‘John has a peculiar tendency to laugh fundamental attribution error, the actor–observer effect, the self- at all comedians; he must be very easily amused.’ In contrast, a serving bias and the ultimate attribution error. combination of high consistency, high distinctiveness and high consensus would lead to an external attribution, such as ‘John likes this comedian, but he doesn’t like many other comedians, The fundamental attribution error and other people like this comedian too; this comedian must be funny’ (McArthur, 1972). Ross (1977) defined the fundamental attribution error (FAE) as the tendency to underestimate the role of situational or external factors, and to overestimate the role of dispositional or internal THE EFFECTS OF BIAS factors, in assessing behaviour. The earliest demonstration of the FAE was an experiment by Both the Jones–Davis and the Kelley models of attribution view Jones and Harris (1967), in which American college students were the social perceiver as a rational person who uses logical principles presented with another student’s written essay that was either for of thinking when attributing causality. But empirical research or against the Castro government in Cuba. Half the participants were told that the essay writer had freely chosen whether to write a ‘pro’ or ‘anti’ Castro essay (choice condition), and the other half were told that the essay writer was told which position to take Pioneer (no-choice condition). After reading the essay, participants were asked what the essay writer’s ‘true’ attitude was towards Castro’s Harold Kelley (1921–2003), Professor Emeritus of Psycho- Cuba. The participants tended to view the writer’s attitude as logy at the University of California, Los Angeles (UCLA), was consistent with the views expressed in the essay, regardless of a distinguished pioneer and contributor to social psycho- the choice/no-choice condition. While they didn’t totally dis- logy. He provided two seminal models of the attribution regard that the no-choice writers had been told what position process, which explained attributions across multiple and to take, they viewed this as less important than their attitudinal single events and stimulated abundant subsequent research disposition. In other words, they underestimated the impact of in the field. In making attributions, Kelley regarded indi- the no-choice condition. In another classic study, Ross, Amabile viduals as applied scientists who also use cognitive heuristics and Steinmetz (1977) randomly assigned pairs of participants in or ‘causal schemata’. His work described the kinds of attribu- a quiz game to act as contestant and questioner. Questioners tion scenarios in which these schemata would be engaged. were instructed to set ten difficult general knowledge questions In addition to his seminal work in attribution theory, Kelley of their own choosing. Despite the relative situational advantage contributed to classic theories of attitude change and of of the questioners, both the contestants and observers of the quiz interdependence in relationships. game rated the questioners as significantly more knowledgeable than the contestants. PSY_C17.qxd 1/2/05 3:47 pm Page 372

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Pioneer

Carl Hovland (1912–61) After researching the effects of propaganda for the US military, Carl Hovland founded the Yale communication and attitude change program. The program established a reinforcement perspective on attitude formation and change and conducted numerous seminal experiments on various aspects of the persuasion process including effects of audience, message, and source variables.

Heider put forward a largely cognitive explanation for the FAE. He suggested that behaviour has such salient properties Figure 17.11 that it tends to dominate our perceptions. In other words, what we notice most in (a) behaviour and (b) communication is (c) the A schematic figure of a study that attempted to test the per- person who is central to both. People are dynamic actors – they ceptual salience hypothesis. Two confederates sat facing each other and were engaged in conversation. They were observed move, talk and interact, and these features come to dominate from three different vantage points – from behind Confederate our perceptual field. Supporting this cognitive explanation, Fiske A, from behind Confederate B, and from midway between A and Taylor (1991, p. 67) argued that situational factors such and B. Consistent with the perceptual salience hypothesis, the results showed that observers sitting behind A, watching B, as social context, roles and situational pressures are ‘relatively rated B as more causal, while those sitting behind B, watching pallid and dull’ in comparison with the charisma of the dynamic A, saw A as more causal. The observers watching from midway actor. While this is a commonsense and intuitive explanation, we between A and B perceived both as equally influential. discuss later in this chapter how this bias is only pervasive in Source: Based on Taylor and Fiske (1975). Western individualistic cultures. So the FAE turns out to be not so fundamental after all! observers appear to lead to different attributional tendencies, i.e. situational attributions for actors and dispositional attributions The actor–observer effect for observers. Taylor and Fiske (1975) attempted to test the perceptual sali- While we tend to attribute other people’s behaviour to dis- ence hypothesis by placing observers at three different vantage positional factors, we tend to attribute our own behaviour to points around two male confederates who sat facing each other situational factors ( Jones & Nisbett, 1972). This is called the engaged in conversation. Observers sat either behind confederate actor–observer effect (AOE). A with confederate B in their direct visual field, or behind B, Consider how easily we explain our own socially undesirable watching A, or to the side, between A and B with both in sight behaviour (such as angry outbursts) to extenuating, stressful circum- (figure 17.11). After A and B had interacted for five minutes, each stances, and yet we are less sympathetic when others behave in observer was asked to rate each confederate on various trait this way. Instead, we often conclude that the person is intolerant, dimensions, and the extent to which their behaviour was caused impatient, unreasonable, selfish, etc. This bias has been found by dispositional and situational factors. They also rated how in both laboratory experiments (Nisbett et al., 1973) and applied much each confederate (a) set the tone of the conversation, clinical settings. For example, psychologists and psychiatrists are (b) determined the kind of information exchanged and (c) caused more likely to attribute their clients’ problems to internal stable the other’s behaviour. dispositions, whereas the clients are more likely to attribute their Consistent with the perceptual salience hypothesis, Taylor and own problems to situational factors (Antonio & Innes, 1978). There Fiske found that the two observers sitting behind A, watching B, are several competing explanations for the AOE, but we will rated B as more causal, while those sitting behind B, watching A, outline just two of them here. saw A as more causal. The observers sitting in between A and B perceived both confederates as equally influential. 1 Perceptual salience As for the FAE, one explanation is per- In a similar vein, McArthur and Post (1977) manipulated the ceptual and essentially argues that actors and observers quite salience of two people engaged in conversation through the use literally have ‘different points of view’ (Storms, 1973). As actors, of lighting. When one participant was made more salient than we can’t see ourselves acting. From an actor’s point of view, the other by being illuminated by bright light, observers rated the what is most salient and available are the situational influences behaviour of the illuminated person as more dispositionally and on behaviour – the objects, the people, the role requirements less situationally caused. and the social setting. But from an observer’s point of view, other people’s behaviour is more dynamic and salient than the 2 Situational information Another explanation for the AOE situation or context. These different vantage points for actors and focuses on information. Actors have more information about the PSY_C17.qxd 1/2/05 3:47 pm Page 373

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situational and contextual influences on their behaviour, including Table 17.2 Achievement attributions for success and failure, and its variability and flexibility across time and place. But observers are their characteristics on the three underlying dimensions of locus, unlikely to have such detailed information about the actors unless stability and control. they know them very well, and have observed their behaviour over time and in many different situations. It therefore seems that Locus Stability Control observers assume more consistency in other people’s behaviour compared to their own, and so make dispositional attributions Ability internal stable uncontrollable for others, while making situational attributions for their own Effort internal unstable controllable behaviour (Nisbett et al., 1973). Luck external unstable uncontrollable Task difficulty external unstable uncontrollable

The self-serving bias Source: Adapted from Weiner (1985; 1986).

It is well known that people tend to accept credit for success and deny responsibility for failure. More generally, we also tend to n The stability dimension refers to whether the cause is attribute our success to internal factors such as ability, but attri- perceived as something fixed and stable (like personality bute failure to external factors such as bad luck or task difficulty. or ability) or something changing and unstable (such as This is known as the self-serving bias. motivation or effort). How often have we heard governments taking credit when n The controllability dimension refers to whether we feel we there is national economic growth and prosperity, attributing it have any control over the cause. to their economic policies and prudent financial management? And yet, in times of economic hardship, they are quick to blame The tendency to attribute negative outcomes and failure to external causes, such as the international money markets or world- internal, stable and uncontrollable causes is strongly associated wide recession. Although the strength of the self-serving bias with clinical depression and has been referred to as a depressive varies across cultures, it has been found to occur cross-culturally attributional style (see chapters 14 and 15). The reformulated (Fletcher & Ward, 1988; Kashima & Triandis, 1986). learned helplessness model of depression (Abramson et al., 1978) The usual explanation is motivational factors: that is, the need views this attributional style as directly causing depression. But for individuals to enhance their self-esteem when they succeed others have argued that it is merely a symptom, reflecting the and protect their self-esteem when they fail. Attributing success affective state of the depressed individual. Whether it is a cause to internal causes has been referred to as the self-enhancing bias, or symptom, attributional retraining programmes (Försterling, and attributing failure to external causes as the self-protection 1985), in which people are taught to make more self-enhancing bias (Miller & Ross, 1975). But Miller and Ross argue that there attributions, are widely accepted as an important therapeutic is only clear support for the self-enhancing bias, and that people process for recovery from depression. do often accept personal responsibility for failure. They also claim that the self-enhancing bias can be explained by cognitive fac- The ultimate attribution error tors without recourse to motivational explanations. For example, we are more likely to make self-attributions for expected than The self-serving bias also operates at the group level. So we tend unexpected outcomes, and most of us expect to succeed rather to make attributions that protect the group to which we belong. than fail. Even so, it is difficult to argue against the motivational This is perhaps most clearly demonstrated in what Pettigrew hypothesis, and the prevailing consensus is that both motivational (1979) called the ultimate attribution error (UAE). and cognitive factors have a part in the self-serving bias (Ross & By extending the fundamental attribution error to the group Fletcher, 1985). context, Pettigrew demonstrated how the nature of intergroup The motivation for self-enhancement is also linked to achieve- relations shapes the attributions that group members make for the ment attributions. According to Weiner’s (1985; 1986) attributional same behaviour by those who theory of motivation and emotion, the attributions people make are in-group and out-group stereotype mental representations of for success and failure elicit different emotional consequences, members. So prejudicial atti- social groups and their members that and are characterized by three underlying dimensions – locus, tudes and stereotypes of disliked include behavioural and trait character- stability and control (table 17.2). out-groups lead to derogating istics that are widely shared in society attributions, whereas the need n The locus dimension refers to whether we attribute success for positive enhancement and and failure internally or externally. Consistent with the self- protection of the in-group leads to group-serving attributions. enhancement bias, we are more likely to feel happier and People are therefore more likely to make internal attributions better about ourselves if we attribute our success internally for their group’s positive and socially desirable behaviour, and (to factors such as ability and effort) rather than externally external attributions for the same positive behaviour displayed by (to good luck or an easy task). In contrast, attributing failure out-groups. In contrast, negative or socially undesirable in-group internally is less likely to make us feel good about ourselves behaviour is usually explained externally, whereas negative out- than attributing it externally. group behaviour is more frequently explained internally. PSY_C17.qxd 1/2/05 3:47 pm Page 374

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found in collectivist cultures. Instead, many non-Western people place less emphasis on internal dispositional explanations, and more emphasis on external and situational explanations (Shweder & Bourne, 1982). Miller (1984) was among the first social psychologists to suggest that such differences arise from different cultural representations of the person that are learned during social development, rather than from cognitive and perceptual factors. Western notions of the person are predominantly individualistic, emphasizing the central importance and autonomy of the person, whereas non- Western notions tend to be holistic, stressing the interdependence between the person and their social relationships, role obligations and situational norms. Miller (1994) conducted a cross-cultural study to compare the attributions made for prosocial and deviant behaviours by a sample of Americans and Indian Hindus of three different age Figure 17.12 groups (eight, eleven and fifteen years) and an adult group with In a study by Hunter et al., both Catholic and Protestant students a mean age of 40. Miller found that the older Americans made attributed their own group’s violence to external causes and the significantly more dispositional attributions than the older Hindus, opposing group’s violence to internal causes. and Hindus made significantly more situational attributions. There were few significant differences between the American and Hindu This intergroup bias has been found in a number of contexts children aged eight and eleven. But Miller found a significant (Hewstone, 1990). Taylor and Jaggi (1974) found it among Hindus linear age increase in dispositional attributions among Americans, in southern India, who gave different attributions for exactly the and a similar linear age increase in situational attributions for the same behaviour performed by Hindu and Muslim actors. Duncan Indian sample (figure 17.13). It therefore appears that the FAE is (1976) found that white American college students categorized the very culture specific, and the cognitive and perceptual explanations same pushing behaviour as ‘violent’ if perpetrated by a black actor originally advanced for the FAE need to be reconsidered in light but as ‘just playing around’ when perpetrated by a white actor. of Miller’s findings. The most dramatic illustration of the UAE is an investigation by Moscovici and Hewstone (1983) proposed that attributions are Hunter, Stringer and Watson (1991) of how real instances of not only cognitive, but also social and cultural phenomena that violence are explained by Protestants and Catholics in Northern are based on social representations – consensually shared know- Ireland. Catholic students made predominantly external attribu- ledge, beliefs and meaning systems that are learned and socially tions for their own group’s violence but internal, dispositional communicated through language (Moscovici, 1984). Every society attributions for Protestant violence. Similarly, Protestant students has its own stock of common sense and culturally agreed explana- attributed their own group’s violence to external causes and Catholic tions for a wide range of phenomena, such as health and illness, violence to internal causes. success and failure, wealth and poverty, prosocial and deviant There is also substantial evidence of the tendency to make behaviour. People do not necessarily engage in an exhaustive more favourable attributions for male success and failure. Studies cognitive analysis to explain events around them, as some of the have found that both men and women are more likely to attri- early models of attribution suggest (Kelley, 1967). Instead, they draw bute male success to ability and female success to effort and luck, on socially shared and readily culturally available explanations. especially in tasks that are perceived to be ‘male’ (Deaux & Major, 1987; Swim & Sanna, 1996). The same bias is found for failure 0.7 attributions – male failure is explained by lack of effort, whereas 0.6 Americans female failure is attributed to lack of ability. Bear in mind though Indian Hindus that most of these studies were conducted in the seventies and 0.5 eighties, and relatively few have been published more recently 0.4 (Swim & Sanna, 1996). Given the social and attitudinal changes 0.3 associated with women’s roles over this time, and the fact that the effects were relatively small, it is possible that these biases have 0.2 now diminished in Western societies (Hill & Augoustinos, 1997). general dispositions 0.1 Proportion of references to 0.0 8 11 15 Adults CULTURAL DIFFERENCES Age

There is now strong evidence that people in non-Western cultures Figure 17.13 do not make the same kinds of attributions as people in Western individualistic societies. The fundamental attribution error, which Cultural and developmental patterns of dispositional attribution. Source: Based on Miller (1984). was originally thought to be a universal cognitive bias, is not PSY_C17.qxd 1/2/05 3:47 pm Page 375

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SOCIAL COGNITION Person schemas Person schemas – often referred to as person prototypes – are con- figurations of personality traits that we use to categorize people SOCIAL SCHEMAS and to make inferences about their behaviour. (The prototype is the ‘central tendency’, or average, of the category members.) It would be very difficult to function if we went about our every- In most Western cultures we tend to categorize individuals in day lives without prior knowledge or expectations about the terms of their dominant personality traits. We may infer from people, roles, norms and events in our community. Social cogni- our observations and interactions with A that he is shy, or that tion research suggests that our behaviour and interactions in the B is opinionated. Most people would agree that Robin Williams social world are facilitated by cognitive representations in our is a prototypical extrovert and Woody Allen is a prototypical minds called schemas – mental or cognitive structures that contain neurotic. general expectations and knowledge of the world (see chapters 11 Trait or person schemas enable us to answer the question: ‘what and 12). kind of person is he or she?’ (Cantor & Mischel, 1979). In so doing, A schema contains both abstract knowledge and specific they help us to anticipate the nature of our social interactions examples about a particular social object. It ‘provides hypotheses with individuals, giving us a sense of control and predictability. about incoming stimuli, which includes plans for inter- preting and gathering schema-related information’ (Taylor & Crocker, 1981, p. 91). Schemas therefore give us some sense Self schemas of prediction and control of the social world. They Just as we represent and store information about others, we do the guide what we attend to, same about ourselves, developing complex and varied schemas cognitive miser someone who mini- that define our self-concept based on past experiences. mizes effort and energy when process- what we perceive, what we remember and what we infer. Self schemas are cognitive representations about ourselves ing information, making ‘top of the that organize and process all related information (Markus, 1977). head’ judgements, evaluations and All schemas appear to serve similar functions – they all They develop from self-descriptions and traits that are salient and inferences, with little thought or con- important to our self-concept. Indeed, they can be described as sidered deliberation influence the encoding (tak- ing in and interpretation) of components of self-concept that are central to our identity and new information, memory self-definition. For example, people who value independence highly for old information and are said to be self-schematic along this dimension. People for whom dependence–independence is not centrally important are person schemas a configuration of per- inferences about missing said to be aschematic on this dimension. Different self schemas sonality traits used to categorize people information. become activated depending on the changing situations and con- and to make inferences about their Not only are schemas texts in which we find ourselves (Markus & Kunda, 1986; Markus behaviour – also referred to as person functional, but they are also & Wurf, 1987). For example, your self schema as fun-loving and prototypes essential to our well-being. A dominant theme in social frivolous when you are with your friends may be quite different cognition research is that from your self schema as serious and dutiful when you are with we are cognitive misers, eco- your family. You will have schemas for your real self and also for your ‘ideal’ and ‘ought’ selves (Higgins, 1987) (see chapter 15). self schemas cognitive representations nomizing as much as we of the self that organize and process all can on the effort we need information that is related to the self to expend when processing Role schemas information. Many judge- ments, evaluations and infer- The norms and expected behaviours of specific roles in society ences we make in the hustle are structured into role schemas. They will include both achieved and bustle of everyday life are roles – including occupational and professional roles, such as role schemas knowledge structures of said to be ‘top of the head’ doctor or teacher – and ascribed roles, over which we have little the behavioural norms and expected phenomena (Taylor & Fiske, control – such as age, gender and race. characteristics of specific role positions 1978), made with little thought The roles and expectations associated with these categories are in society based on people’s age, gen- and considered deliberation. commonly referred to as stereotypes – mental representations der, race, occupation, etc. So schemas are a kind of of social groups and their members that are widely shared mental short-hand used to (Hamilton & Sherman, 1994; Macrae, Stangor & Hewstone, 1996; simplify reality and facilitate Stangor & Lange, 1994). Prolific empirical research on stereotypes processing. views the process of categorizing individuals into their respective event schemas cognitive structures Schema research has been social groups as highly functional in that it simplifies the inherent that describe behavioural and event applied to four main areas: complexity of social information. sequences in everyday activities such as person schemas, self schemas, Social categories such as male/female, black/white, old/young eating at a restaurant, attending a lec- role schemas and event schemas are viewed as highly salient and prior to any other kind of person ture or shopping at a supermarket (Fiske & Taylor, 1991). categorization. Fiske (1998) refers to age, gender and race as the PSY_C17.qxd 1/2/05 3:47 pm Page 376

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different from members of other categories. Mostly we employ categories automatically and with little conscious effort. Categories help to impose order on the stimulus world, and are fundamental to perception, thought, language and action (Lakoff, 1987; see chapter 12). Research on categorization stems from the pioneer- ing work of cognitive scientist Eleanor Rosch and her colleagues (Rosch, 1975; 1978).

Models for social categorization

The categorization of social objects, people and events is assumed to be a more complex process than categorization of inanimate objects because social objects are variable, dynamic and interact- ive. Nevertheless, members of a social category share common features. Some instances contained in the category are considered to be more typical than others – the most typical, or prototypical, representing the category as a whole. The more features an instance shares with other category mem- bers, the more quickly and confidently it is identified as a member. For example, you may quickly decide that Sue is a prototypical politician because she is publicity seeking, charming, cunning and ambitious, whereas Paul, who is shy, indecisive, and avoids pub- Figure 17.14 licity would be considered atypical of the category ‘politician’. According to Fiske (1998) race is one of the top three physical In contrast to the prototype model, an exemplar-based model cues used to help us to categorize people. With increased fam- suggests that categories are represented by specific and concrete iliarity, these physical cues become less important. instances (exemplars) of the category (Smith & Zarate 1992). For example, arriving at an abstracted average of two very different politicians, such as Bill Clinton and Margaret Thatcher, may ‘top three’ because they are the most central and visually access- be too cognitively demanding. These extreme instances may be ible categories. So when we meet someone for the first time, we better represented as concrete exemplars within an overall general attend to obvious and salient physical cues in guiding our inter- category of ‘politician’. actions with them. With increased familiarity, the notion is that People may rely on a combination of prototype and exemplar- stereotypes based on physical cues become less important, and based models, depending on the social objects in question and we may subsequently employ trait-based or person schemas. the conditions under which the information is processed (Brewer, 1988; Fiske & Neuberg, 1990; Hamilton & Sherman, 1994). Event schemas Hierarchichal structure of categories Commonly referred to as cognitive scripts (see chapter 12), event schemas describe behavioural and event sequences in everyday Categories are hierarchically structured, with more abstract and activities (Schank & Abelson, 1977). They provide the basis for general categories of information at the top of a pyramid struc- anticipating the future, setting goals and making plans. We know, ture and more specific categories at the bottom. Information for example, that the appropriate behavioural sequence for eating can be processed at different levels of abstraction, moving from a at a restaurant is to enter, wait to be seated, order a drink, look concrete specific instance to a more general level of inference. at the menu, order the meal, eat, pay the bill and leave. The Like natural object categories, social stereotypes can be differ- key idea here is that our commonsense understanding of what entiated into lower-order sub-categories, or sub-types (Fiske, 1998). constitutes appropriate behaviour in specific situations is stored For example, a super-ordinate category (such as ‘woman’) may in long-term memory, and it is activated unconsciously whenever comprise a number of sub-types (such as career woman, housewife we need it. and feminist). Listing the prototypical features of these category sub-types is considerably easier, as they contain more detailed information than broader and more abstract super-ordinate cat- CATEGORIZATION AND STEREOTYPING egories (Andersen & Klatzky, 1987). Brewer, Dull and Lui (1981) found this to be the case with young people’s representations of Before we can apply a schema to a social object, we have to the elderly. The ‘elderly’ category was differentiated further into categorize (or label) it as something – a book, a tree, an animal, three elderly sub-types – the senior citizen, the elderly statesman or whatever. In other words, we identify objects, people and events and the grandmotherly type. In turn, each of these sub-types was as members of a category, similar to others in that category and associated with distinctive characteristics and traits (figure 17.15). PSY_C17.qxd 1/2/05 3:47 pm Page 377

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ELDERLY PEOPLE HOW DO SCHEMAS WORK?

What do schemas do in information-processing terms? How do they function as organizing structures that influence the encod- GRANDMOTHER ELDERLY STATESMAN SENIOR CITIZEN ing, storing and recall of complex social information?

Kindly Conservative Traditional Trustworthy Intelligent Dignified Lonely Old-fashioned Schemas are theory-driven

Figure 17.15 Because schemas are based on our prior expectations and social knowledge, they have been described as ‘theory-driven’ structures The social category ‘elderly people’ differentiated hierarchically that lend organization to experience. We use these background into lower-order subtypes that are associated with distinctive theories to make sense of new situations and encounters, which personality traits. Source: Adapted from Brewer, Dull and Lui (1981). suggests that schematic processing is driven by background

Everyday Psychology Is there any harm in national stereotypes? It’s not necessarily that the Irish drink more than the rest – it’s just they get more uproariously drunk. The British believe it’s all about arriving at an answer, which they can then claim credit for, while the French are great believers in the debate. Arriving at a conclusion is not a priority. The Italians are a mixture of Hollywood and Mafia, but get there in real style... (Ann Cahill, EU Stereotypes Too Close for Comfort, Irish Examiner, 19 June 2002)

Stereotypes can be defined in a number of ways:

1. A simplified and relatively fixed image of all members of a culture or group; the group is typically based on race, religion, ethnicity, age, gender or national origins. 2. Generalizations about people that are based on limited, sometimes inaccurate, but often easily available information (see discussion of the availability heuristic in chapter 12), and are characterized by no or minimal contact with members of the stereotyped group and on second-hand information rather than first-hand experience. 3. A single statement or attitude about a group of people that does not recognize the complex, multidimensional nature of individual human beings irrespective of race, religion, ethnicity, age, gender or nationality.

Stereotypes can be positive, negative or mixed, but they are usually unfair and misleading. In general, they reduce indi- viduals to a rigid, inflexible image. They do not account for the fact that human beings are individually complex, each person possessing a unique constellation of personal attributes. Instead, stereotypes suggest that everyone within a group is the same. An especially worrying aspect of stereotypes in a geopolitical context is that they tend to dehumanize people, placing all members of a group into one, homogeneous category (e.g. ‘The Jews’, ‘The Arabs’; ‘The Protestants’, ‘The Catholics’). From reading this chapter, you will know that the basis for stereotyping lies in the nature of human cognition. When we stereotype people, we pre-judge them; we assume that all people in a group have the same traits. This form of blanket cat- egorization leads to false assumptions about people and can lead to misunderstandings, hostile and abusive behaviours, conflicts, discrimination, and prejudice. These generalizations may have their roots in experiences we have had ourselves, read about in books and magazines, seen in films or television, or have had related to us by friends and family. In some cases, they may seem reasonably accur- ate. Yet, in virtually every case, we are resorting to prejudice by inferring characteristics of an individual person based on a group stereotype, without knowledge of all the facts. The difficulty is that stereotypes are sometimes hard to recognize because they are fixed beliefs. As children and teen- agers, all of us face peer pressure when confronted with a joke that puts down a certain minority group. But after identifying stereotypes, we can work towards tackling them. When stereotypical judgements are reduced, it is easier to acknowledge and appreciate individual differences and cultural diversity.

Macrae, C.N., Stangor, C., & Hewstone, M. (eds), 1996, Stereotypes and Stereotyping, New York: Guilford Press. PSY_C17.qxd 1/2/05 3:47 pm Page 378

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theories and suppositions rather than actual enviromental data (Fiske & Taylor, 1991). This isn’t always the case, however, as we will see later.

Schemas facilitate memory

Schemas help us process information quickly and economically and facilitate memory recall. This means we are more likely to remember details that are consistent with our schema than those that are inconsistent (Hastie & Park, 1986; Stangor & McMillan, 1992). For example, Cohen (1981) presented participants with a video of a woman having dinner with her husband. Those who were told that she was a librarian were more likely to remember that she wore glasses, whereas those who were told she was a waitress were more likely to remember her drinking Figure 17.16 beer. It seems that these occupational categories were used Through schemas that serve to evaluate social stimuli, we as organizing frameworks to attend to and/or encode and/or automatically become suspicious of the prototypic used-car subsequently recall information that was consistent with stereo- salesman. typic expectations of librarians and waitresses (see chapter 11 for some suggestions of ways in which we may try to tease apart which of these three memory components were affected in this study). Schemas are unified, stable structures that resist change Schemas are energy-saving devices Once developed and strengthened through use, schemas become Simplifying information and reducing the cognitive effort that integrated structures. Even when only one of its components is goes into a task preserves cognitive resources for more important accessed, strong associative links between the components activ- tasks. Schemas, such as stereotypes, therefore function as energy- ate the schema as a unitary whole (Fiske & Dyer, 1985). saving devices (Macrae, Milne & Bodenhausen, 1994). Well-developed schemas that are activated frequently resist In ambiguous situations, schemas help us to ‘fill in’ missing change and persist, even in the face of disconfirming evidence. So information with ‘best guesses’ and ‘default options’ based on a male chauvinist with a highly accessible and frequently activ- our expectations and previous experience. They can also pro- ated stereotype that women are less capable than men is rarely vide short cuts by utilizing heuristics such as representativeness convinced otherwise, even when presented with evidence to the (Kahneman & Tversky, 1972, 1973a). With limited information, contrary. Consistent with the ultimate attribution error described we can use the representativeness heuristic to determine the degree above, instances that disconfirm the stereotype are treated as to which a stimulus is representative of a more general category. ‘exceptions to the rule’. This notion is consistent with the Is John, who is shy and mild-mannered, more likely to be an subtyping model predicts that dis- subtyping model of stereotype accountant or a business executive? See chapter 12 for a dis- confirming instances of a stereotype are change, which predicts that cussion of situations in which these heuristics may be useful or relegated to subcategories or subtypes, disconfirming instances of misleading. which accommodate exceptions to the the stereotype are relegated stereotype but by and large leave the to ‘exceptional’ sub-categories overall stereotype intact Schemas are evaluative and affective or subtypes that accommod- ate exceptions while leaving Schemas also serve to evaluate social stimuli as good or bad, the overall stereotype largely intact (Weber & Crocker, 1983). normal or abnormal, positive or negative, and some contain a For example, Hewstone, Hopkins and Routh (1992) found that, strong affective component, so that when they are activated the despite a one-year school liaison programme that facilitated posi- associated emotion is cued. tive interactions between a police officer and secondary school For example, the prototypic used-car salesman may auto- students, this experience did not change the students’ overall neg- matically evoke suspicion, or a prototypic politician may ative representations of the police. Instead, these particular trigger cynicism and distrust (Fiske, 1982; Fiske & Pavelchak, officers were judged by the school students to be atypical of the 1986). This is probably an important feature of some people’s police in general. race stereotypes, eliciting strong negative emotions and There is considerable empirical support for the subtyping evaluations. model (Hewstone, 1994; Johnston & Hewstone, 1992). Other PSY_C17.qxd 1/2/05 3:47 pm Page 379

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models have received less book-keeping model suggests that empirical support. These in- stereotypes and schemas are constantly clude the book-keeping model, fine-tuned with each new piece of Category-based processing Data-based processing which proposes that there is information Fast Slow constant fine-tuning of a schema with each new piece Non-strategic Strategic of information (Rumelhart & Efficient Cognitively demanding conversion model predicts dramatic Norman, 1978), and the con- and sudden change in schema and version model, which proposes Automatic Needs attention, effort stereotypes in the face of salient that there is dramatic and Unconscious – Conscious – contradictions sudden change in the schema in response to salient contra- Occurs within 240 ms of Occurs at least 2000 ms after dictions (Rothbart, 1981). stimulus presentation stimulus presentation

Figure 17.17 RECENT RESEARCH INTO Continuum model of processing. Source: Based on Fiske and SOCIAL PROCESSING Neuberg (1990).

The continuum model of processing more like motivated tacticians motivated tactician someone who (Fiske, 1992; 1998), using pro- deploys flexible information-processing We have seen how our preconceptions and prejudices can lead to cessing strategies that are strategies that are consistent with their biases and distortions. But we don’t always behave like cognitive consistent with their motiva- motivations, goals and situational misers. By contrast, in certain situations we engage in a careful tions, goals and situational requirements and piecemeal analysis of the requirements. ‘data’. Fiske and Neuberg category-based processing informa- (1990) proposed that the pro- tion processing that is fast, non-strategic, cessing of social information Automatic vs. controlled processing efficient, can be automatic and beyond is a kind of continuum, as we conscious awareness, and is more likely move from schema or cate- While processing can take place anywhere along the continuum to occur when the data are unambigu- gory-based processing to more just described, most person impressions seem to be first and fore- ous and relatively unimportant piecemeal data-based process- most category-based (this kind of schematic processing apparently ing (figure 17.17). These being the ‘default option’). This is why so much recent attention authors propose that we use has focused on the primacy and importance of stereotypes in category-based processing perception. data-based processing information when the data are unambigu- In-depth processing requires controlled attention, intention processing that is slow, deliberate, and ous and relatively unimport- and effort, whereas it appears that category-based perception requires conscious effort and attention, ant to us and piecemeal can occur automatically and beyond conscious awareness used where the need for accuracy is processing when the data are (Bargh, 1994; Wegner & Bargh, 1998). This distinction between high ambiguous, relatively impor- automatic and controlled pro- tant, and the need for accu- cessing was applied by Devine automatic processing the processing racy is high. (1989) to the activation of of information that is beyond conscious For example, the time and effort we spend forming impres- stereotypes. Devine argues awareness and extremely fast – in sions of others depends on their relative importance to us and on that most people, through experimental studies, within 240 ms of our motivations for getting to know them. Everyday superficial socialization, acquire know- stimulus presentation encounters are usually based on people’s salient social group ledge of social stereotypes memberships, such as gender, race, age and occupation. These early in childhood and that, social categories access for us an associated range of expectations through repeated exposure, controlled processing the processing that are usually stereotypical. If we are motivated to move stereotypes of salient social of information that is deliberate, con- beyond this category-based processing, we take a more piecemeal groups become well-learned scious, and strategic; in experimental and data-driven approach. knowledge structures that studies, this occurs after 2000 ms of the Fiske and Neuberg’s (1990) continuum model of processing are automatically activated presentation of a stimulus has led to a significant revision of the cognitive miser model without deliberate thinking. that characterized the approach to social cognition in the 1980s. This model suggests that this unintentional activation of the More recent research has demonstrated that perceivers are stereotype is equally strong for high and low prejudiced people. PSY_C17.qxd 1/2/05 3:47 pm Page 380

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For example, Devine (1989) found that the activation of a negative THE POWER OF STEREOTYPES stereotype associated with African Americans (‘hostile’) occurred for both high and low prejudiced participants when stereotypic In our discussion of attribution theory, we argued that attributions primes were presented subliminally (beyond conscious aware- are not only internal cognitive phenomena but also social and ness). So when people do not have the opportunity to consciously cultural explanations shaped by widely shared representations monitor and appraise information, the ability to suppress the within a society, community or group. stereotype becomes difficult, even for unprejudiced people. The same can be said for schemas, categories and stereotypes. This, of course, suggests that stereotyping may be inevitable, While these have been largely discussed as cognitive constructs, and in some situations difficult to control. Given that stereo- it is important to recognize that they are also essentially cultural typing is usually linked to prejudice and discrimination, it paints and social in nature, i.e. cultural knowledge that is determined a rather bleak picture for intergroup relations. But Devine by dominant and consensual representations learned by members argues that, while stereotypes can be automatically activated, of a society. what distinguishes low prejudiced from high prejudiced people Because they are acquired early in life, widely shared and per- is the conscious development of personal beliefs that challenge vasive, stereotypes of groups are more than just ‘pictures in our the stereotype. These egalitarian beliefs are deployed during heads’. They are socially and discursively reproduced in the course conscious processing, and are able to override the automatically of everyday communication (Augoustinos & Walker, 1998). They activated stereotype. In contrast, people high in prejudice have are also ideological in nature, because they are often used to personal beliefs that are congruent with negative stereotypes, rationalize and justify why some groups are more powerful so during conscious processing they need not control or inhibit and more dominant than others ( Jost & Banaji, 1994). So social the automatically activated stereotype. stereotypes can be used as political weapons to justify existing While several studies now support Devine’s claim that stereo- group inequalities, gender stereotypes have been used to justify types of salient social groups are widely known and shared, there gender inequalities, and race stereotypes have been used to justify is less support for the claim that stereotypes are automatically racism and prejudice. activated equally for everyone, regardless of their prejudice levels Other approaches in social psychology, such as social repres- (Augoustinos, Ahrens & Innes, 1994; Lepore & Brown, 1997; Locke, entations theory (Augoustinos & Walker, 1995), social identity MacLeod & Walker, 1994). For example, Locke et al. (1994) theory (Tajfel & Turner, 1979) and self-categorization theory found that the predominantly negative stereotype of Australian (Oakes, Haslam & Turner, 1994), regard social categories and Aboriginal people was only activated in people high in prejudice. stereotypes very differently from the predominantly cognitive Similarly, Lepore and Brown (1997) found that only highly pre- and information-processing account we have outlined above. judiced respondents activated the negative stereotype of African- Rather than energy-saving devices that facilitate cognition by Caribbean people in Britain. So, according to these studies, it seems simplifying reality, stereotypes (and the social categories on that stereotypes are not activated to the same extent for all people, which they are based) are viewed within these contrasting frame- and are therefore not necessarily inevitable. Rather, people’s atti- works as rich in symbolic meaning, and as being used to make tudes and values – in this case, low levels of prejudice – inhibit sense of the power and status relations between different social and constrain the activation of stereotypes, not only consciously, groups (Oakes et al., 1994: Leyens, Yzerbyt & Schadron, 1994). but also unconsciously. See chapter 18 for more on intergroup relations.

FINAL THOUGHTS

Attitudes are among the most important constructs in social psychology because they encompass powerful tendencies to feel, believe and act in a positive or negative way. Attributions are also among our most important constructs because they are part of what makes us human – our tendency to attempt to explain the events around us. The study of social cognition helps to integrate these two important constructs, by examining the impact of these basic cognitive processes across social contexts, and how these cognitive processes influence attitudes and attributions. In fact, most of the chapters in this text refer to social cognition in some way, because virtually all of them consider processes of judge- ment that may be influenced by social contexts. A challenge for future research is to provide theoretical models that explain these diverse social psychological topics with the same basic principles. PSY_C17.qxd 1/2/05 3:47 pm Page 381

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Summary

n Attitudes are tendencies to evaluate an object favourably or unfavourably. They can be measured using both non-self-report and self-report techniques. n Useful features of attitudes are that (a) they summarize beliefs, feelings and past behaviour regarding the attitude objects, and (b) they can predict behaviour. n Attitude–behaviour relations are strongest when attitudes are measured at the same level of specificity as the target behaviour. n Contemporary models of attitude–behaviour relations describe how attitudes predict behaviour in conjunction with other variables (e.g. social norms, perceived control) that influence behaviour. These models also specify how accessible attitudes automatically influence behaviour. n Classic theories suggest that attitudes change when a persuasive message provides motivational incentive to change the attitude. n People tend to be more influenced by message arguments when they are motivated and able to process the arguments. When motivation and ability are low, people may rely heavily on heuristic cues (e.g. source expertise) to determine their new attitude. n Attribution theory concerns itself with the processes by which we use causal explanations for everyday events and behaviour in an effort to understand and make sense of the social world. n A number of biases have been found to characterize causal attributions, including the fundamental attribution error, actor– observer effect, self-serving bias and ultimate attribution error. n The process of attributing causality is influenced by internal cognitive factors, group membership and identity and socio- cultural values. n We also come to understand the social world through the activation and use of mental cognitive representations called schemas. These contain both abstract and specific knowledge about people, roles, social groups and events. n Schemas help categorize, evaluate and process social information quickly and efficiently. They are energy-saving devices that facilitate memory and resist change even in the face of disconfirming evidence.

REVISION QUESTIONS

1. Why are attitudes important constructs in social psychology? 2. If you were interested in predicting whether people’s attitudes towards low-fat foods predict their con- sumption of low-fat foods, which model of attitude-behaviour relations would you use to examine this issue, and why? 3. Imagine that you are designing a new ad campaign against careless driving. Using your knowledge of models of attitude change, how would your ads look and where would you place them? 4. Why are attributions important constructs in social psychology? 5. It could be suggested that the ‘fundamental attribution error’ is not really an error, because it helps us form useful judgements in a complex social world. Discuss the pros and cons of this argument. 6. Given the effects of culture on the occurrence of the fundamental attribution error, how would you set up an intervention to make people less likely to commit this ‘error’? 7. Why are schemas important constructs in social psychology? PSY_C17.qxd 1/2/05 3:47 pm Page 382

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FURTHER READING Augoustinos, M., & Walker, I. (1995). Social Cognition: An Integrated Introduction. London: Sage. Describes research studies in social cognition. Bohner, G., & Wänke, M. (2002). Attitudes and Attitude Change. London: Psychology Press. This book reviews basic aspects of attitudes and attitude change. Forsterling, F. (2001). Attribution: An Introduction to Theories, Research and Applications. London: Psychology Press. Provides a thorough and up-to-date introduction to the field of attribution. Kunda, Z. (1996). Social Cognition. London: MIT Press. Describes research on many aspects of social cognition.

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Interpersonal Relations and 18 Group Processes

CHAPTER OUTLINE

LEARNING OBJECTIVES

INTRODUCTION

INTERPERSONAL BEHAVIOUR Being in the presence of other people The influence of authority Affiliation, attraction and close relationships GROUP PROCESSES Taking our place in the group How groups influence their members How groups get things done INTERGROUP RELATIONS Deindividuation, collective behaviour and the crowd Cooperation and competition between groups Social categories and social identity Prejudice and discrimination Building social harmony FINAL THOUGHTS

SUMMARY

REVISION QUESTIONS

FURTHER READING PSY_C18.qxd 1/2/05 3:50 pm Page 385

Learning Objectives

By the end of this chapter you should appreciate that:

n the presence of other people can have significant effects on our behaviour;

n under certain conditions people obey the orders of an authority figure to the extent of harming innocent others;

n social support and close interpersonal relationships benefit our health and happiness;

n membership of groups can have both positive and negative consequences on people’s behaviour and judgement, depending on the context;

n membership of groups can help us to withstand authoritarian influences, but it can also inhibit our tendency to help others and can increase prejudice and conflict;

n knowledge of the interpersonal processes and mechanisms involved can help to reduce the negative aspects of group membership.

INTRODUCTION

One of the most distinctive aspects of human how we are affected by simply being in the presence beings is that we are social. We are each affected of other people. We then look at ways in which by the presence of other people, we form relation- people interact with one another – particularly how ships with other people, we join groups with other people form close relationships with one another. people, and we behave in certain ways towards Next, we look at how people in groups, and how members of our own and other groups. groups as a whole, behave. How does being in a The previous chapter focused on various aspects group affect what we think and do? How do groups of social evaluation and how we process social perform typical group tasks and activities? information – intra-personal processes. In this Finally, we consider how groups interact with and chapter, we look more broadly at the ways in which perceive one another; how people as group mem- our behaviour is genuinely social. How are we influ- bers relate to people who are not in their group; enced by, and how do we influence, other people? and how both cooperative and competitive forms of First, we here ask the elementary question of intergroup behaviour arise and can be changed. PSY_C18.qxd 1/2/05 3:50 pm Page 386

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If Presence Facilitation of Improved INTERPERSONAL BEHAVIOUR Arousal appropriate, of others dominant performance on correct responses routine/simple tasks

BEING IN THE PRESENCE OF OTHER PEOPLE Inhibition of If Impaired non-dominant inappropriate, performance on responses incorrect novel/complex Social facilitation tasks

Intuitively, most of us probably think the term ‘social’ means doing things with (or being in the presence of) other people, and Figure 18.1 that social psychology is therefore about the causes and effects of Zajonc’s (1965) explanation of social facilitation/inhibition. this ‘social presence’. Although social psychologists use the term Source: Hewstone and Stroebe (2001). ‘social’ in a much broader way than this, the effect of the physical presence of other people on our behaviour remains an important research question (Guerin, 1993). incorrect behaviour (e.g. trying to write notes in a lecture before In fact, in 1898 Triplett designed one of the earliest social we have understood properly what is being said), then social pres- psychology experiments to address this very question. He dis- ence can impair performance (social inhibition) (see figure 18.1 covered from analysis of published records that cyclists go faster and Markus, 1978). when paced by another cyclist, and he decided to investigate Zajonc believed that drive was an innate reaction to the mere this phenomenon under more controlled conditions. Triplett had presence of others. Other views are that drive results from an 40 children reel in fishing lines, either alone or in pairs, and he acquired apprehension about being evaluated by others (Cottrell, discovered that the children tended to perform the task more 1972) or from conflict between paying attention to a task and to quickly when in the presence of someone else doing the same an audience (e.g. Sanders, 1981). Still other researchers discard task. Triplett attributed this ‘quickening effect’ to the arousal of the notion of drive entirely. They suggest that social facilitation a competitive instinct. may occur because of distraction and subsequent narrowing of Some years later, F. Allport attention, which hinders performance of poorly learned or difficult (1920) coined the term social social facilitation an increase in tasks but leaves unaffected or improves performance of well facilitation to refer to a more dominant responses in the presence of learned or easy tasks (Baron, 1986; Manstead & Semin, 1980). clearly defined effect in which others of the same species, leading Alternatively, social presence might motivate concern with the mere presence of con- to improved performance on well- self-presentation – i.e. how we appear to others (rather than con- specifics (i.e. members of the learned/easy tasks and deterioration cern specifically about being evaluated by them) (Bond, 1982) or same species) would improve in performance on poorly learned/ make us more self-aware (Wicklund, 1975). This might then individual task performance. difficult tasks increase cognitive effort, which is considered to improve perform- These conspecifics might be ance on easy tasks but not on difficult tasks (where failure and co-actors (i.e. doing the same social embarrassment might be anticipated). task but not interacting) or simply a passive audience (i.e. observ- Overall, then, the empirical finding from this body of research ing the task performance). is that the presence of others improves performance on easy Research (much of it with an exotic array of different species) tasks, but impairs performance on difficult tasks (see Bond & seemed to confirm this. We now know that cockroaches run Titus, 1983). But no single explanation seems to account for social faster, chickens, fish and rats eat more, and pairs of rats copulate facilitation and social inhibition effects (Guerin, 1993). Instead, more when being ‘watched’ by members of their own species (see several concepts – including arousal, evaluation apprehension, Zajonc, Heingartner & Herman, 1969). However, later research and distraction conflict – are involved. found that the presence of conspecifics sometimes impairs per- formance, although it was often unclear what degree of social presence produced impairment (i.e. coaction or a passive audience). Bystander apathy and intervention Zajonc (1965) put forward a drive theory to explain social facil- itation effects. He argued that, because people are unpredictable, One type of behaviour that might be affected by the presence of the mere presence of a passive audience instinctively and auto- other people is our inclination to offer help to someone who matically produces increased arousal and motivation. This was needs it. This question can be studied from many perspectives. proposed to act as a drive that produces dominant responses for One of these is evolutionary psychology – do people help others that situation (i.e. well learned, instinctive or habitual behaviours simply as members of their own species, or only those with whom that take precedence over alternative responses under conditions they shares genes? (see Batson, 1983; and Dawkins’, 1976, notion of heightened arousal or motivation). But do dominant responses of the ‘selfish gene’). Another perspective is that of socialization – improve task performance? Zajonc argued that if the dominant do we learn to help others as a result of direct instructions, rein- response is the correct behaviour for that situation (e.g. pedalling forcement, social learning and modelling (see Bandura, 1973)? when we get on a bicycle), then social presence improves per- Two of the most important lines of research on helping by formance (social facilitation). But if the dominant response is an social psychologists have focused on situational factors that PSY_C18.qxd 1/2/05 3:50 pm Page 387

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encourage or discourage helping, and on what motives may office next door had climbed onto a chair, fallen on the floor and underlie helping others. lay moaning in pain. This incident lasted 130 seconds. In one con- A critical feature of the dition, the student who overheard the information was alone. In immediate situation that deter- a second condition, another student (a confederate of the experi- bystander intervention occurs when mines whether by standers menter, who had been instructed to be passive) was also present. an individual breaks out of the role as a help someone who is in need In a third condition, the student participant was with a stranger at bystander and helps another person in of help (bystander intervention) the time of the accident, and in a fourth condition the student an emergency is the number of potential participant was with a friend. helpers who are present. This Although two people could have intervened in the third and approach was stimulated by the widely reported murder of Kitty fourth conditions, in only 40 per cent of stranger dyads and 70 per Genovese in New York in 1964: although 38 people admitted cent of friend dyads did at least one student intervene. The indi- witnessing the murder, not a single person ran to her aid. To vidual likelihood of intervention has to be calculated according to explain bystander intervention (or its opposite – apathy), Darley, a special formula that corrects for the fact that two people are free Latané and others carried out a series of classic experiments (Darley to act in two conditions (with stranger; with friend), but only one & Batson, 1973; Darley & Latané, 1968; Latané & Rodin, 1969). person is free to act in the remaining two conditions (with passive Numerous studies indicate that the willingness to intervene in confederate; alone). The individual likelihood of intervention was emergencies is higher when a bystander is alone (Latané & Nida, in fact twice as high when students were with a friend (i.e. fourth 1981). In one of the first experiments showing this effect (Latané condition) compared with a stranger (i.e. third condition). Both & Rodin, 1969), students overheard that a woman working in the of these corrected intervention rates for the third and fourth con- ditions were lower than in the condition where the participant was alone (first condition), but higher than in the second condition, where there was a passive confederate present at the time of the accident (see figure 18.3). Subsequent research indicated that three types of social process seem to cause the social inhibition of helping in such situations:

1. diffusion of responsibility (when others are present, our own perceived responsibility is lowered); 2. ignorance about how others interpret the event; and 3. feelings of unease about how our own behaviour will be evaluated by others present.

So, witnesses to the Kitty Genovese murder may have failed to intervene because: 1. they saw other people present, and so did not feel responsible;

70 Observed per cent 60 Corrected per cent 50

40

30

20

10

0 Percentage of persons who intervened Alone With passive Two strangers Two friends confederate Number and nature of persons present

Figure 18.3 Figure 18.2 The effect of the presence and identity of others on bystander When there are several bystanders, it is less likely that a victim intervention in an emergency. Source: Hewstone and Stroebe will receive help. (2001), based on Latané & Rodin (1969). PSY_C18.qxd 1/2/05 3:50 pm Page 388

388 Interpersonal Relations and Group Processes

2. they were unsure about how the others present interpreted 100 the situation; and Easy escape 3. they were embarrassed about how they might look if they 90 Difficult escape rushed in to help when, for some reason, this might be 80 inappropriate. 70

On the basis of studies such as this, Latané and Darley (1970) 60 proposed a cognitive model of bystander intervention. Helping 50 (or not) was considered to depend on a series of decisions: 40 1. noticing that something is wrong; 30 2. defining it as an emergency;

3. deciding whether to take personal responsibility; Per cent participants helping 20 4. deciding what type of help to give; and 10 5. implementing the decision. 0 Dissimilar Similar Bystanders also seem to weigh up costs and benefits of inter- Similarity of attitudes between victim and helper vention vs. apathy before deciding what to do. Piliavin, Dovidio, Gaertner and Clark (1981) proposed a bystander calculus model that assigns a key role to arousal. They proposed that emergen- Figure 18.4 cies make us aroused, situational factors determine how that Percentage of participants who helped Elaine, depending on arousal is labelled and what emotion is felt (see chapter 6), and similarity/empathy and difficulty of escape. Source: Hewstone then we assess the costs and benefits of helping or not helping and Stroebe (2001), based on Batson et al. (1981). before deciding what to do. To summarize findings from this area of research, the presence As figure 18.4 shows, participants only took up the option of multiple bystanders seems the strongest inhibitor of bystander offered by the ‘easy escape’ condition and failed to help when the intervention due to diffusion of personal responsibility, fear of victim had dissimilar attitudes. These results were interpreted as social blunders and social reinforcement for inaction. In addition, being consistent with the hypothesis that high attitude similarity the costs of not helping are apparently reduced by the presence of increases altruistic motivation, whereas low attitude similarity other potential helpers. People tend to help more if they are alone encourages egoistic motivation. or among friends, if situational norms or others’ behaviour pre- Batson’s altruism theory was opposed by the view that people scribe helping, if they feel they have the skills to offer effective were, in fact, helping for selfish, rather than altruistic, motives. help, or if the personal costs of not helping are high. So helping could sometimes be motivated by an egoistic desire to gain relief from a negative state (such as distress, guilt or unhappi- Motives for helping ness) when faced with another person in need of help. Although a meta-analysis by Carlson and Miller (1987) did not support this A rather different line of research has concentrated on the idea, there is continued controversy between the ‘altruists’ and motives underlying helping (or, more generally, prosocial ‘egoists’ as to why we help others (see Batson et al., 1997; Cialdini behaviour) – in particular, whether people help for altruistic or et al., 1997; Schaller & Cialdini, 1988). Batson (e.g., 1991) continues egoistic motives. A discussion of the genetic argument is beyond to maintain that helping under the conditions investigated by him this chapter (see Dawkins, 1976; Bierhoff, 2002). is motivated positively by the feeling of ‘situational empathy’, Batson and colleagues (1981) had female students observe rather than by an egoistic desire to relieve the ‘situational distress’ ‘Elaine’, an experimental confederate, who was apparently of watching another person suffer. receiving electric shocks. In the second trial of the experiment, Helping is also increased by prosocial societal or group norms. Elaine appeared to be suffering greatly from the shocks, at which These can be general norms of reciprocity (‘help those who help point the experimenter asked the female observer whether she you’; Gouldner, 1960) or social responsibility (‘help those in would be willing to continue with the experiment by taking need;’ Berkowitz, 1972), or more specific helping norms tied to Elaine’s place. the nature of a social group (e.g. ‘we should help older people’). In one condition, participants believed that Elaine shared many Other factors that increase helping include being in a good mood attitudes with them. In another condition, they were led to think (Isen, 1987) and assuming a leadership role in the situation that she held dissimilar attitudes. The experiment also manipu- (Baumeister, Chesner, Senders & Tice, 1988). Research has also lated difficulty of escape. In the ‘easy escape’ condition, particip- shown that, relative to situational variables, personality and gen- ants knew that they could leave the observation room after the der are poor predictors of helping (Huston & Korte, 1976; Latané second trial, which meant that they would not be forced to con- & Darley, 1970). tinue observing Elaine’s plight if the experiment continued with Note that many of these studies on helping are ‘high impact’ her. In the ‘difficult escape’ condition, they were instructed to experiments – fascinating to read about but potentially distressing observe the victim through to the end of the study. to participate in. Because of the greater sensitivity to ethical issues PSY_C18.qxd 1/2/05 3:50 pm Page 389

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in research today (see chapter 2), it would be difficult now to con- 100 duct some of these studies, as well as other studies described in this chapter.

THE INFLUENCE OF AUTHORITY

The research on both social facilitation and helping shows that the mere presence of other people can have a clear effect on 50 behaviour. But this effect can be tremendously amplified if those others actively try to influence us – for example, from a position of authority. Legitimate authority figures can be particularly influential; they can give orders that people blindly obey without really thinking about the consequences. This has been the focus of one of social psychology’s most significant and socially meaningful pieces of Percentage maximally obedient participants research (Blass, 2000; Miller, 1986; Miller, Collins & Brief, 1995). 0 Milgram (1963; and see chapter 1) discovered that quite ordinary Disobeying No peer Obeying peers present peers people taking part in a laboratory experiment were prepared to present present administer electric shocks (450V), which they believed would harm another participant, simply because an authoritative experi- Figure 18.5 menter told them to do so. This study showed that apparently ‘pathological’ behaviour may not be due to individual pathology Obedience as a function of peer behaviour. Source: Hewstone (the participants were ‘normal’) but to particular social circum- and Stroebe (2001), data from Milgram (1974). stances. The situation encouraged extreme obedience. Milgram (1965, 1974) subsequently conducted a whole series of studies using this paradigm. One of his most significant findings was that social support is the single strongest moderator of the AFFILIATION, ATTRACTION AND CLOSE effect. So, obedience is strengthened if others are obedient, and RELATIONSHIPS massively reduced if others are disobedient. Milgram investigated the role of peer pressure by creating a situation with three ‘co-teachers’, the participant and two con- Seeking the company of others federates. The first confederate presented the task, the second registered the learner’s responses, and the participant actually Human beings have a strong need to affiliate with other people, administered the shocks. At 150V, the first confederate refused to through belonging to groups and developing close interpersonal continue and took a seat away from the shock generator. At relationships. The consequences of social deprivation are 210V, the second confederate refused to continue. The effect of severely maladaptive (ranging from loneliness to psychosis), and their behaviour on the participants was dramatic: only 10 per cent social isolation is a potent punishment that can take many forms of the participants were now maximally obedient (see figure (solitary confinement, shunning, ostracism, the ‘silent treatment’). 18.5). In contrast, if the teacher administering the learning task Most of us choose to spend was accompanied by a co-teacher, who gave the shocks, 92 per a great deal of time with social comparison the act of com- cent of the participants continued to be obedient to the end of the others, especially when we paring oneself, usually with similar study. The powerful role of interpersonal factors (i.e. peers who experience threat (Schachter, others, to assess one’s attitudes, abilit- had the temerity to disobey) was evident from this investigation 1959) or feel anxious (Buunk, ies, behaviours and emotions; these (see Blass, 2000). 1995). Our motives for affilia- comparisons are most likely to occur One unanticipated consequence of Milgram’s research was a tion include social comparison when people are uncertain about fierce debate about the ethics of social psychological research (we learn about ourselves, themselves (Baumrind, 1985; Miller, 1986). Although no electric shocks were our skills, abilities, percep- actually given in Milgram’s study, participants genuinely believed tions and attitudes; Festinger, that they were administering shocks and showed great distress. 1954), anxiety reduction (Stroebe & Stroebe, 1997) and informa- Was it right to conduct this study? tion seeking (Shaver & Klinnert, 1982). Hospitals now routinely This debate led to strict guidelines for psychological research. encourage surgical patients who have undergone the same med- Three of the main components of this code are (i) that particip- ical procedure to talk to others to help reduce anxiety (Gump & ants must give their fully informed consent to take part, (ii) that Kulik, 1997). they can withdraw at any point without penalty, and (iii) that People usually seek out and maintain the company of people after participation they must be fully debriefed (see discussion of they like. We tend to like others whom we consider physically research ethics in chapter 2). attractive, and who are nearby, familiar and available, and with PSY_C18.qxd 1/2/05 3:50 pm Page 390

Research close-up 1 Milgram’s study of obedience The research issue There were two significant triggers for this research. First, Milgram wanted to understand how individual acts of obedience could have taken place that led to the systematic annihilation of the Jews during the Holocaust. Second, he was fascinated with the trial in Jerusalem of the arch-architect of the ‘Final Solution’, Adolf Eichmann. Milgram wondered whether most people would show destructive obedience and, prior to this research, he doubted it. Indeed, this study represents what was intended to be the ‘baseline’, a situation in which few people were expected to obey. The original idea was that later research would then manipulate key variables, and investigate their impact on rates of obedience (see Milgram, 1965, 1974). This study is one of the most widely known in psychology – because of what it found, as well as the ethical issues it raised about social-psychological research.

Design and procedure The work was conducted at Yale University. Forty males (aged 20–50 years) drawn from in and around the city of New Haven, Connecticut (USA), were recruited to participate in a study on ‘memory and learning’. No mention was made at any stage that the study concerned obedience. There was no experimental design as such, because no factors were manipulated. The teacher–learner scenario was explained, and participants were led to believe that roles had been determined by chance, although the ‘victim’ (the ‘learner’) was, in fact, an experimental confederate (i.e. he was instructed how to behave by the experimenter). The experimenter explained that, by means of a ‘shock generator’, the participant (as ‘teacher’) was to deliver increasingly more intense elec- tric shocks to the ‘learner’ each time they made a mistake on the learning task. The shock generator had a row of 30 push- buttons, each marked by the appropriate intensity (from 15 V to 450 V). Successive shock levels were clarified by verbal labels ranging from slight shock (to 60 V), through moderate shock (to 120 V), strong shock (to 180 V) and very strong shock (to 240 V), to intense shock (to 300 V), extreme intensity shock (to 360 V) and ‘danger: severe shock’ (to 420 V). The two final shock levels were marked ‘XXX’. In fact, no shocks were delivered, but the teacher did not know this as the learner pretended to suffer, convincing the participants that they were administering real shocks. The procedure was carefully scripted so that the experimental scenario had a very high impact on participants, without sacrificing control over the situation. Both the victim’s responses (a predetermined set of grunts, screams etc.) and the experimenter’s commands (four levels of ‘prods’) were held constant throughout the study. The study ended with a detailed debriefing, which included uniting the participant with the victim and conveying the assur- ance that no shocks had in fact been delivered in the study.

Results and implications No statistics are reported on the data, nor are they needed, since no experimental variations were compared in the study. The primary dependent measure was the maximum shock a participant administered before refusing to go any further, on a scale from 0 (i.e. refusing to administer the first shock) to 30 (a 450 V shock). Unexpectedly, given Milgram’s prior sup- positions, no participant discontinued before administering at least a 300 V shock. Across the sample, maximal obedience was shown by 26 of 40 respondents, or 65 per cent (see table 18.1). Milgram concluded that ordinary people were capa- ble of high levels of destructive obedience in response to strong situational pressures. This study triggered an outcry regarding ethical issues. Milgram was severely criticized for inducing suffering in his participants. Could this extent of suffering be dealt with in normal debriefing? How might participants be affected by learning that they could be so easily deceived and that they were (apparently) capable of committing great harm under instruction? Should the experiment have even been carried out? Was the research sufficiently important to justify such deception and stress? These are just some of the issues that you may wish to reflect upon . . . Milgram, S., 1963, ‘Behavioral study of obedience’, Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology, 67, 371–8.

Table 18.1 Number of participants who proceeded to each level of shock.

Verbal designation and shock indication No. of participants for whom this was maximum shock level

Slight shock (15–60 volts) 0 Moderate shock (75–120 volts) 0 Strong shock (135–180 volts) 0 Very strong shock (195–240 volts) 0 Intense shock (255–300 volts) 5 Extreme intensity shock (315–360 volts) 8 Danger: severe shock (375–420 volts) 1 XXX (435–450 volts) 26

Source: Adapted from Milgram (1963). PSY_C18.qxd 1/2/05 3:50 pm Page 391

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whom we expect continued interaction. How many of your advice), love (affection, warmth), money (things of value), ser- friends at college live close to you on campus? The likely answer vices (e.g. shopping, childcare) and status (e.g. evaluative judge- is ‘many of them’ (see Festinger, Schachter & Back, 1950). We ments). A relationship continues when both partners feel that the also tend to like people who have similar attitudes and values to benefits of remaining in the relationship outweigh the costs and our own (Byrne, 1971), especially when these attitudes and values the benefits of other relationships. are personally important to us. According to this framework, these considerations apply to even our most intimate friendships. We now turn to a considera- tion of these closest relationships in our lives. It is argued that The importance of social support these relationships are also based on complex cost–benefit ana- lyses (‘she brings the money in and is practical, but I have a Generally, having appropri- social support the feeling of being secure pension and do more for the children’). According to the ate social support is a very supported by others, whether in one’s more specific equity theory, powerful ‘buffer’ against broader social network (which impacts partners in such relation- stressful events. Cohen and equity theory assumes that satisfaction positively on health and stress) or ships are happier if they feel Hoberman (1983) found that, in a relationship is highest when the within a small group (which helps one that both partners’ outcomes among individuals who felt ratio of one’s own outcomes to inputs to resist pressures to comply with an are proportional to their that their life was very stress- is equal to that of a referenced other outside majority or obey an immoral inputs, rather than one part- ful, those who perceived (individuals will try to restore equity authority) ner receiving more than they themselves to have low social when they find themselves in an give (Walster, Walster & support reported many more inequitable situation) Berscheid, 1978). physical symptoms (e.g. headaches, insomnia) than those who felt they had high social support (see figure 18.6). Overall, the evidence is clear – social integration is good for our physical and Happy vs. distressed relationships psychological health (Stroebe & Stroebe, 1997). A major characteristic of happy, close relationships is a high degree of intimacy. According to Reis and Patrick (1996), we view our Social exchange theory closest relationships as intimate if we see them as: A general theoretical frame- social exchange theory a general theor- n caring (we feel that the other person loves and cares about work for the study of inter- etical model that views relationships in us); personal relationships is social terms of rewards and costs to particip- n understanding (we feel that the other person has an accur- exchange theory (Thibaut & ants; expected outcomes are based on ate understanding of us); and Kelley, 1959). This approach personal standards, prior experience, n validating (our partner communicates his or her accept- regards relationships as effec- partner’s outcomes, and the outcomes ance, acknowledgement and support for our point of tively trading interactions, of comparable others view). including goods (e.g. birthday presents), information (e.g. Unhappy or ‘distressed’ relationships, on the other hand, are characterized by higher rates of negative behaviour, reciprocat- ing with such negative behaviour when the partner behaves 20 Low social support negatively towards us. Reciprocation, or retaliation, is the most 18 High social support reliable sign of relationship distress (Fincham, 2003). Those in unhappy relationships also tend to ignore or cover up differences 16 (Noller & Fitzpatrick, 1990), compare themselves negatively with 14 other couples (Buunk et al., 1990) and perceive their relationship as less equitable than others (van Yperen & Buunk, 1991). They 12 also make negative causal attributions of their partner’s behaviours and characteristics (Fincham & Bradbury, 1991). For 10 Physical symptomatology example, being given flowers might be explained away with ‘He’s just trying to deal with his guilt; he’ll be the same as usual tomor- Low High row.’ In a happy relationship, the explanation is more likely to be Perceived stress something like ‘It was nice of him to find time for that; I know how stressed he is at the moment.’ Figure 18.6

The relationship between perceived stress and physical symp- The investment model tomatology for individuals low and high in social support. Source: Hewstone and Stroebe (2001), based on Cohen and Ultimately, what holds a relationship together is commitment – Hoberman (1983). the inclination to maintain a relationship and to feel psychologically PSY_C18.qxd 1/2/05 3:50 pm Page 392

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attached to it (Rusbult, 1983). Another perspective, based on social comparison theory investment model a theory that pro- According to the investment (Festinger, 1954), is that we affiliate with similar others in order poses that commitment to a relation- model (Rusbult & Buunk, to obtain support and consensus for our own perceptions, opinions ship is based upon high satisfaction, 1993), commitment is based and attitudes. and/or a low quality of alternatives, on one or more of the follow- A third approach rests on social identity theory (Hogg & and/or a high level of investment ing factors: high satisfaction, Abrams, 1988; Tajfel & Turner, 1986). According to this frame- low quality of alternatives, work, group formation involves a process of defining ourselves as and a high level of investments. Highly committed individuals are group members, and conforming to what we see as the stereo- more willing to make sacrifices for their relationship, and to con- type of our group, as distinct from other groups. We categorize tinue it even when forced to give up important aspects of their ourselves in terms of our group’s defining features (Hogg, 1993) life (Van Lange et al., 1997). – e.g. ‘we are psychology students, we are studying a useful Close relationships do, regrettably, often dissolve, sometimes subject’. This process describes and evaluates who we are and as a result of extreme levels of violence committed within inti- is responsible for group phenomena such as group cohesion, con- mate relationships (Gelles, 1997). The ending of a relationship is formity to norms, discrimination between different groups, and often a lengthy, complex process, with repeated episodes of so forth. conflict and reconciliation (Cate & Lloyd, 1988). Women tend to terminate intimate relationships more often than do men (Gray Group development & Silver, 1990) and are more distressed by relationship conflict (Surra & Longstreth, 1990). The process of joining and being influenced by a group doesn’t But for both partners the consequences can be devastating. generally happen all at once. It is an ongoing process. The relev- The physical and mental health of divorced people is generally ant mechanisms have been investigated by many social psycho- worse than that of married people, or even people who have logists interested in group development, or how groups change been widowed or never married (Stroebe & Stroebe, 1987). over time. Factors that predict better adjustment to divorce include having One very well established general model of group develop- taken the initiative to divorce, being embedded in social net- ment is Tuckman’s five-stage model (1965; Tuckman & Jensen, works, and having another satisfying and intimate relationship 1977): (Price-Bonham et al., 1983). forming – initially people orient themselves to one another; storming – they then struggle with one another over leadership GROUP PROCESSES and group definition; norming – this leads into agreement on norms and roles; performing – the group is now well regulated internally and can TAKING OUR PLACE IN THE GROUP perform smoothly and efficiently; adjourning – this final stage involves issues of independence Almost all groups are structured into specific roles. People move within the group, and possible group dissolution. in and out of roles, and in and out of groups. Groups are dynamic in terms of their structure and their membership. But first of all, More recently, Levine and Moreland (1994) have provided a of course, people need to join groups. detailed account of group socialization – how groups and their members adapt to one another, and how people join groups, maintain their membership and leave groups. According to this Joining groups account, groups and their members engage in an ongoing cost–benefit analysis of membership (similar to the kinds of We join groups for all sorts of reasons, but in many cases we are analyses that we have already discussed as being relevant in looking for company (e.g. friendships and hobby groups) or to regulating dyadic interpersonal relationships). If the benefits of get things done that we cannot do on our own (e.g. therapy the group membership outweigh the costs, the group and its groups, work groups and professional organizations). We also members become committed to one another. tend to identify with large groups (social categories) that we This approach highlights five generic roles that people occupy belong to – national or ethnic groups, political parties, religions, in groups: and so forth. Research on group formation generally examines the process, prospective member – potential members reconnoitre the group not the reasons. One view is that joining a group is a matter of to decide whether to commit; establishing bonds of attraction to the group, its goals and its new member – members learn the norms and practices of the members. So a group is a collection of people who are attracted group; to one another in such a way as to form a cohesive entity full member – members are fully socialized, and can now nego- (Festinger et al., 1950). This approach has been used extensively tiate more specific roles within the group; to study the cohesiveness of military groups, organizational units marginal member – members can drift out of step with group and sports teams (Widmeyer, Brawley & Carron, 1985). life, but may be re-socialized if they drift back again; and PSY_C18.qxd 1/2/05 3:50 pm Page 393

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ex-member – members have left the group, but previous com- Four-person groups mitment has an enduring effect on the group and on the 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 ex-member. 0

Levine and Moreland believe that people move through these dif- 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Chain Circle All-channel ferent roles during the lifetime of the group. Wheel

Five-person groups Roles 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Almost all groups are intern- 0 0 0 roles patterns of behaviour that dis- ally structured into roles. These tinguish between different activities prescribe different activities 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 within a group, and that help to give that exist in relation to one Wheel Chain Circle All-channel the group an efficient structure another to facilitate overall group functioning. In addition Figure 18.7 to task-specific roles, there are also general roles that describe each Some communication networks that have been studied experi- member’s place in the life of the group (e.g. newcomer, old-timer). mentally. Source: Hewstone and Stroebe (2001), based on Rites of passage, such as initiation rites, often mark movement Leavitt (1951). between generic roles, which are characterized by varying degrees of mutual commitment between member and group. Roles can be very real in their consequences. In the famous Stanford Prison Study (Zimbardo et al., 1982), researchers ran- domly assigned students to play the roles of prisoners or guards in a simulated prison set-up. The ‘prison’ was located in the base- ment of the psychology department at Stanford University. Before the study began, all participants were carefully screened to ensure they were psychologically stable. Zimbardo and his team planned to run the study for two weeks, while observing the participants. In fact, they had to terminate it after six days because the participants were conforming so extremely to their roles. The guards harassed, humiliated and intimidated the prisoners, often quite brutally, and the prisoners increasingly showed signs of individual and group disintegration, including severe emotional disturbance and some psychosomatic problems. The importance of this classic study was shown recently by the appalling treat- ment of Iraqi prisoners recorded inside Abu Ghraib jail in 2003. Roles also define functions within a group, and the different parts of the group normally need to communicate with one another. Research on communication networks (Bavelas, 1968; Leavitt, 1951) focuses on centralization as the critical factor (see figure 18.7). More centralized networks have a hub person or group that regulates communication flow, whereas less central- ized networks allow free communication among all roles. Figure 18.8 Centralized networks work well for simple tasks (they liberate Are some people ‘born to lead’, or do they acquire leadership peripheral members to perform their role) but not for more personalities that predispose them to leadership? complex tasks – the hub becomes overwhelmed, delays and mis-communications occur, frustration and stress increase, and peripheral members feel loss of autonomy. Extensive research has revealed that there are almost no per- sonality traits that are reliably associated with effective leadership Leadership in all situations (Yukl, 1998). This finding suggests that many of us can be effective leaders, given the right match between our lead- The most basic role differentiation within groups is into leaders ership style and the situation. For example, leader categorization and followers. Are some people ‘born to lead’ (think of Lady theory (Lord & Maher, 1991) states that we have leadership Margaret Thatcher, Sir Ernest Shackleton or Sir Alex Ferguson), schemas (concerning what the leader should do and how) for dif- or do they acquire leadership personalities that predispose them ferent group tasks, and that we categorize people as effective to leadership in many situations? leaders on the basis of their ‘fit’ to the task-activated schema. A PSY_C18.qxd 1/2/05 3:50 pm Page 394

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variant of this idea, based on conformist and attain leader- social identity theory theory of group idiosyncrasy credits Hollander’s trans- social identity theory (see ship in a democratic manner membership and intergroup relations actional theory proposes that followers below), is that in some groups tend to accumulate signific- which explains much intergroup beha- reward leaders for achieving group what really matters is that ant idiosyncrasy credits that viour in terms of the desire to belong goals by allowing them to be relatively you fit the group’s defining they can then expend on to groups which are valued positively idiosyncratic in their behaviour and attributes and norms and innovation once they achieve compared to other non-membership opinions that, if you are categorized leadership. In other words, groups as a good fit, you will be you first have to conform endorsed as an effective leader before you can innovate. (For a different view to this one, see the (Hogg, 2001). section below on ‘minority influence’.) contingency theory Fiedler’s inter- Perhaps the most enduring Leaders who have a high actionist theory, specifying that the leadership theory in social idiosyncrasy credit rating effectiveness of particular leadership transformational leader a leader seen psychology is Fiedler’s (1965) are imbued with charisma by styles depends on situational and task by followers as being endowed with contingency theory. Fiedler the group, and may be able factors exceptional personal qualities, and who believed that the effective- to function as transforma- works to change or transform followers’ ness of a particular leadership tional leaders (see chapter 20). needs and redirect their thinking style was contingent (or dependent) on situational and task Charismatic transformational demands. He distinguished between two general types of leader- leaders are able to motivate ship style (people differ in terms of which style they naturally followers to work for collective goals that transcend self-interest adopt): and transform organizations (Bass, 1998; Bryman, 1992). They are proactive, change-orientated, innovative, motivating and inspir- n a relationship-oriented style that focuses on the quality of ing and have a vision or mission with which they infuse the people’s relationships and their satisfaction with group life; group. Transformational leaders are also interested in others, and able to create commitment to the group and can extract extra n a task-oriented style that focuses on getting the task done effort from (and generally empower) members of the group. efficiently and well.

Relationship-oriented leaders are relaxed, friendly and sociable, HOW GROUPS INFLUENCE THEIR MEMBERS and derive satisfaction from harmonious group relations. Task- oriented leaders are more aloof and directive, are not concerned We have seen how the presence of other people can make us less with whether the group likes them, and derive satisfaction from inclined to help someone, task accomplishment. and how other people can norms attitudes and behaviours that Fiedler measured leadership style using his ‘least preferred co- persuade us to obey their group members are expected to show worker’ (LPC) scale. The idea is to measure how positively a orders. Groups can also exert uniformly; these define group member- leader views the co-worker that they hold in lowest esteem. He enormous influence on indi- ship and differentiate between groups predicted that relationship-oriented leaders would be much more viduals through the medium positive about their least preferred co-worker than task-oriented of norms (Turner, 1991). leaders. So, for relationship-oriented leaders, even the least-liked group member is still quite liked. Fiedler was also able to classify situations in terms of how Group norms much control was required for the group task to be effectively executed. A substantial amount of research has shown that task- Although group norms are relatively enduring, they do change in oriented leaders are superior to relationship-oriented leaders line with changing circumstances to prescribe attitudes, feelings when situational control is very low (i.e. poorly structured task, and behaviours that are appropriate for group members in a par- disorganized group) or very high (i.e. clearly structured task, ticular context. Norms relating to group loyalty and central highly organized group). But relationship-oriented leaders do aspects of group life are usually more specific, and have a more better in situations with intermediate levels of control (Strube restricted range of acceptable behaviour than norms relating to & Garcia, 1981). more peripheral features of the group. High-status group mem- Fiedler’s model of leadership is, however, a little static. Other bers also tend to be allowed more deviation from group norms approaches have focused instead on the dynamic transactional than lower-status members (Sherif & Sherif, 1964). relationship between leaders and followers (Hollander, 1985). Sherif (1935, 1936) carried out one of the earliest, and still most According to these approaches, people who are disproportion- convincing, demonstrations of the impact of social norms, delib- ately responsible for helping a group achieve its goals are sub- erately using an ambiguous stimulus. He placed participants sequently rewarded by the group with the trappings of leadership, alone or in groups of two or three in a completely darkened in order to restore equity. Hollander (1958) suggested that part room. At a distance of about 5 m, a single and small stationary of the reward for such individuals is their being able to be relat- light was presented to them. In the absence of reference points, ively idiosyncratic and innovative. So, people who are highly the light appeared to move rather erratically in all directions – a PSY_C18.qxd 1/2/05 3:50 pm Page 395

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perceptual illusion known as autokinetic effect optical illusion in the autokinetic effect. Pioneer which a stationary point of light shining Sherif asked his particip- in complete darkness appears to move ants to call out an estimate of about Muzafer Sherif (1906–78) made ground-breaking contribu- the extent of movement of tions to the psychology of attitudes, the study of group the light, obviously without norms and intergroup relations. Born in Izmir, Turkey, he informing them of the autokinetic effect. Half of the participants took a higher degree at Harvard and spent most of his life made their first 100 judgements alone. On three subsequent days as professor at the University of Oklahoma. His research they went through three more sets of trials, but this time in work on the development of group norms (using the groups of two or three. For the other half of the participants, the autokinetic phenomenon) showed that other group mem- procedure was reversed. They underwent the three group ses- bers provide us with a frame of reference – especially, but sions first and ended with a session alone. not only, when stimuli are ambiguous. His Robber’s Cave Participants who first made their judgements alone developed study demonstrated the powerful impact of goals on inter- rather quickly a standard estimate (a personal norm) around group relations, and showed that group conflict is easier to which their judgements fluctuated. This personal norm was sta- induce than reduce. This research contributed to the devel- ble within individuals, but it varied highly between individuals. opment of his Realistic Group Conflict Theory. In the group phases of the experiment, which brought together people with different personal norms, participants’ judgements converged towards a more or less common position – a ‘group norm’. With the reverse procedure employed with the other half by a naive participant until the whole group was made up of of the participants, this group norm developed in the first session naive participants. Their results indicated that the norm had a and persisted into the later session, when participants were evalu- significant effect on the naive participants’ judgements, even ated alone. after all the confederates had been removed from the judgement Figure 18.9 illustrates both sets of findings. The funnel effect in situation. the left panel reveals the convergence in the (median) judge- ments of three participants who first judged alone (session I) then later on in each other’s presence (sessions II, III and IV). The right Conformity panel shows the judgements of a group of three participants who went through the procedure in the reverse order (i.e. first judged Sherif ’s autokinetic experiments show how norms develop and together, then alone). Here the group convergence is already pre- influence people – but the actual process through which people sent in the first session, and there is no sign of funnelling out in conform is less obvious. The participants in Sherif’s study were the final ‘alone’ session. publicly calling out their estimates of a highly ambiguous stimu- In subsequent studies, Sherif found that, once established, this lus. Perhaps they were worried about looking foolish, or were group norm persisted, and that it strongly influenced the estima- simply uncertain. People may have conformed for one of two tions of new members of the group. reasons, each linked to a distinct form of social influence In another study, Jacobs and Campbell (1961) used a group of (Deutsch & Gerard, 1955): confederates who unanimously agreed upon a particular judge- ment. After every 30 judgements, they replaced a confederate 1. They may have been concerned about social evaluation (e.g. being liked or being thought badly of ) by the others in the group (normative 10 10 influence). normative influence social influence 2. They may have used 8 8 based on the need to be accepted and the other group mem- approved of by other group members 6 6 bers’ judgements as useful information to

Inches 4 Inches 4 guide them in an ambi- informational influence social influ- 2 2 guous task on which ence based on acquiring new informa- 0 0 they had no previous tion from other group members, which IIIIII IV IIIIII IV experience (informa- is accepted as evidence about reality Sessions Sessions tional influence).

Figure 18.9 A series of experiments by Asch (1951, 1952, 1956) tried to Median estimates of movement under solitary (I) or group (II, III, rule out informational influence by using clearly unambiguous IV) conditions (left), and under group (I, II, III) or solitary (IV) con- stimuli. In his first study, Asch invited students to participate in ditions (right) in a research study on norm formation which used an experiment on visual discrimination. Their task was simple the autokinetic phenomenon. Source: Hewstone and Stroebe enough: they would have to decide which of three comparison (2001), based on Sherif (1935). lines was equal in length to a standard line. On each trial, one PSY_C18.qxd 1/2/05 3:50 pm Page 396

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Pioneer

123 Solomon E. Asch (1907–96) was born in Warsaw, Poland, A B and received his Ph.D. from Columbia University in the Standard Comparison United States, where he was influenced by Wertheimer line lines and the Gestalt approach. He taught at Swarthmore College for 19 years, and is best known for his famous experiments Figure 18.10 on conformity (or ‘Group forces in the modification and An example of the stimuli presented in Asch’s (1956) research distortion of judgements’). These studies show that most on conformity. Source: Hewstone and Stroebe (2001). people succumb to the pressure to conform to majority opinion, even when stimuli are unambiguous. Asch influ- enced many subsequent social psychologists and their research, including Milgram’s classic studies of obedience, comparison line was equal in length to the standard line, but the and wrote a distinctive and authoritative textbook on Social other two were different (see figure 18.10). Psychology, first published in 1952 and reprinted in 1987. The task was apparently very easy: a control group (who made their judgements in isolation) made almost no errors, ruling out the informational influence component of this study. In the 1.0 experimental condition, participants were seated in a semicircle and requested to give their judgements aloud, in the order in 0.9 which they were seated, from position 1 to position 7. In fact, 0.8 there was only one real participant, seated in position 6. All the other ‘participants’ were in fact confederates of the experimenter 0.7 who, on each trial, unanimously gave a predetermined answer. 0.6 On six ‘neutral’ trials (the first two trials and four other trials distributed over the remaining set), the confederates gave correct 0.5 answers. On the other 12 ‘critical’ trials, the confederates unani- mously agreed on a predetermined, incorrect line. The neutral 0.4 trials, particularly the first two trials, were added to avoid suspi- 0.3 Conformity scores cion on the part of the real participant, and to ensure that the confederates’ responses were not attributed to poor eyesight by 0.2 the participant. 0.1 Like Milgram’s obedience study, this paradigm had a tangible 0 impact on the real participants. They showed signs of being un- No Invalid Valid comfortable and upset, gave the experimenter and the other parti- social social social cipants nervous looks, sweated nervously and gesticulated in vain. support support support The results reveal the powerful influence of an obviously incorrect but unanimous majority on the judgements of a lone Figure 18.11 participant. In comparison with the control condition (which Conformity as a function of social support. Source: Hewstone yielded only 0.7 per cent errors), the experimental participants and Stroebe (2001), based on Allen and Levine (1971). made almost 37 per cent errors. Not every participant made that many errors, but only about coalition or subgroup) are seemingly treated as a single source. 25 per cent of Asch’s 123 conformity social influence resulting Conformity is significantly reduced if the majority is not unani- participants did not make a from exposure to the opinions of a mous. Dissenters and deviates of almost any type can produce single error. Presumably, majority of group members and/or to this effect. For example, Allen and Levine (1971) showed that conformity was produced an authority figure – typically superficial conformity is even reduced by a deviate who has visibly thick through normative social and short-lived lenses in his glasses, although this ‘invalid’ supporter had much influence operating in the less impact than a ‘valid’ supporter with no glasses (see figure 18.11). line judgement task. Subsequent Asch-type experiments have investigated how majority influence varies over a range of social situations (e.g. Minority influence Allen, 1975; Wilder, 1977). These studies found that conformity reaches full strength with three to five apparently independent For most of us, conformity means coming into line with majority sources of influence. Larger groups of independent sources are attitudes and behaviours. But what about minority influence? not stronger, which perhaps runs counter to our intuitions, and Minorities face a social influence challenge. By definition, they non-independent sources (e.g. several members of the same have relatively few members; they also tend to enjoy little power, PSY_C18.qxd 1/2/05 3:50 pm Page 397

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can be vilified as outsiders, hold ‘unorthodox’ opinions, and have situational factors and constraints. But overall, the weight of limited access to mainstream mass communication channels. And evidence is tipped slightly towards Moscovici’s claim that minor- yet minorities often prevail, bringing about social change. ities instigate deeper processing of their message (see Martin & Research suggests that minorities must actively create and Hewstone, 2003a, b). accentuate conflict to draw attention to themselves and achieve Nemeth (1986, 1995) proposed that minorities induce more influence (Moscovici, 1976; Mugny, 1982). Members of the divergent thinking (thinking beyond a focal issue), whereas majority may be persuaded to move in the direction of the minor- majorities induce more convergent thinking (concentrating ity, in order to reduce the conflict they provoke. To have an narrowly on the focal issue). Evidence supporting this contention impact, minorities need to present a message that is consistent reveals that exposure to a consistent, dissenting minority leads to across group members and through time, but not rigidly generation of more creative and novel judgements or solutions presented. Minorities are also more effective if they appear to be to problems, use of multiple strategies in problem solving, and acting on principle and making personal sacrifices for their beliefs. better performance on tasks that benefit from divergent thinking These strategies disrupt majority consensus and raise uncer- (Nemeth & Kwan, 1987). In contrast, convergent thinking induced tainty, draw attention to the minority as a group that is commit- by majorities tends to lead to mere imitation of the belief or ted to its perspective, and convey a coherent alternative course of action that is proposed by the majority source. viewpoint that challenges the dominant majority views. It also helps if the minority can present itself as an ingroup for the majority. For example, you might be opposed to increased tuition HOW GROUPS GET THINGS DONE fees at university. But a minority of students from your own uni- versity (an ingroup minority) could conceivably win you round Most groups exist to get things done, including making decisions by arguing that such fees would provide bursaries for less well-off and collaborating on group projects. Working in groups has some students. obvious attractions – more hands are involved, the human The film Twelve Angry Men provides a dramatic fictitious ex- resource pool is enlarged, and there are social benefits. Yet group ample of how minority influence occurs. Twelve jurors have to performance is often worse than you might expect. decide over the guilt or innocence of a young man charged with Potential group gains in effectiveness and creativity seem to be the murder of his father. At the outset, all but one of the jurors offset by negative characteristics of group performance, including are convinced of the youth’s guilt. The lone juror (played by the tendency to let others do the work, sub-optimal decision mak- Henry Fonda) actively attempts to change their minds, standing ing, and becoming more extreme as a group than as individual firm, committed, self-confident and unwavering. One by one the members. As we shall see, some of these drawbacks are due to other jurors change sides, until in the end they all agree that the problems of coordination, and others are due to reduced indi- accused is not guilty. vidual motivation (Steiner, 1972). Other examples of minority influence include Bob Geldof’s Band Aid movement to raise money for famine relief, and new forms of music and fashion. Social loafing Moscovici (1980) proposed a dual-process theory of major- ity/minority influence. He suggested that people conform to Individual motivation can suffer in groups, particularly where majority views fairly automatically, superficially and without the task is relatively meaningless and uninvolving, the group is much thought because they are informationally or normatively large and unimportant, and dependent on the majority. each individual’s contribution In contrast, effective minorit- to the group is not personally social loafing a reduction in individual conversion a change in covert (private) effort when working on a collective opinion after exposure to others’ opin- ies influence by conversion. identifiable (Williams, Harkins The deviant message achieves & Latané, 1981). This pheno- task (in which one’s outputs are pooled ions (who often represent a minority with those of other group members), within the group) little influence in public, but menon has been termed it is processed systematically social loafing (Latané, Williams compared with when one is working to produce influence (e.g. & Harkins, 1979) (see chap- alone attitude change) that emerges later, in private and indirectly. ter 20). Subsequent research has demonstrated minority influence Latané and colleagues asked experimental participants (who occurring after the main part of the experiment has finished, i.e. were blindfolded and wearing headsets that played loud noise) to later, revealed by written answers rather than spoken responses, shout as loudly as they could under three conditions: as a single i.e. in private, and on indirectly related issues as opposed to the individual, as a member of a dyad or as a member of a six-person target issue, e.g. attitude change regarding euthanasia, following group. In a further twist, this experiment also manipulated direct influence on the topic of abortion (see Wood et al., 1994). whether participants actually did shout either alone or in the Support for Moscovici’s dual-process theory is mixed. Using presence of one or five other group members (‘real groups’), or the framework of cognitive theories of persuasion (see discussion were merely led to believe that they were cheering with one or of the ‘elaboration likelihood model’ in chapter 17), it appears five others (while, in fact, they were shouting alone; so-called that both minorities and majorities can instigate either super- ‘pseudo-groups’). The blindfolds and the headphones made this ficial or systematic processing of their message, depending on deception possible. PSY_C18.qxd 1/2/05 3:50 pm Page 398

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100 Potential performance Motivation loss 80 (reduced effort, social loafing) Pseudo groups 60

Coordination 40 loss Real individual potential groups 20 Productivity (%) as proportion of

0 1 2 6 Group size

Figure 18.12

Intensity of sound generated per person (as proportion of indi- vidual potential) when cheering as a single individual, or as a member of real or pseudo two-person or six-person groups. Source: Hewstone and Stroebe (2001), based on Latané, Williams and Harkins (1979).

Although groups obviously produced more noise in total than single individuals, group productivity failed to reach its full poten- tial, since it was found that individual productivity decreased as group size increased. In figure 18.12, the dashed line along the top represents the potential performance we would expect if there were no losses or gains as individuals were combined into groups. The line marked ‘real groups’ shows actual group performance. By creating both real and pseudo groups, Latané et al. were able to estimate how much performance loss was due to coordina- tion and motivation losses (about 50 per cent was in fact due to each). Any productivity loss observed in the pseudo groups Figure 18.13 could only be attributed to reduced motivation, not faulty We often work harder on group activities, especially when the coordination, since there were no ‘co-workers’ engaged in the task is challenging and involving. shouting. In the real groups, however, coordination loss could occur due to the physical phenomenon of ‘sound cancellation’ – when multiple sources produce sound, some of it is cancelled out on social decision schemes by other sound. social decision schemes explicit or identifies a number of implicit Subsequent research using this and similar paradigms has implicit decision rules specifying the or explicit decision-making shown that social loafing is minimized when groups work on processes by which individual inputs rules that groups can adopt challenging and involving tasks, and when group members are combined into a group decision believe that their own inputs can be fully identified and evaluated to transform diversity into a through comparison with fellow members (Harkins & Jackson, group decision (Stasser, Kerr 1985) or with another group (Harkins & Szymanski, 1989). In & Davis, 1989). These include: fact, when people work either on important tasks or in groups which are important to them, they may even work harder collec- unanimity – discussion puts pressure on deviants to conform; tively than alone – so, in these circumstances, ‘social loafing’ majority wins – discussion confirms the majority position, turns into ‘social striving’ (Gabrenya, Wang & Latané, 1985; which becomes the group decision; Williams, Karau & Bourgeois, 1993; Zaccaro, 1984). truth wins – discussion reveals the position that is demonstrably correct; and two-thirds majority – discussion establishes a two-thirds majority, Group decision making which becomes the group decision.

An important group function is to reach a collective decision, The type of rule that is adopted can affect both the group through discussion, from an initial diversity of views. Research atmosphere and the decision-making process (Miller, 1989). For PSY_C18.qxd 1/2/05 3:50 pm Page 399

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extreme. Furthermore, it can sometimes shift individual members’ enduring attitudes towards the more polarized group position. The explanation for this lies partly in the same processes of informational and normative social influence we discussed earlier (Isenberg, 1986). Group members learn from other group mem- bers’ arguments, and engage in mutual persuasion, but they are also influenced by where others stand on the issue, even if they do not hear each other’s arguments. This polarization is particularly likely to occur when an important group to which an individual belongs (i.e. an ingroup) confronts a salient group to which she does not belong (i.e. an outgroup) that holds an opposing view. Here, group mem- bers seem to conform to what they see as the prototypical view held by other ingroup members (i.e. the view or position that is most similar to that of all the other ingroup members, but most different from that of the outgroup members). It is Figure 18.14 thought that conformity to the prototypical view helps to dif- A jury rarely changes its overall decision during discussion. ferentiate the ingroup from the outgroup (Hogg, Turner & Davidson, 1990). Finally, mere repetition of arguments, which also tends to occur within groups (especially when the discussion lasts a long example, unanimity often creates a pleasant atmosphere but can time, and all group members wish to express their views) can also make decision making painfully slow, whereas ‘majority wins’ produce polarization (Brauer & Judd, 1996). can make many group members feel dissatisfied but speeds up Groupthink is a more decision making. extreme phenomenon. Janis Juries provide an ideal context for research on decision groupthink a mode of thinking in (1972) argued that highly schemes. Not only are they socially relevant in their own right, highly cohesive groups in which the cohesive groups that are but they can be simulated under controlled laboratory condi- desire to reach unanimous agreement under stress, insulated from tions. For example, Stasser, Kerr and Bray (1982) found that a overrides the motivation to adopt external influence, and which two-thirds majority rule prevails in many juries. Furthermore, appropriate, rational decision-making lack impartial leadership and they discovered that it was possible to predict accurately the procedures norms for proper decision- outcome of jury deliberations from knowledge of the initial making procedures, adopt a distribution of verdict preferences (‘initial’ here means before mode of thinking (groupthink) in which the desire for unanimity any discussion has taken place). If two thirds or more initially overrides all else. The members of such groups apparently favoured guilt, then that was the final verdict, but if there feel invulnerable, unanimous and absolutely correct. They also was initially no two-thirds majority, then the outcome was a discredit contradictory information, pressurize deviants and hung jury. stereotype outgroups. The consequences can be disastrous – particularly if the decision- Group polarization and ‘groupthink’ making group is a government body. A dramatic example attributed to groupthink is the decision of NASA officials to press Popular opinion and research on conformity both suggest that ahead with the launch of the space shuttle Challenger in 1986, groups are conservative and cautious entities, and that they despite warnings from engineers (see Esser & Lindoerfer, 1989). exclude extremes by a process of averaging. But two phenomena The shuttle crashed seconds into its flight (see next Everyday that challenge this view are group polarization and groupthink. Psychology box). Group polarization is the tendency for groups to make group polarization tendency for group decisions that are more Brainstorming discussion to produce more extreme extreme than the average group decisions (in the same direction of pre-discussion opinions A popular method of har- brainstorming technique of uninhib- as the mean of the group) than would in the group, in the direction nessing group potential is ited generation of as many ideas as pos- be indicated by the mean of members’ towards the position origin- brainstorming – the uninhib- sible in a group (concerning a specific pre-discussion opinions ally favoured by the aver- ited generation of as many topic) to enhance group creativity age (Lamm & Myers, 1978; ideas as possible, regardless Myers, 1982). For example, four students whose averaged indi- of quality, in an interactive vidual attitudes are mildly against abortion are likely to form an group (e.g. Stroebe & Diehl, 1994). Although it is commonly attitude as a group that is more extremely against abortion. thought that brainstorming enhances individual creativity, Group polarization therefore makes group decisions more research shows convincingly that this is not the case. PSY_C18.qxd 1/2/05 3:50 pm Page 400

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Everyday Psychology The Challenger and Columbia space shuttle disasters: consequences of groupthink? NASA’s shuttle programme, initiated in the 1970s, aimed to create reusable spacecraft for transporting cargo and people into space. Previous spacecraft (such as the Apollo series) could only be used once and were then discarded. The first space shuttle was launched in 1981. One year later, the second shuttle of the American fleet, Challenger, rolled off the assembly line and flew nine successful missions before the disaster of 1986. Shuttle mission 51L was much like most other shuttle missions, but from the beginning it was plagued by problems, with several postponements (largely related to inclement weather). Then, 73 seconds after lift-off, Challenger exploded, killing the entire crew. The Challenger space shuttle disaster is frequently cited as an example of groupthink. It has been suggested that the organizational culture of NASA in the early 1980s discouraged dissenting opinions and encouraged risk taking. As a result, the NASA management may not have thoroughly considered the possible danger of launching the Challenger on an unusu- ally cold day. Seventeen years later, NASA faced a very similar situation. The official report on the 2003 Columbia space shuttle disaster, released by the Columbia Accident Investigation Board (CAIB), raised the fact that information about potential shuttle damage caused by Columbia’s foam insulation never made it to the management level. What doomed the Columbia and its crew, said the report, was not an inadequacy of technology or ability, but missed opportunities and a lack of leadership and open-mindedness within NASA management. The 2003 disaster was, according to the report, rooted in a flawed management culture that downplayed risk and suppressed dissent: ‘We are convinced that the management practices overseeing the space shuttle program were as much a cause of the accident as the foam that struck the left wing.’ The CAIB listed 15 recommendations that NASA must comply with before the next shuttle takes off. One of the changes is a new table for the Mission Management Team! The table is designed to encourage engineers to speak up when they are concerned about a problem with the shuttle. According to a NASA spokesperson, ‘We are trying to encourage people to speak what’s on their mind, to bring us options, to bring us dissenting opinions.’

Esser, J.K., & Lindoerfer, J.S., 1989, ‘Groupthink and the space shuttle Challenger accident: Toward a quantitative case analysis’, Journal of Behavioral Decision Making, 2, 167–77.

Stroebe and Diehl considered various possible explanations for lights, each light representing one specific group member. These this finding. They hypothesized that ‘process loss’ in brainstorm- lights functioned like a set of traffic lights. As soon as one mem- ing groups is due to an informal coordination rule of such groups ber of the four-person group started to speak, a voice-activated which specifies that only one group member may speak at a time. sensor switched her light to green in all of the other three cubi- During this time, other group members have to keep silent, and cles. Meanwhile the other three lights on the display were red. they may be distracted by the content of the group discussion, or Each individual could only speak when his or her light was green, forget their own ideas. Stroebe and Diehl termed this pheno- and all the other lights were red. This technology allowed the menon ‘production blocking’, because the waiting time before researchers to create three different ‘alone’ conditions. In the speaking and the distracting influence of others’ ideas could poten- ‘alone, blocking, communication’ condition participants took tially block individuals from coming up with their own ideas. their turns following the lights, and were able to hear via the Stroebe and Diehl tested their hypothesis by creating five dif- earphones what was being said by the other participants. In the ferent conditions. In one condition, participants brainstormed in ‘alone, blocking, no communication’ condition participants real interacting four-person groups (‘interactive group’ condition). also had to wait for their turn before expressing their ideas, but Participants in four other conditions were physically separated could not hear each other’s ideas via the intercom. In the ‘alone, from one another in different cubicles. Even though participants no blocking, no communication’ condition participants were in these conditions were seated alone, they expressed their ideas instructed to disregard the lights and the intercom and to express via a clip-on microphone so that they could be tape-recorded. In their ideas whenever they wanted to. an ‘alone, individual, no communication’ condition participants To compare the productivity of participants working under brainstormed individually. In the three remaining ‘alone’ condi- these different conditions afterwards, Diehl and Stroebe pooled tions, each cubicle contained an intercom and a display with the ideas expressed by the four individuals who brainstormed PSY_C18.qxd 1/2/05 3:50 pm Page 401

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alone and without communication, to make a ‘nominal group’ product. Since the same idea might be suggested several times by four people working alone, without communication, whereas such repetition would not be allowed in case of free communica- tion, redundant ideas were eliminated from the pooled set of ideas that constituted the ‘nominal group’ product. The results of this clever study were clear-cut. Participants generated approximately twice as many ideas when they were allowed to express their ideas as they occurred (i.e. in the two non-blocking conditions) than when they had to wait their turn (i.e. in the three blocking conditions). These results suggest that ‘production blocking’ is indeed an important factor explaining the inferiority of interactive brainstorming groups. This suggests that it may be more effective to ask group members to develop their ideas separately, and only then have these ideas expressed, dis- cussed and evaluated in a subsequent joint meeting (see Delbecq, Figure 18.15 van de Ven & Gustafson, 1975). Of interest, electronic brainstorming (via computers linked on In a crowd, individuals will often identify very strongly with the a network) can be very effective, because the lack of face-to-face group and adhere very closely to group norms. interaction minimizes production blocking (Valachich, Dennis & Connolly, 1994).

following the prosocial norms of society that usually govern behaviour, because they are no longer identifiable (and hence no INTERGROUP RELATIONS longer feel compelled to conform to social norms). It is argued that people regress to a primitive, selfish and uncivilized behavi- oural level. Research that has manipulated anonymity by placing Through the study of intergroup relations – how people in one people in dark rooms, or having them wear hoods and robes group (the ‘ingroup’) think about and act towards members of reminiscent of the Ku Klux Klan, has generally found that de- another group (the ‘outgroup’) – social psychologists (e.g. Brewer individuation does increase aggression and antisocial behaviour & Brown, 1998; Hewstone, Rubin & Willis, 2002) seek to under- (Zimbardo, 1970). On the other hand, when participants were stand a range of critical issues, including: deindividuated by wearing nursing uniforms, anonymity pro- duced more prosocial behaviour ( Johnson & Downing, 1979). n crowd behaviour; More recent research has discarded the idea that crowds are n cooperation and competition between groups; irrational, and has concentrated instead on understanding how n social identity; people in crowds develop a shared identity, a shared purpose and n prejudice and discrimination; and shared norms (Turner & Killian, 1972). In crowd situations, peo- n how to replace social conflict with social harmony. ple often identify very strongly with the group defined by the crowd, and therefore adhere very closely to the norms of the crowd (Reicher, 2001). Crowds may only appear irrational and DEINDIVIDUATION, COLLECTIVE BEHAVIOUR fickle from the outside – more often than not, their behaviour AND THE CROWD seems rational to members of the crowd, who may also identify specific other groups (e.g. the police, ethnic/racial groups) as a Many researchers have emphasized the tendency of group mem- legitimate target for aggression. bers to act in unison, like a single entity. Early writers on crowd behaviour (who were not trained social psychologists) tended to view collective behaviour as irrational, aggressive, antisocial and COOPERATION AND COMPETITION primitive – reflecting the emergence of a ‘group mind’ in collective/ BETWEEN GROUPS crowd situations (e.g. LeBon 1896/1908). The general model is that people in interactive Sherif (1966; Sherif et al., 1961; Sherif, White, & Harvey, 1955) groups such as crowds are provided a far-reaching and influential perspective on intergroup deindividuation a psychological state anonymous and distracted, behaviour. In a series of naturalistic field experiments on conflict in which rational control and adher- which causes them to lose and cooperation at boys’ camps in the United States in the early ence to norms is weakened, leading to their sense of individuality 1950s, Sherif and colleagues studied group formation, intergroup greater readiness to respond in an and become deindividuated. competition and conflict reduction. extreme manner and to violate social Deindividuation is thought In the group-formation phase, Sherif divided new arrivals at norms to prevent people from the camps into two groups and isolated them in separate living PSY_C18.qxd 1/2/05 3:50 pm Page 402

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quarters to allow them to develop their own internal structures 90 After intergroup and norms. competition In the intergroup competition phase, Sherif then brought the 80 After superordinate two groups together for a series of zero-sum competitions (what goals one group won, the other group lost), such as tug-of-war. The 70 typical finding at this stage was ‘ingroup favouritism’ – each 60 group judged fellow ingroup members’ performance to be super- ior to that of outgroup members (see figure 18.16). 50 Of especial note, the competitiveness of the between-group interactions subsequently pervaded all aspects of intergroup 40 behaviour, becoming so extreme and conflictual (e.g. involving negative stereotyping of, and aggression towards, the outgroup) 30 that most of Sherif’s studies had to be concluded at this stage. In % unfavourable ratings a replication conducted in the Lebanon, the study had to be 20 stopped because members of one group came out with knives to 10 attack the other group (Diab, 1970). Having found it so easy to trigger intergroup hostility, in the 0 conflict reduction phase Sherif discovered how hard it was to Group A Group B reduce conflict. The most effective strategy was to Figure 18.17 superordinate goals a goal desired by introduce a series of superord- two or more groups, but which can Impact of competition vs. superordinate goals on negative inate goals, i.e. goals that only be achieved by the groups acting stereotypes of the outgroup. Source: Hewstone and Stroebe both groups desired but (2001), from Sherif et al. (1961). together, not by any single group acting could only attain if they acted on its own together. For example, when the camp truck broke down delivering supplies, neither group could push-start it on their To explain his findings, Sherif focused on the importance of own; but both groups working together managed to move the goals. Mutually exclusive goals cause competitive intergroup truck by pulling on a rope attached to the front bumper. As figure behaviour, and superordin- 18.17 shows, negative stereotypes of the outgroup which resulted ate goals improve intergroup realistic conflict theory Sherif ’s after a period of intergroup competition were considerably less relations. As he pointed to the theory of intergroup conflict, which negative after the manipulation of superordinate goals. real nature of goal relations proposes that goal relations (e.g. com- determinining intergroup be- petition vs. cooperation) determine the haviour, Sherif ’s theory is 50 nature of intergroup relations (e.g. Ingroup members often called realistic conflict conflict vs. harmony) 45 Outgroup members theory. But Sherif’s studies also 40 found that first expressions of ingroup favouritism occurred in 35 the group formation phase, when the groups were isolated from one another and knew only of each other’s existence. So the mere 30 existence of two groups seemed to trigger intergroup behaviour, before any mutually exclusive goals had been introduced. 25

20 Mean estimate SOCIAL CATEGORIES AND SOCIAL IDENTITY 15 Experiments by Tajfel and colleagues provided the most con- 10 vincing evidence that competitive goals are not a necessary con- 5 dition for intergroup conflict. In fact, merely being categorized as a group member can cause negative intergroup behaviour 0 Group A Group B (Tajfel, Flament, Billig & Bundy, 1971). In Tajfel’s studies, parti- cipants were randomly divided into two groups and asked to dis- Figure 18.16 tribute points or money between anonymous members of their own group and anonymous members of the other group. There Ingroup favouritism in estimates of performance by other was no personal interaction, group members were anonymous, ingroup and outgroup members during intergroup competition. and the groups had no ‘past’ and no ‘future’ – for these reasons Source: Hewstone and Stroebe (2001), from Sherif et al. (1961). these groups are called ‘minimal groups’, and this experimental PSY_C18.qxd 1/2/05 3:50 pm Page 403

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procedure is called the mini- minimal group paradigm an experi- Prejudiced personalities mal group paradigm. mental procedure designed to investigate The consistent finding of the isolated effect of social categoriza- Some theories of prejudice focus on personality, arguing that there this research is that the mere tion on intergroup behaviour are certain personality types that predispose people to intolerance fact of being categorized is and prejudice. The best known enough to cause people to of these theories concerns authoritarian personality a particular discriminate in favour of the ingroup and against the outgroup. the authoritarian personality This research spawned the ‘social identity perspective’ on type of personality (originating in child- (Adorno, Frenkel-Brunswik, hood and oversubmissive to authority group processes and intergroup relations (Tajfel & Turner, 1986; Levinson & Sanford, 1950). see also Hogg & Abrams, 1988). According to this perspective, figures) that predisposes individuals to According to this view, harsh be prejudiced the groups that we belong to define who we are. Part of our iden- family rearing strategies pro- tity and how we feel about ourselves is derived from the groups duce a love–hate conflict in we belong to, and how we evaluate them. When we categorize children’s feelings towards their parents. The conflict is resolved ourselves and others in groups, we stereotype ourselves and out- by idolizing all power figures, despising weaker others and striv- group members in terms of our respective group memberships, ing for a rigidly unchanging and hierarchical world order. People and our own group identity helps to determine our attitudes, with this personality syndrome are predisposed to be prejudiced. feelings and behaviours. This process produces a sense of group This ‘personality’ approach has now been largely discredited, identification and belonging, as well as ingroup solidarity, con- partly because it underestimates the importance of current situ- formity and bias. ations in shaping people’s attitudes, and partly because it cannot According to this social identity perspective, because groups explain sudden rises or falls in prejudice against specific racial define and evaluate who we are, intergroup relations are a con- groups (Brown, 1995). On the other hand, a fairly small number tinual struggle to gain superiority for the ingroup over the out- of people do hold generalized negative attitudes towards all out- group. How the struggle is conducted – and the specific nature of groups (e.g. the stereotypical bigot who dislikes blacks, Asians, intergroup behaviour (e.g. competitive, conflictual, destructively gays and communists), and authoritarianism is indeed associated aggressive) – is thought to depend on people’s beliefs about the with various forms of prejudice (Altemeyer, 1988). status relations between groups. Are status relations between groups stable or unstable, legitimate or illegitimate? And is it pos- sible to pass from one group to another (see Tajfel, 1978)? Society and identity

Contrary to personality explanations, by far the best predictor of PREJUDICE AND DISCRIMINATION prejudice is the existence of a culture of prejudice legitimized by societal norms. For example, Pettigrew (1958) measured author- Some of the most negative forms of intergroup behaviour are itarianism and racist attitudes among whites in South Africa, the demonstrations of prejudice and discrimination. Prejudice refers northern United States and the southern United States. He found to a derogatory attitude towards a group and its members, more racist attitudes in South Africa and the southern United whereas discrimination refers to negative behaviour. The two are States than in the northern United States, but he found no differ- often closely interconnected. ences in authoritarianism between these two groups. How do such prejudiced ‘cultures’ arise? Both social identity theory (e.g. Tajfel & Turner, 1986) and social dominance theory Pioneer (Pratto, 1999; Sidanius & Pratto, 1999) may provide part of the answer. Henri Tajfel (1919–82) was born in Wloclawek, Poland. According to social identity theory, group members strive to He escaped from the Nazis to join the French army and promote a favourable identity for their group. They do this by owed his life to being captured in this uniform – it meant maximizing their group’s real status advantage over other groups, that he was treated as a (French) prisoner of war, rather and by developing belief systems that justify and legitimize their than being sent to the death camps as a Polish Jew. This superiority. Group members achieve or maintain a positive social experience taught him the impact of social categorization. identity by differentiating their group from outgroups. He came to the UK and studied at Birkbeck College, then From the perspective of social dominance theory, people also taught at Oxford University before becoming the first differ in their social dominance orientation (SDO) – the extent to Professor of Social Psychology at the University of Bristol. which they desire their own group to be dominant and superior It was here that the first minimal group experiments were to outgroups. According to this framework, people who have a carried out, which showed that mere social categorization high SDO are likely to be more prejudiced (Pratto, 1999). could affect intergroup behaviour. These studies stimu- lated the development of social identity theory, the most Modern forms of prejudice significant influence of European social psychology on the discipline as a whole. Prejudiced attitudes are often deeply entrenched, may be passed from parents to children and are supported by the views of PSY_C18.qxd 1/2/05 3:50 pm Page 404

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significant others. Yet societal norms for acceptable behaviour contact between equal-status members of the two groups in a can and do change, sometimes creating a conflict between per- situation that allows them to get to know each other on more sonal feelings and how they can be expressed. than a superficial basis, and with the support of relevant social For example, modern liberal norms and legislation in the groups and authorities. United States stand against prejudice, and yet centuries of his- Contact appears to work best by reducing ‘intergroup anxiety’ tory have entrenched racist attitudes in US society. Researchers about meeting members of the other group (Voci & Hewstone, suggest that, rather than abolishing prejudice, this dynamic 2003) and by promoting positive intergroup orientations, such as transforms overt ‘redneck’ prejudice into more ‘modern’ forms empathy and perspective taking (Batson et al., 1997). (Gaertner & Dovidio, 1986; McConahay, 1986). Modern preju- One difficulty is that, even if they do come to view some indi- dice often presents itself as denial of the claim that minorities are viduals from the other group more positively, participants in such disadvantaged, opposition to special measures to rectify disad- studies do not necessarily generalize their positive perceptions vantage, and systematic avoidance of minorities and the entire beyond the specific contact situation or contact partners with question of prejudice against these minorities. whom they have engaged, to the group as a whole (Hewstone & New, more subtle measures are required to detect these mod- Brown, 1986). ern forms of prejudice (Pettigrew & Meertens, 1995). For exam- Recent work supports the idea that clear group affiliations ple, increasing use is being made of implicit measures (see chapter should be maintained in contact situations, and that participating 17), which are beyond the intentional control of the individual, members should be seen as being (at least to some extent) typical and so can detect prejudice even when people are aware of of their groups (Brown & Hewstone, in press). Only under these societal norms regarding tolerance or political correctness (see circumstances does it appear that cooperative contact is likely to Cunningham, Preacher & Banaji, 2001). Research using the lead to more positive ratings of the outgroup as a whole. ‘Implicit Association Test’ (Greenwald, McGhee & Schwartz, A further limitation is that optimal intergroup contact may be 1998) has shown that white Americans have relatively strong hard to bring about on a large scale. Wright and colleagues there- automatic negative associations with African Americans, but pos- fore proposed an ‘extended contact effect’, in which knowledge itive associations with whites (they respond faster to pairings of that a fellow ingroup member has a close relationship with an white faces with ‘good’ words and black faces with ‘bad’ words, outgroup member is used as a catalyst to promote more positive than to pairings of white faces wth ‘bad’ words and black faces intergroup attitudes (Wright, Aron, McLaughlin-Volpe & Ropp, with ‘good’ words). 1997). This extended contact is therefore second-hand, rather than involving the participants in direct intergroup contact them- selves, and so could potentially bring about widespread reduc- BUILDING SOCIAL HARMONY tions in prejudice without everyone having to develop outgroup friendships (which anyway may be impracticable, depending on Prejudice and conflict are significant social ills that produce enor- the nature of the groups). mous human suffering, ranging from damaged self-esteem, re- Paolini, Hewstone, Cairns and Voci (2004) have recently shown duced opportunities, stigma and socio-economic disadvantage, that, by reducing intergroup anxiety, both direct and extended all the way to intergroup violence, war and genocide (Crocker, forms of contact contribute towards more positive views of the Major & Steele, 1998; Hewstone & Cairns, 2001). outgroup among Catholics and Protestants in Northern Ireland. Prejudice can be attacked by public service propaganda and educational campaigns, which convey societal disapproval of pre- Decategorization and recategorization judice and may overcome some of the anxiety and fear that fuel it. But the problem with these strategies is that the very people Prejudice depends on ingroup–outgroup categorizations. So if being targeted may choose not to attend to the new information. the categorization disappears, then so should the prejudice. Is this Two prominent social-psychological approaches to building social the case, and are these kinds of interventions practical? harmony avoid this problem by promoting increased positive There are various ways in which dissolution of categories intergroup contact and changing the nature of social categoriza- might occur, two of the most prominent being: tion (Hewstone, 1996). 1. decategorization, where people from different groups come to view each other as individuals (Brewer & Miller, Intergroup contact 1984); and 2. recategorization, where people from different subgroups, There is now extensive evid- contact hypothesis the idea that con- such as Scots and English, come to view each other as ence for the contact hypothesis, tact between members of different members of a single superordinate group, such as British which states that contact groups, under specified conditions, (see Gaertner, Dovidio, Anastasio, Bachman & Rust, 1993). between members of differ- reduces prejudice and hostility ent groups, under appropri- Decategorization can be difficult to achieve when groups are ate conditions, can improve very obviously different (e.g. Muslim girls and women who wear intergroup relations (G.W. Allport, 1954; see Pettigrew, 1998, headscarves, compared with non-Muslims who typically do not), for a recent review). Favourable conditions include cooperative and where feelings run high it can be almost impossible to PSY_C18.qxd 1/2/05 3:50 pm Page 405

Research close-up 2 Changing prejudice through intergroup contact The research issue In the first of three experiments on intergroup contact, Wilder considered what form of contact is required to improve atti- tudes towards, and stereotypes about, an outgroup. Wilder highlighted a problem with stereotyping. When an outgroup member behaves in a negative way during intergroup con- tact, the effect is simply to reinforce existing negative expectations about the outgroup as a whole. And yet when an outgroup member behaves in such a way as to disconfirm the stereotype, people holding the stereotyped view often react, not by changing their view of the outgroup as a whole, but by considering the positive outgroup member as ‘the exception to the rule’. In order to overcome this tendency, Wilder suggested that intergroup contact should involve members of the outgroup who are clearly perceived to be ‘typical’ of that group. Only then will positive contact with those few members ‘generalize’ to a new, more positive view of the outgroup as a whole.

Design and procedure Participants were 62 female students from two rival colleges. A quasi-experimental design capitalized on one pre-existing factor and manipulated the two remaining factors between subjects:

n college identity of the outgroup member (Douglass College/Rutgers College); n behaviour of the outgroup member (‘positive’/‘negative’); and n typicality of the outgroup member (‘typical’/‘atypical’).

Participants were randomly assigned to one level of each of the latter two independent variables. Participants always experi- enced contact with a single member of the outgroup (in fact, a conferate of the experimenter). Data were later collapsed across college affiliation since this factor was shown to be non-significant in the data analysis. There was also a control condition, which involved neither contact nor presence of an outgroup member. Each experimental pair (one naïve particip- ant and the confederate) met briefly as students from the two rival colleges. During this phase information was exchanged, and the confederate presented herself as either typical or atypical of the outgroup by means of her dress and what she said. They then completed a set of problem-solving tasks in separate booths and compared their responses by exchanging answer sheets between the booths. The confederate’s answers and comments on this task were used to manipulate the second factor, pleasant vs unpleasant contact.

Results and implications Before analysing the main data, Wilder verified that he had successfully manipulated both typicality and pleasantness of contact. Wilder analysed two main measures. The first were evaluations of the outgroup college (attitudes) – e.g. the rated quality of education at each college (from poor to excellent). The second were beliefs about characteristics of the outgroup (stereotypes) – e.g. ratings of the other college’s students as conservative–liberal and studious–frivolous. There was evidence that evaluation of the outgroup was most positive in the ‘typical’ member/‘pleasant’ contact condi- tion. This rating was significantly different from the control condition (see figure 18.18). There was, however, almost no evidence that the contact manipulations affected participants’ stereotypes. So it seems that beliefs about the outgroup are harder to change than evaluations of the outgroup. Wilder’s results gave broad support to his main hypotheses, and were crucial in highlighting the importance of typicality in intergroup contact. But a limitation of the main study is that there was no actual contact between group members: instead, they simply passed information on answer 7 sheets between their separate booths. In this way, 6 interpersonal interaction was carefully controlled in the study, but perhaps participants never felt they 5 had really ‘seen’ enough of the other group member to warrant changing their stereotypes. 4 3 Wilder, D.A., 1984, ‘Intergroup contact: The typical member and the exception to the rule’, Journal of 2 Experimental Social Psychology, 20, 177–94. Evaluation of outgroup 1 0 Typical Atypical Typical Atypical Control (no Figure 18.18 contact) Pleasant Unpleasant Generalization of pleasant vs. unpleasant contact with a typical outgroup member. Source: Wilder (1984). Type of contact PSY_C18.qxd 1/2/05 3:50 pm Page 406

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prevent intergroup categorizations from coming to the fore. example is the Barbarians invitation rugby team, which regularly Recategorization may be more attainable, but it can still be plays matches against visiting international teams to the UK. difficult to get people from opposing groups with a history of They all wear the same famous blue-and-white hooped shirts, but antipathy and conflict to regard themselves as members of one they each wear the socks of their club team. So subgroup (club) superordinate group. (This is part of the problem in Northern identities are effectively viewed as complementary and valued Ireland, for example.) Recategorization can also pose a threat to roles within a larger, superordinate identity – the Barbarians. social identity at the subgroup level, because people do not want At the societal level this notion relates to the social policy of to abandon their cherished subgroup identities for more general multiculturalism or cultural pluralism, in which group differences (and less distinctive) superordinate identities. are recognized and nurtured within a common superordinate A more successful strategy may be a combination of a super- identity that stresses cooperative interdependence and diversity. ordinate identity and distinctive subgroup identities, so that This notion has been especially cultivated in some societies and each group preserves its distinctive subgroup identity within a countries, especially ‘immigrant countries’ such as Australia, common, superordinate identity (Hornsey & Hogg, 2000). A nice New Zealand and Canada.

FINAL THOUGHTS

Clearly, our behaviour is influenced in complex ways by other people and the groups to which they belong. Sometimes the presence of other people can improve our performance and judgement, but sometimes their presence worsens it. Sometimes other people can encourage us to intervene and help others; sometimes they inhibit us. The outcome depends on a complex weighing up of ‘costs’ and ‘benefits’ of intervening vs. not intervening. And sometimes they can make us behave in ways of which we would never have thought ourselves capable. The social support of others can, then, be a source of physical and psychological strength. It can help us to resist pressures to conform to group norms, or give us the moral courage to disobey orders from an authority figure. But the social categorization that is a common consequence of group membership can also be a source of prejudice and conflict. The role of psychological research can here serve a very important professional and public role: by understanding the underlying processes, social psychology can contribute towards greater soci- etal harmony by reducing prejudice and conflict.

Summary

n There is a wide range of evidence regarding the effects of other people on social behaviour. n We have highlighted some of the key theories in interpersonal relations, group processes and intergroup relations, and we have summarized the methods and findings of some of the most important studies. n Generally, performing a task in the presence of other people improves performance on easy tasks, but impairs performance on difficult tasks. n People are more likely to help if they are on their own, or with friends. The presence of multiple bystanders inhibits interven- tion because responsibility is diffused and the costs of not helping are reduced. n People are especially likely to obey orders from a legitimate authority figure, and when others are obedient. n We are motivated to seek the company of others to compare ourselves with them, reduce anxiety and acquire new informa- tion from them. Social support from others provides a ‘buffer’ against stress. n Close interpersonal relationships can be analysed in terms of social exchange of goods, love, information and so on. Happy close relationships are characterized by high intimacy, whereas distressed relationships tend to involve reciprocation of negat- ive behaviour. n We join social groups for multiple reasons, and frequently define ourselves, in part, as group members. This social identity develops over a series of stages, in which we are socialized into groups. n Groups are typically structured into roles, of which the distinction between leader and followers is central. Group influence is affected by norms, and both majorities and minorities within groups can exert influence, albeit in different ways. n Performance of groups is often worse than performance of individuals, because potential gains in effectiveness are offset by social loafing and poor decision making. Decisions made in groups tend to be more extreme than individual decisions, some- times with disastrous consequences. Individuals are also less creative in groups, because their ideas are blocked by those of other group members. PSY_C18.qxd 1/2/05 3:50 pm Page 407

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n In larger groups we may find ourselves influenced by other members of a crowd, due to shared norms and a shared identity, but crowds are not necessarily irrational. n Behaviour between members of different groups may be competitive, especially where goals are incompatible, but ingroup favouritism can be triggered by the mere existence of two groups, and the development of social identity as a group member. n Excesses of intergroup behaviour are revealed in prejudice and discrimination, which sometimes take subtle forms in contem- porary society. Prejudice and discrimination may be partly determined by personality, but have more to do with group norms, and the desire to achieve or maintain a positive social identity and dominate other groups. n Social psychology contributes positively to society by promoting social harmony. Positive, cooperative contact between mem- bers of different groups reduces anxiety and can generalize beyond the contact situation, while ingroup–outgroup categoriza- tions can be altered in various ways to decrease the importance of group memberships, promote shared identities, and recognize group differences in a positive way.

REVISION QUESTIONS

1. Why does the presence of other people tend to improve performance on easy, well-learned tasks, but worsen it on difficult, poorly learned tasks? 2. What processes explain bystander apathy in the presence of other people? 3. What are some of the main types of coordination losses and motivation losses in group performance, and how could they be overcome? 4. Discuss the role of norms within groups, and explain how they develop and change. 5. Are competitive goals necessary or sufficient conditions for creating intergroup conflict? 6. What kinds of intergroup contact can promote prejudice reduction, and how?

FURTHER READING Baron, R.S., & Kerr, N.L. (2002). Group Process, Group Decision, Group Action. 2nd edn. Buckingham: Open University Press. An excellent review of key theories and studies in the area of group performance and decision making. Bierhoff, H-W. (2002). Prosocial Behaviour. Hove: Psychology Press. Includes detailed coverage of the main theories of, and processes underlying, prosocial behaviour and their applications. Brewer, M.B. (2003). Intergroup Relations. 2nd edn. Buckingham: Open University Press. A clear account of phenomena relating to intergroup conflict and its resolution. Brown, R.J. (1995). Prejudice: Its Social Psychology. Oxford: Blackwell. Thorough and readable overview of the foundations of prejudice and how to reduce it. Fletcher, G. (2002). The New Science of Intimate Relationships. Oxford: Blackwell. An authoritative survey including major theories of relationships and the processes involved in the development of intimate relationships. Turner, J.C. (1991). Social Influence. Buckingham: Open University Press. An integrative account of majority/minority influence and group polarization from the perspective of self-categorization theory.

Contributing authors: Miles Hewstone and Michael Hogg PSY_C19.qxd 1/2/05 3:52 pm Page 408

Health Psychology 19

CHAPTER OUTLINE

LEARNING OBJECTIVES

INTRODUCTION

HEALTH BELIEFS AND BEHAVIOURS Behaviour and mortality The role of health beliefs Integrated models ILLNESS BELIEFS The dimensions of illness beliefs A model of illness behaviour Health professionals’ beliefs THE STRESS–ILLNESS LINK Stress models Does stress cause illness? CHRONIC ILLNESS Profile of an illness Psychology’s role FINAL THOUGHTS

SUMMARY

REVISION QUESTIONS

FURTHER READING PSY_C19.qxd 1/2/05 3:52 pm Page 409

Learning Objectives

By the end of this chapter you should appreciate that:

n health psychologists study the role of psychology in health and wellbeing;

n they examine health beliefs as possible predictors of health-related behaviours;

n health psychology also examines beliefs about illness and how people conceptualize their illness;

n a health professional’s beliefs about the symptoms, the illness or the patient can have important implications;

n stress is the product of the interaction between the person and their environment – it can influence illness and the stress–illness link is influenced by coping and social support;

n beliefs and behaviours can influence whether a person becomes ill in the first place, whether they seek help and how they adjust to their illness.

INTRODUCTION

Health psychology is a relatively recent yet fast- reflects the biopsychosocial model of health and growing sub-discipline of psychology. It is best illness that was developed by Engel (1977, understood by answering the following questions: 1980). Because, in this model, illness biopsychosocial the type of inter- n What causes illness and who is responsible is regarded as the action between biological factors (e.g. for it? result of a com- a virus), psychological factors (e.g. n How should illness be treated and who is bination of factors, beliefs) and social factors (e.g. class) responsible for treatment? the individual is no n What is the relationship between health and longer simply seen as a passive victim of some illness, and between the mind and body? external force, such as a virus. Acknowledging the n What is the role of psychology in health and role of behaviours such as smoking, diet and illness? alcohol, for example, means that the individual may be held responsible for their health and Human beings are complex systems and ill- illness. ness can be caused by a multitude of factors, not According to health psychology, the whole just a single factor such as a virus or bacterium. person should be treated, not just the physical Health psychology attempts to move away from changes that occur due to ill health. This can a simple linear model of health and looks at include behaviour change, encouraging changes the combination of factors involved in illness – in beliefs and coping strategies, and compliance biological (e.g. a virus), psychological (e.g. behavi- with medical recommendations. Because the ours, beliefs) and social (e.g. employment). This whole person is treated, the patient becomes PSY_C19.qxd 1/2/05 3:52 pm Page 410

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partly responsible for their treatment. For example, ness, can unhealthy behaviours be targeted she may have a responsibility to take medication, for intervention? if we change beliefs and and to change beliefs and behaviour. No longer is behaviour, can we prevent illness onset?) the patient seen as a victim. From this perspective, health and illness exist Health psychologists study the role of psycho- on a continuum. Rather than being either healthy logy in all areas of health and illness, including: or ill, individuals progress along a continuum from healthiness to illness and back again. Health psy- 1. what people think about health and illness; chology also maintains that the mind and body 2. the role of beliefs and behaviours in becom- interact. It sees psychological factors as not only ing ill; possible consequences of illness (after all, being 3. the experience of being ill in terms of adap- ill can be depressing), but as contributing to all the tion to illness; stages of health, from full healthiness to illness. 4. contact with health professionals; The aims of health psychology can be divided 5. coping with illness; into two main aspects: 6. compliance with a range of interventions; and 1. Understanding, explaining, developing and 7. the role of psychology in recovery from ill- testing theory (for example: what is the role ness, quality of life and longevity. of behaviour in the etiology of illness? can we predict unhealthy behaviour by studying This chapter will provide an overview of health beliefs?). beliefs and behaviours, individuals’ illness beliefs, 2. Putting theory into practice (for example: if the role of health professionals’ beliefs, stress we understand the role of behaviour in ill- and chronic illness.

McKeown’s emphasis on behaviour is supported by evidence of HEALTH BELIEFS AND BEHAVIOURS the relationship between behaviour and mortality.

Over the last century health health behaviours examples are exer- behaviours have played an BEHAVIOUR AND MORTALITY cise, food intake and going to the doctor increasingly important role in health and illness. This It has been suggested that 50 per cent of mortality from the relationship has been highlighted by McKeown’s book, The Role ten leading causes of death is due to behaviour. If this is correct, of Medicine (1979), which discusses the decline of infectious dis- then behaviour and lifestyle have a potentially major effect eases in the nineteenth century, which forms the focus for med- on longevity. For example, Doll and Peto (1981) estimated that ical sociology. It also highlights the increasing role of behaviour tobacco consumption accounts for 30 per cent of all cancer deaths, in illness in the twentieth century. The latter represents the focus alcohol 3 per cent, diet 35 per cent, and reproductive and sexual for health psychology. The commonly held view is that the behaviour 7 per cent. Approximately 75 per cent of all deaths decline in illnesses such as TB, measles, smallpox and whooping due to cancer are related to behaviour. More specifically, lung cough was related to the development of medical interventions cancer (the most common form) accounts for 36 per cent of all such as chemotherapy and vaccinations. For example, antibiotics cancer deaths in men and 15 per cent in women in the UK. It has are seen as responsible for the decline in illnesses such as pneu- been calculated that 90 per cent of all lung cancer mortality is monia and TB. But McKeown showed that the decline in infec- attributable to cigarette smoking, which is also linked to other ill- tious diseases had already begun, before the development of nesses such as cancers of the bladder, pancreas, mouth, larynx medical interventions. He claimed that, looking back over the and oesophagus, and to coronary heart disease. And bowel can- past three centuries, this decline is best understood in terms of cer, which accounts for 11 per cent of all cancer deaths in men social and environmental factors. and 14 per cent in women, appears to be linked to diets high in McKeown also examined health and illness throughout the total fat, high in meat and low in fibre. twentieth century. He argued that contemporary illness is caused As health behaviours seem to be important in predicting by an individual’s own behaviours, such as whether they smoke, mortality and longevity, health psychologists have attempted to what they eat and how much exercise they take, and he suggested increase our understanding of health-related behaviours. In par- that good health was dependent on tackling these habits. ticular, based on the premise that people behave in line with the PSY_C19.qxd 1/2/05 3:52 pm Page 411

Health Beliefs and Behaviours 411

Health locus of control

The issue of controllability health locus of control where the emphasized in attribution cause of health is seen to be located – theory has been specifically either internal (‘due to me’) or external applied to health in terms of (‘due to others’) the health locus of control. Indi- viduals differ in their tend- ency to regard events as controllable by them (an internal locus of control) or uncontrollable by them (an external locus of control). Wallston and Wallston (1982) developed a measure to evaluate whether an individual regards their health as:

n controllable by them (e.g. ‘I am directly responsible for my health’); n not controllable by them and in the hands of fate (e.g. Figure 19.1 ‘Whether I am well or not is a matter of luck’); or Behaviour can have a major effect on longevity: for example, n under the control of powerful others (e.g. ‘I can only do around 90 per cent of deaths from lung cancer are attributable what my doctor tells me to do’). to cigarette smoking. It has been suggested that health locus of control relates to whether we change our behaviour (by giving up smoking or changing our diet, for way they think, health psy- instance), and also to our health beliefs examples are perceptions adherence (or compliance) the extent chologists have turned to the adherence to recommenda- of risk or beliefs about the severity of an to which a patient does as suggested study of health beliefs as poten- tions by a health professional. illness (e.g. taking medicine or changing tial predictors of behaviour. For example, if a doctor behaviour) encourages someone who generally has an external THE ROLE OF HEALTH BELIEFS locus of control to change his or her lifestyle, that person is unlikely to comply if she does not deem herself to be responsible Attribution theory for her health. However, although some studies support the link between The origins of attribution theory lie in the work of Heider (1944, health locus of control and behaviour (e.g. Rosen & Shipley, 1958), who argued that individuals are motivated to understand 1983), several other studies either show no relationship or indic- the causes of events as a means to make the world seem more ate the reverse of what is expected (e.g. Norman, 1990; 1995). predictable and controllable (see chapter 17). Attribution theory has been applied to the study of health and Unrealistic optimism health behaviour. For example, Bradley (1985) examined patients’ attributions of responsibility for their diabetes and found that per- Weinstein (1983, 1984) suggested that one of the reasons we con- ceived control over their illness (is the diabetes controllable by tinue to practice unhealthy behaviours is our inaccurate percep- me or a powerful other?) influenced their choice of treatment. tions of risk and susceptibility. He gave participants a list of health Patients could either choose an insulin pump (a small mechanical problems to examine and then asked: ‘Compared to other people device attached to the skin that provides a continuous flow of of your age and sex, are your chances of getting [the problem] insulin), intense conventional treatment or a continuation of greater than, about the same as, or less than theirs?’ Most parti- daily injections. The results indicated that the patients who chose cipants believed that they were less likely to experience the an insulin pump showed decreased control over their diabetes health problem. Clearly, this would not be true of everyone, so and increased control attributed to doctors. In other words, an Weinstein called this phenomenon unrealistic optimism. individual who attributed their illness externally and felt that they Weinstein (1987) described four cognitive factors that con- personally were not responsible for it was more likely to choose tribute to unrealistic optimism: the insulin pump and to hand over responsibility to doctors. A further study by King (1982) examined the relationship 1. lack of personal experience with the problem; between attributions for an illness and attendance at a screening 2. the belief that the problem is preventable by individual clinic for hypertension. The results demonstrated that if the action; hypertension was seen as external but controllable, the individual 3. the belief that if the problem has not yet appeared, it will was more likely to attend the screening clinic (‘I am not respons- not appear in the future; and ible for my hypertension but I can control it’). 4. the belief that the problem is infrequent. PSY_C19.qxd 1/2/05 3:52 pm Page 412

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Research close-up 1 Stages of smoking cessation The research issue Traditionally, addictive behaviours have been viewed as ‘either/or’ behaviours. Therefore, smokers were considered either ‘smokers’ or ‘non-smokers’. But DiClemente and Prochaska (1982) developed a trans-theoretical model to examine the stages of change in addictive behaviours. This model is now widely used in health psychology to both predict and under- stand behaviour, and it is central to many interventions designed to change behaviour. In particular, individuals are assessed at the beginning of any intervention to identify which stage they are at. The content of the intervention can then be tailored to match the needs of each person. The stages of change model describes the following stages:

1. precontemplation (not seriously considering quitting in the next six months) 2. contemplation (considering quitting in the next six months) 3. action (making behavioural changes) 4. maintenance (maintaining these changes) 5. relapse (return to old behaviour)

The model is described as dynamic, not linear, with individuals moving backwards and forwards across the stages. For the present study, the authors sub-categorized those in the contemplation stage (stage 2) as either contemplators (i.e. not considering quitting in the next 30 days) or in the preparation stage (i.e. planning to quit in the next 30 days).

Design and procedure The authors recruited 1466 participants for a minimum intervention smoking cessation programme from Texas and Rhode Island. The majority were white, female, started smoking at about 16 years of age, and smoked on average 29 cigarettes a day. The participants completed the following set of measures at baseline and were followed up at one month and at six months. The participants were classified into three groups according to their stage of change: precontemplators, contem- plators and those in the preparation stage.

1. Smoking abstinence self efficacy (DiClemente et al., 1985), which measures the smoker’s confidence that they would not smoke in 20 challenging situations. 2. Perceived stress scale (Cohen et al., 1983), which measures how much perceived stress the individual has experi- enced in the last month. 3. Fagerstrom Tolerance Questionnaire (Fagerstrom, 1978), which measures physical tolerance to nicotine. 4. Smoking decisional balance scale (Velicer et al., 1985), which measures the perceived pros and cons of smoking. 5. Smoking processes of change scale (DiClemente & Prochaska, 1985), which measures the individual’s stage of change. According to this scale, participants were defined as precontemplators (n = 166), contemplators (n = 794) and those in the preparation stage (n = 506). 6. Demographic data, including age, gender, education and smoking history.

Results and implications The results were first analysed to examine baseline difference between the three participant groups. The results showed that those in the preparation stage smoked less, were less addicted, had higher self efficacy, rated the pros of smoking as less positive and the costs of smoking as more negative, and had made more prior quitting attempts than the other two groups. The results were then analysed to examine the relationship between stage of change and smoking cessation. At both one and six months, the participants in the preparation stage had made more quit attempts and were less likely to be smoking. The results provide support for the stages of change model of smoking cessation, and suggest that it is a useful tool for predicting the outcome of an intervention.

DiClemente, C.C., & Prochaska, J.O., 1982, ‘Self-change and therapy change of smoking behaviour: A comparison of pro- cesses of change in cessation and maintenance’, Addictive Behaviours, 7, 133–42. PSY_C19.qxd 1/2/05 3:52 pm Page 413

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These factors suggest that our perception of our own risk is not a optimism focuses on perceptions of susceptibility and risk, and rational process. the stages of change model stresses the dynamic nature of beliefs, In an attempt to explain why individuals’ assessment of their time, and costs and benefits. These different perspectives on risk may go wrong, and why people are unrealistically optimistic, health beliefs have been integrated into structured models. Weinstein (1983) argued that individuals show selective focus. He claimed that we ignore our own risk-increasing behaviour (‘I may not always practise safe sex, but that’s not important’) and focus The health belief model primarily on our risk-reducing behaviour (‘At least I don’t inject The health belief model (figure 19.2) was developed initially drugs’). He also argued that this selectivity is compounded by by Rosenstock in 1966 and further by Becker and colleagues egocentrism – individuals tend to ignore others’ risk-decreasing throughout the 1970s and 1980s (e.g. Becker et al., 1977). Their behaviour (‘My friends all practise safe sex, but that’s irrelevant’) aim was to predict preventative health behaviours and the and focus on the risk-increasing behaviour of those around them behavioural response to treatment in acutely and chronically ill (‘My friends sometimes drive too fast’). patients. Over recent years, the model has been used to predict many other health-related behaviours. The stages of change model According to the health belief model, behaviour is a product of a set of core beliefs that have been redefined over the years. The The stages of change model (also known as the transtheoretical original core beliefs are the individual’s perception of: model of behaviour) was originally developed by Prochaska and DiClemente (1982) as a synthesis of 18 therapies describing the n susceptibility to illness – ‘My chances of getting lung cancer processes involved in behavioural change. These researchers sug- are high’; gested a new model of change which has been applied to several n the severity of the illness – ‘Lung cancer is a serious illness’; health-related behaviours, such as smoking, alcohol use, exercise n the costs involved in carrying out the behaviour – ‘Stopping and personal screening behaviour such as going for a cervical smoking will make me irritable’; smear or attending for a mammograph (e.g. DiClemente et al., n the benefits involved in carrying out the behaviour – 1991; Marcus, Rakowski & Rossi, 1992). ‘Stopping smoking will save me money’; and If applied to giving up cigarettes, the model would suggest the n cues to action, which may be internal (e.g. the symptom of following stages: breathlessness) or external (e.g. information in the form of health education leaflets). 1. Precontemplation: I am happy being a smoker and intend to continue smoking. The health belief model suggests that these core beliefs are used 2. Contemplation: I have been coughing a lot recently; per- to predict the likelihood that a behaviour will occur. haps I should think about stopping smoking. In response to criticisms, the model was revised to add the con- 3. Preparation: I will stop going to the pub and will buy lower struct health motivation to reflect readiness to be concerned tar cigarettes. about health matters (‘I am concerned that smoking might dam- 4. Action: I have stopped smoking. age my health’). More recently, Becker and Rosenstock (1987) 5. Maintenance: I have stopped smoking for four months now.

The model describes behaviour change as dynamic, rather than Susceptibility being ‘all or nothing’, so the five stages do not always occur in a linear fashion. For example, an individual may move to the Severity preparation stage and then back to the contemplation stage sev- eral times before progressing to the action stage. Even when an Costs individual has reached the maintenance stage, they may slip back Demographic Likelihood to the contemplation stage over time. Benefits The model also examines how we weigh up the costs and variables of behaviour benefits of a particular behaviour. In particular, individuals at dif- Cues to action ferent stages of change will differentially focus on either the costs of a behaviour (‘Giving up smoking will make me anxious in Health motivation company’) or the benefits (‘Giving up smoking will improve my health’). Perceived control

INTEGRATED MODELS Figure 19.2

Attribution theory and the health locus of control model The health belief model. Source: Ogden (2000), after Becker et al. (1977). emphasize attributions for causality and control, unrealistic PSY_C19.qxd 1/2/05 3:52 pm Page 414

414 Health Psychology

suggested that perceived control (‘I am confident that I can stop as relating to ‘coping appraisal’ (i.e. appraising the individual smoking’) should also be added to the model (see chapter 17). themselves). According to the theory, there are two types of When applied to a health-related behaviour such as screening information source: environmental (e.g. verbal persuasion, obser- for cervical cancer, the health belief model predicts that someone vational learning) and intrapersonal (e.g. prior experience). This is likely to have regular screening if she perceives that: information influences the five components listed above, which then elicit either an adaptive coping response (a behavioural n she is highly susceptible to cancer of the cervix; intention) or a maladaptive coping response (such as avoidance n cervical cancer is a severe health threat; or denial). n the benefits of regular screening are high; and If applied to dietary change, the protection motivation theory n the costs of such action are comparatively low. would make the following predictions. Information about the role of a high fat diet in coronary heart disease would increase There will also most likely be relevant cues to action – either fear, increase the individual’s perception of how serious coronary external (such as a leaflet in the doctor’s waiting room) or inter- heart disease was (perceived severity) and increase their belief nal (such as pain or irritation, which she perceives to be related to that they were likely to have a heart attack (perceived suscept- cervical cancer). ibility). If the individual also felt confident that they could change The new, amended model would also predict that a woman is their diet (self efficacy) and that this change would have beneficial more likely to attend for screening if she is confident that she can consequences (response effectiveness), they would report high do so, and she is motivated to maintain her health. intentions to change their behaviour (behavioural intentions). This would be regarded as an adaptive coping response to the The protection motivation theory presented information.

Rogers (1975, 1983, 1985) developed the protection motivation The theory of planned behaviour theory (figure 19.3), which expanded the health belief model to include additional factors. The theory of planned behaviour (figure 19.4) was developed by The original protection motivation theory claimed that health- Ajzen and colleagues (Ajzen, 1985; 1988; Ajzen & Madden, 1986). related behaviours are a product of, and therefore predicted by, It emphasizes behavioural intentions as the outcome of a com- five components: bination of several beliefs (see chapter 17). The theory proposes that intentions should be conceptualized severity – ‘Bowel cancer is a serious illness’; as ‘plans of action in pursuit of behavioural goals’ (Ajzen & susceptibility – ‘My chances of getting bowel cancer are high’; Madden, 1986), and that these are a result of the following com- response effectiveness – ‘Changing my diet would improve my posite beliefs: health’; self efficacy – ‘I am confident that I can change my diet’; and Attitude towards a behaviour – composed of a positive or negat- fear – ‘Information about the links between smoking and lung ive evaluation of a particular behaviour, and beliefs about cancer makes me feel quite frightened’. the outcome of the behaviour (‘Exercising is fun and will improve my health’). The protection motivation theory describes severity, sus- Subjective norm – this represents the beliefs of important ceptibility and fear as relating to ‘threat appraisal’ (i.e. appraising others about the behaviour, and the individual’s motiva- an outside threat), and response effectiveness and self efficacy tion to comply with such beliefs (‘People who are import- ant to me will approve if I lose weight, and I want their approval’). Severity Perceived behavioural control – comprising a belief that the indi- vidual can carry out a particular behaviour based on a con- Susceptibility sideration of internal control factors (e.g. skills, abilities, information) and external control factors (e.g. obstacles, Response Behavioural Behaviour opportunities) – both of which are related to past effectiveness intentions behaviour.

Self-efficacy These three factors predict behavioural intentions, which are then linked to behaviour. (The theory of planned behaviour Fear also states that perceived behavioural control can have a direct effect on behaviour without the mediating effect of behavioural Figure 19.3 intentions.) Applied to alcohol consumption, the theory would predict The protection motivation theory. Source: Ogden (2000), after that someone will have high intentions to reduce alcohol intake Rogers (1985). (behaviour intentions) if he believes that: PSY_C19.qxd 1/2/05 3:52 pm Page 415

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Beliefs about the outcome of Pioneer the behaviour (‘If I exercise Howard Leventhal (1931– ) is Professor of Psychology at more, I will lose weight, feel fitter the State University of New Jersey at Rutgers. He has and improve carried out extensive research into the experience of being my health’) Attitude ill, which has informed much work on illness perceptions, towards the specific and he developed the self-regulatory model of illness Evaluations action behaviour. He places emphasis on the role of symptom specific to the expected perception in triggering illness behaviour and the links outcomes of between emotion and health. the behaviour (‘Being healthy, slim and fit Behavioural is desirable’) intention Behaviour (intention (exercising) Normative to get more ILLNESS BELIEFS beliefs exercise) (‘My family and friends Leventhal and colleagues illness beliefs examples are how long think I (Leventhal, Meyer & Nerenz, should get the illness will last and what impact it 1980; Leventhal & Nerenz, more exercise’) will have on the patient’s life Subjective 1985) defined illness beliefs norms Motivation as a patient’s own implicit, to comply commonsense beliefs about his or her illness. They proposed that (‘I want to these beliefs provide a framework, or schema, for coping with do what they and understanding an illness, and for telling us what to look out want me to do’) for if we believe that we are becoming ill.

Control beliefs (‘How likely is HE DIMENSIONS OF ILLNESS BELIEFS Perceived T it that I will behavioural manage control to get more Using interviews with patients suffering from a variety of ill- exercise if I try?’) nesses, Leventhal et al. identified five dimensions of illness beliefs:

1. Identity refers to the label given to the illness (the medical Figure 19.4 diagnosis) and the symptoms experienced; for example, ‘I have a cold . . .’ (the diagnosis) ‘. . . with a runny nose’ (the The theory of planned behaviour applied to the intention to engage in physical exercise. Source: Ogden (2000), after Ajzen symptoms). (1985) and Stroebe (2000). 2. The perceived cause of the illness – this may be biological (e.g. a virus, in the case of a cold, or an injury or lesion, in the case of another type of illness) or psychosocial (e.g. stress or health-related behaviour). Patients may also hold repres- n reducing his alcohol intake will make his life more pro- entations of illness that reflect a variety of different causal ductive and be beneficial to his health (attitude to the models; for example, ‘My cold was caused by a virus’ behaviour); versus ‘My cold was caused by being run-down’. n the important people in his life want him to cut down (sub- 3. Time line refers to beliefs about how long an illness will last, jective norm); and whether it is acute (i.e. short term) or chronic (i.e. long n he is capable of drinking less alcohol due to his past term); for example ‘My cold will be over in a few days’. behaviour and evaluation of internal and external control 4. Consequences refers to the patient’s perceptions of the pos- factors (high behavioural control). sible effects of the illness on his or her life. These may be physical (e.g. pain, lack of mobility), emotional (e.g. loss of The model also predicts that perceived behavioural control social contact, loneliness) or a combination of factors; for can predict behaviour without the influence of intentions. For example, ‘My cold will prevent me from playing football, example, a belief that the individual would not be able to exercise which will prevent me from seeing my friends’. because they are physically incapable of doing so might well be a 5. Curability and controllability refers to the patient’s beliefs better predictor of their exercising behaviour than their high about whether their illness can be treated and cured, and intentions. the extent to which its outcome is controllable (either by PSY_C19.qxd 1/2/05 3:52 pm Page 416

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themselves or by others): for example, ‘If I rest, my cold previously rated as being associated with the same disease. It was will go away’, ‘If I get medicine from my doctor, my cold found that those individuals in the high prototype condition will go away’. labelled the disease more easily and accurately than did those in the low prototype condition. The authors argued that this pro- vides support for the role of the identity dimension (i.e. diagnosis Evidence for the dimensions and symptoms) of illness representations, and that this also sug- gested that there is some consistency in people’s concept of the The extent to which beliefs qualitative research uses methods identity of illnesses. about illness comprise these such as open-ended interviews, focus Participants were also asked to describe in their own words different dimensions has been groups or observation, where the data what else they thought may be associated with each patient’s situ- studied using both qualitative are analysed without resorting to ation. Bishop and Converse reported that 91 per cent of the and quantitative research. number associations fell within the aforementioned dimensions of illness Leventhal and colleagues beliefs. Within these, the dimensions of ‘consequences’ (the pos- carried out interviews with sible effects) and ‘time line’ (how long it will last) were the least individuals who were chronic- frequently mentioned dimensions. quantitative research uses methods ally ill (having been recently There is also some evidence for a similar structure of illness such as questionnaires, experiments diagnosed with cancer) and representations in other non-Western cultures (Lau, 1995; and structured interviews, where the healthy adults. Participants’ Weller, 1984). data are analysed using numbers descriptions of their illness indeed suggested underlying beliefs made up of the above dimensions. Other studies have Measuring illness beliefs provided support for these dimensions using more artificial and controlled methodologies. Lau, Bernard and Hartman (1989) In order to delve further into beliefs about illness, researchers in asked 20 people to sort 65 statements into piles that ‘made sense New Zealand and the UK have developed the ‘Illness Perception to them’. These statements had been previously made in response Questionnaire’ (IPQ). This asks people to rate a series of state- to descriptions of ‘your most recent illness’. The researchers ments about their illness. These statements reflect the dimensions reported that the piles of categories that people produced reflected of identity (e.g. symptoms such as pain, tiredness), consequences the dimensions of identity of the illness (diagnosis/symptoms), its (e.g. ‘My illness has had major consequences on my life’), time consequences (the possible effects), the time line (how long it line (e.g. ‘My illness will last a short time’), cause (e.g. ‘Stress was would last), the cause (what caused the illness) and cure/control a major factor in causing my illness’) and cure/control (e.g. (how and whether it could be treated). ‘There is a lot I can do to control my symptoms’). A series of experimental studies by Bishop and colleagues pro- vided further support for this framework. For example, Bishop and Converse (1986) presented participants with brief descrip- A MODEL OF ILLNESS BEHAVIOUR tions of patients who were experiencing six symptoms. The participants were randomly allocated to one of two sets of Leventhal incorporated illness beliefs into a self-regulatory model descriptions – a ‘high prototype’, in which all six symptoms had of illness behaviour (figure 19.5) to examine the relationship been previously rated as associated with a given disease, and a between someone’s cognitive representation of his or her illness ‘low prototype’, in which only two of the six symptoms had been and their subsequent coping behaviour.

Representation of health threat n Identity n Cause n Consequences n Time line n Cure/control

Stage 1: Interpretation Stage 2: Coping Stage 3: Appraisal n Symptom perception n Approach coping n Was my coping n Social messages n Avoidance coping strategy effective? → deviation from norm

Emotional response to health threat Figure 19.5 n Fear n Anxiety The self-regulatory model. Source: Ogden n Depression (2000), based on Leventhal et al. (1980). PSY_C19.qxd 1/2/05 3:52 pm Page 417

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The model is based on problem solving and suggests that we tion and advice from multiple sources, such as colleagues, friends deal with illnesses and their symptoms in the same way as we deal or family). For example, coughing in front of one friend may with other problems. The assumption is that, given a problem or result in the advice to speak to another friend who had a similar a change in the status quo, an individual will be motivated to cough, or a suggestion to take a favoured home remedy. Or it solve the problem and re-establish his state of ‘normality’. In may result in a lay diagnosis or a suggestion to seek professional terms of health and illness, if healthiness is your normal state, help from a doctor. Social messages like this will influence how then you will interpret any onset of illness as a problem, and you we interpret the ‘problem’ of illness. will be motivated to re-establish your state of health. Once we have received information about the possibility of Traditional models describe problem solving in three stages: illness through these channels we become aware that something has deviated from the norm and that there has been a change in interpretation – making sense of the problem; our health status. According to this framework we are then motiv- coping – dealing with the problem in order to regain a state of ated to return to a state of ‘problem free’ normality. This involves equilibrium; and assigning meaning to the problem. According to Leventhal, we appraisal – assessing how successful the coping stage has been. may do this by accessing our illness beliefs. So the notion is that the symptoms and social messages contribute towards the devel- These three stages are said to continue until the coping strategies opment of illness beliefs, which will be constructed according to are deemed to be successful and a state of equilibrium has been the five dimensions mentioned earlier. These cognitive represen- attained. tations of the problem will give the problem meaning and enable This process is regarded as self-regulatory because the three us to develop and consider suitable coping strategies. components of the model interrelate, in an ongoing and dynamic According to Leventhal, the identification of the problem of ill- fashion, in order to maintain the status quo. In other words, they ness will result in changes in emotional state as well as in our regulate the self. cognitive representation. For example, perceiving a) the symp- The three stages of Leventhal’s model can be applied to health tom of pain and receiving b) the social message that this pain may as follows: be related to coronary heart disease may result in deviation from the norm, and resultant anxiety. So any coping strategies have to relate to both our illness beliefs and our emotional state. Stage 1 – Interpretation

An individual may be con- Stage 2 – Coping symptom perception how an indi- fronted with the problem of a Coping can take many forms, but two broad categories have been vidual experiences and makes sense of potential illness through two defined – approach coping (e.g. taking pills, going to the doctor, their symptoms channels – symptom perception resting, talking to friends about emotions) and avoidance coping and social messages. (e.g. denial, wishful thinking). When faced with the problem of Symptom perception (‘I illness, we develop coping strategies in an attempt to return to a have a pain in my chest’) social messages input from a range state of healthy normality. influences how an individual of sources such as friends, family and In an alternative model of coping, Taylor and colleagues (e.g. interprets the problem of ill- media regarding the nature of symptoms Taylor, 1983; Taylor, Lichtman & Wood, 1984) looked at how we ness. This is not a straight- adjust to threatening events. In a series of interviews with rape forward process, perception victims and cardiac and cancer patients, they found that coping with being in turn influenced by individual differences, mood and cog- threatening events (including illness) consists of three processes: nitions. The factors contributing to symptom perception are illustrated n a search for meaning – ‘Why did it happen to me?’ by a condition known as ‘medical students’ disease’, described by n a search for mastery – ‘How can I prevent it from happen- Mechanic (1962). A large component of the medical curriculum ing again?’ involves learning about the symptoms associated with a multi- n a process of self enhancement – ‘I am better off than a lot of tude of illnesses. More than two thirds of medical students incor- people.’ rectly report at some time that they have the symptoms they are learning about. This phenomenon might be explained in terms of Taylor and colleagues argued that these three processes are cen- mood (i.e. medical students becoming quite anxious due to their tral to developing and maintaining ‘illusions’, and that these illu- work load), cognition (the students are thinking about symptoms sions constitute a process of cognitive adaptation. as part of their course) and social context (once one student starts to perceive symptoms, others may model themselves on this behaviour). Stage 3 – Appraisal Information about illness also comes from other people, per- haps as a formal diagnosis from a health professional or a positive Appraisal is the final stage in Leventhal’s model. At this point people test result from a routine health check. But we also often access evaluate their coping strategy as either effective or ineffective. such information via our ‘lay referral system’ (i.e. seeking informa- If it is appraised as effective then they will continue with it and PSY_C19.qxd 1/2/05 3:52 pm Page 418

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the same set of coping strategies will be pursued. If the coping Beliefs that influence practice strategies are appraised as ineffective then people are motivated to think of alternatives which will then be put into place. The Research indicates that the following beliefs influence the devel- appraisal stage clearly illustrates the self-regulatory nature of the opment of a health professional’s original diagnosis. model as the process of interpretation, coping and appraisal is not a linear pathway but dynamic and ongoing. Accordingly, the indi- The nature of clinical problems If a health professional believes vidual self-regulates by a constant ongoing process of appraisal, that illness is determined by biomedical factors (e.g. which assesses whether coping is effective and whether the indi- lesions, bacteria, viruses), they will develop a diagnosis vidual is successfully managing to achieve a renewed sense of that reflects this perspective. But a professional who places equilibrium. the emphasis on psychosocial factors may develop a differ- ent diagnosis. For example, if a patient reports feeling tired all the time, the first professional might point to anaemia HEALTH PROFESSIONALS’ BELIEFS as the cause, and the second to stress. The probability of the disease Health professionals also have dif- Early research regarded health professionals as experts and ferent beliefs about how common a health problem is. For assumed that doctors with similar levels of knowledge and train- example, some doctors may regard childhood asthma as a ing would act in similar ways. But there is, in fact, considerable common complaint and hypothesize that a child present- variability in different aspects of medical practice. ing with a cough has asthma. Another doctor who believes For example, Anderson et al. (1983) reported that doctors dif- that childhood asthma is rare might not consider this fer in their diagnosis of asthma. Mapes (1980) suggested that they diagnosis. also vary considerably in terms of their prescribing behaviour, The seriousness of the disease Health professionals are motivated some doctors giving drugs to only 15 per cent of their patients to consider the ‘pay-off’ in reaching a correct diagnosis, and others offering prescriptions for up to 90 per cent. Bucknall, which is related to their beliefs about the seriousness and Morris and Mitchell (1986) reported significant variation in doc- treatability of an illness. For example, if a child presents tors’ measurement of blood pressure, and Marteau and Baum with abdominal pain, the professional may diagnose (1984) reported that doctors differ significantly in their treatment appendicitis, as this is a serious but treatable condition. In of diabetes. this case, the benefits of arriving at the correct diagnosis for It is now generally accepted that health professionals may this condition far outweigh the costs involved (such as behave not just according to their education and training, but also time wasting) if the diagnosis is actually wrong. according to their own ‘lay beliefs’. This means that any evalu- The patient The original diagnosis will also be influenced by ation of the interaction between health professionals and patients the health professional’s existing knowledge of the patient, should not only focus on the personal beliefs of the patient and including medical history, degree of support at home, psy- the knowledge base of the professional, but also on the personal chological state, and beliefs about why the patient came to belief system of the professional. see the doctor. Similar patients We know that stereotypes can confound a decision-making process (see chapter 17). Yet without them, consultations between health professionals and patients would be extremely time consuming. Stereotypes reflect the process of ‘cognitive economy’. They play a central role in developing and testing a hypothesis and reaching a management decision. So a health professional will typically base their decision partly on factors such as how the patient looks/talks/walks, and whether they are reminiscent of previous patients. Communicating beliefs to patients

Health professionals’ own health-related beliefs may be commun- icated to patients. A study by McNeil et al. (1982) examined the effects of health professionals’ own language on patients’ choice of treatment. They found that patients are more likely to choose surgery if they are told it will ‘increase the probability of survival’ Figure 19.6 rather than ‘decrease the probability of death’. The phrasing of a question like this tends very much to reflect the beliefs of the indi- Interaction between patient and doctor can be influenced by the vidual doctor. So the results indicate that the subjective views of health professional’s beliefs about the patient and the disease, health professionals may be communicated to the patient, and as well as by their knowledge. subsequently influence the patient’s choice of treatment. PSY_C19.qxd 1/2/05 3:52 pm Page 419

The Stress–Illness Link 419

THE STRESS–ILLNESS LINK ways. Contemporary definitions of stress regard the external environment as a potential stressor (e.g. problems at work), the response to the stressor as stress or distress (e.g. the feeling of ten- The term ‘stress’ means many stress negative emotional experience sion), and the concept of stress as something that involves bio- different things to many peo- resulting from a mismatch between the chemical, physiological, behavioural and psychological changes. ple. A lay person may define individual’s appraisal that the stressor is Researchers have also differentiated between stress that is harm- stress in terms of pressure, stressful and their ability to cope with ful and damaging (‘distress’) and stress that is positive and tension, unpleasant external and therefore reduce their response beneficial (‘eustress’). forces or an emotional re- to it The most common definition of stress was developed by sponse. Psychologists define Lazarus and Launier (1978), who regarded it as a transaction stress in a variety of different between people and the environment. Within this definition,

Figure 19.7

On the stock exchange floor, it is easy to see how stress arises from a transaction between people and their environment. PSY_C19.qxd 1/2/05 3:52 pm Page 420

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stress involves an interaction between the stressor (‘My job is score. The difficulty with this significance weighting is that it was difficult’) and distress (‘I feel stressed by it’). So a stressful devised by psychologists, not the research participants. For exam- response might be the feeling of stress that results from a mis- ple, whilst a divorce may be very stressful for one person, it might match between a) a situation that is appraised as stressful and b) be liberating for another. the individual’s self-perceived ability to cope and therefore reduce the stress. The model of appraisal and transaction

STRESS MODELS Both Cannon’s and Selye’s early models of stress presented it as an automatic response to an external stressor – a perspective that is also reflected in life events theory, with its use of expert rather Throughout the twentieth century, stress models have varied in than individual rating schemes. By contrast, more recent models terms of their definition of ‘stress’, their emphasis on physiolo- allow for active interaction between the individual and external gical and psychological factors, and their description of the rela- stressors, rather than passive tionship between the individual and their environment. response. This approach pro- vides a role for psychological appraisal an individual’s assessment of Cannon’s ‘fight or flight’ model state. It is epitomized by both the outside world and their ability Lazarus’s transactional model to cope with this world One of the earliest models of stress was developed by Cannon of stress and his theory of (1932). The ‘fight or flight’ model suggested that external threats appraisal. elicit the ‘fight or flight’ response, increasing activity rate and In the 1970s, Lazarus introduced the psychological dimension arousal. These physiological changes enable the individual either into our understanding of the stress response (1975; Lazarus & to escape from the source of stress or fight. Cannon defined Cohen, 1973, 1977). He argued that stress involves a transaction ‘stress’ as a response to external stressors that is predominantly between an individual and his or her external world, and that a seen as physiological (see chapters 5 and 6). stress response is elicited if the individual appraises an event as stressful. Lazarus defined two forms of appraisal: Selye’s general adaptation syndrome 1. Primary appraisal: the individual initially appraises the Developed in 1956, Selye’s general adaptation syndrome event in three ways – as (a) irrelevant, (b) benign and posit- describes three stages in the stress process: ive or (c) harmful and negative. 2. Secondary appraisal – the individual evaluates the pros and n ‘alarm’, which describes an increase in activity and occurs cons of his or her different coping strategies. immediately the individual is exposed to a stressful situation; n ‘resistance’, which involves coping and attempts to reverse So primary appraisal is essentially an appraisal of the outside the effects of the alarm stage; and world and secondary appraisal is an appraisal by the individual of n ‘exhaustion’, which is reached when the individual has himself (figure 19.9). been repeatedly exposed to the stressful situation and is incapable of showing further resistance. DOES STRESS CAUSE ILLNESS?

Life events theory The relationship between stress and illness is not straightforward, and there is a lot of evidence to suggest that several factors medi- In an attempt to depart from models that emphasize physiolog- ate the stress–illness link, including exercise, coping styles, life ical changes, the life events theory examines stress and stress- events, personality type, social support and actual or perceived related changes as a response to life change. Research has shown control. links between life events and health status, in terms of both the Stress can affect health through a behavioural pathway or onset of illness and its progression (Yoshiuchi et al., 1998). through a physiological pathway. Behaviours that may change as These results were obtained using Holmes and Rahe’s (1967) a result of stress include sleep, food intake and alcohol consump- ‘Schedule of Recent Experiences’ (SRE) – an extensive list of pos- tion. Stress can also induce changes in the body’s biochemicals, sible life changes or life events. These range in supposed objective such as catecholamines and corticosteroids, and changes in activ- severity from serious events, such as ‘death of a close family ity, such as heart rate. member’ and ‘jail term’, through more moderate events, such as ‘son or daughter leaving home’ and ‘pregnancy’, to minor events, such as ‘vacation’ and ‘change in eating habits’. Stress and behaviour Each event has a predetermined point score to reflect its impact, with the combined score reflecting the adjudged stress Recent research has examined the effect of stress on specific rating of the assessed individual. For example, ‘death of spouse’ health-related behaviours, such as exercise, smoking, diet and would result in more changes to an individual’s life schedule than alcohol consumption, in terms of initiation, maintenance and ‘trouble with boss’, and is therefore allocated a higher point relapse. It has also highlighted the impact of stress on general PSY_C19.qxd 1/2/05 3:52 pm Page 421

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Primary appraisal Pioneer ‘Is this stressful?’

Potential stressor STRESS

Secondary appraisal Coping ‘Can I cope with this?’

Figure 19.9

The role of appraisal in stress. Source: Ogden (2000), based on Lazarus (1975).

Stress and physiology

The physiological consequences of stress have been studied extensively, mostly in the laboratory using the acute stress paradigm. This involves bringing participants into a controlled environment, putting them into a stressful situation (such as counting backwards, completing an intelligence task or giving an unprepared speech) and then recording any changes. This research has highlighted two main groups of physiological effects:

1 Sympathetic activation When an event is appraised as stressful, it triggers responses in the sympathetic nervous system. This results in the production of catecholamines (adrenalin and Figure 19.8 noradrenalin), which causes changes in factors such as blood pressure, heart rate, sweating and pupil dilation. These changes Richard Lazarus developed the role of psychological fac- are experienced subjectively as a feeling of increased arousal. This tors and appraisal in the study and treatment of stress. process is similar to the ‘fight or flight’ response described by Cannon. Sympathetic activation and prolonged production of adrenalin can result in: Richard Lazarus (1922–2002) was Professor of Psychology at the University of California, Berkeley. His original work n blood clot formation n fat deposits explored theories of emotion, which led him to focus on n increased blood pressure n plaque formation stress and coping. In particular, he introduced and devel- n increased heart rate n immuno-suppression oped the role of psychological factors in stress and emphas- n irregular heart beats ized the importance of appraisal. He established the UC Berkeley Stress and Coping Project, in which he extended These changes may increase the chances of heart disease and his ideas on the importance of appraisal to explain exactly kidney disease, and leave the body open to infection. what stress is and what coping involves. This project cul- 2 Hypothalamic-pituitary-adrenocortical (HPA) activation minated in the publication in 1984 of Stress, Appraisal, and Stress also triggers changes in the HPA system. This results in Coping, one of the most widely cited and read books in psy- increased levels of corticosteroids (cortisol), leading to more dif- chophysiology and health psychology. fuse changes, such as the increased use of carbohydrate stores and a greater chance of inflammation. These changes constitute the background effect of stress, and cannot be detected by the indi- vidual. They are similar to the alarm, resistance and exhaustion behavioural change. For example, research suggests that individuals stages of stress described by Selye as they show how chronic who experience high levels of stress show a greater tendency to ongoing stress can be damaging to the body in the longer term. perform behaviours that increase their chances of becoming ill HPA activation and prolonged production of cortisol can result in: or injured (Wiebe & McCallum, 1986) and of having accidents at n decreased immune function home, work and in the car ( Johnson, 1986). For example, when n damage to neurons in the hippocampus under stress a person may smoke more, sleep less, drive faster and be less able to focus on the task in hand, which, in turn, may These changes may increase the chances of infection, psychiatric result in heart disease, cancer or accidents. problems and losses in memory and concentration. PSY_C19.qxd 1/2/05 3:52 pm Page 422

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The role of hormones nervous system. This perspective provides a scientific basis for the ‘mind over matter’, ‘think yourself well’ and ‘positive think- Kiecolt-Glaser and Glaser (1986) argued that stress causes a ing, positive health’ approaches to life. It suggests that not only decrease in the hormones produced to fight carcinogens (factors can psychological state influence health via behaviour, but beliefs that cause cancer) and repair DNA. In particular, cortisol may influence health directly. In particular, research has focused decreases the number of active T cells, which can increase the on the capacity of psychological factors (such as mood, thought rate of tumour development. This suggests that experiencing suppression and stress) to modify immune functioning. stress whilst ill could exacerbate the illness through physiological Positive mood is associated with better immune functioning, changes. So if the illness itself is appraised as being stressful, this whereas negative mood is associated with poorer immune func- itself may be damaging to the chances of recovery. tioning (Stone et al., 1987). Humour appears to be particularly beneficial (Dillon, Minchoff & Baker, 1985). Certain coping styles (such as suppression and denial) may relate to illness onset and Psychoneuroimmunology (PNI) progression (e.g. Kune et al., 1991), while thought expression through writing or disclosure groups may improve immune func- This relatively new area of research is based on the prediction tioning (Pennebaker et al., 1988; Petrie, Booth & Pennebaker, that psychological state can influence the immune system via the 1998; see also chapter 6).

Everyday Psychology Life and stress Most of us would like to be better at managing stress, especially if we cope through potentially damaging habits such as smoking or drinking. Robert Sapolsky is one of the foremost authorities in the field of stress. In his book, Why Zebras Don’t Get Ulcers, Sapolsky argues that we evolved for a very different stress environment than that which faces us today. He argues that in our evolutionary past we regularly faced serious, life-threatening situations (such as a predator attack or hostility with a neighbouring tribe over an important resource). Today our lives are much safer and our stressors much milder, but there are many of them – continual, recurring and irritating. We may find it hard to ‘escape’ from these stressors and their effects may build up over time. Sapolsky explores the role of stress in heart disease, diabetes, growth retardation, memory loss and auto-immune diseases such as multiple sclerosis. In attempting to decide why zebras do not get ulcers (or heart disease, diabetes and other chronic diseases), Sapolsky suggests that people develop such diseases partly because our bodies are not designed for the constant stresses of a modern-day life (like sitting in traffic jams or dealing with multiple conflicting demands). Instead, we seem better equipped to deal with the kind of short-term stress faced by a zebra, such as outrunning a lion! So why do we adapt to some stressful emergencies, while others make us sick? And why are some of us especially vulner- able to stress-related diseases? Is this related to features of our personalities? If so, are these features learned or innate? Humans today live long enough and are intelligent enough to engage with and even generate all sorts of stressful events. Sapolsky suggests that stress-related disease emerges, predominantly, from our chronic activation of a physiological sys- tem that has evolved to respond to acute physical emergencies. We seem able to turn on the stress response not only in response to physical or psychological insults, but also by just thinking about potential stressors. Stress may be characterized by non-constructive fretting and agonizing, and may generalize into more serious free- floating anxiety and panic attacks, which can interfere with daily living. Sapolsky highlights studies that suggest we do have some control over stress-related ailments. One strategy is ‘con- tainment’. Simply set aside about 10–20 minutes each day for worrying! It is then easier to dispatch concerns from your mind for the remainder of your waking hours. Another technique is to put some constructive thought into how to better deal with problems during this ‘worry period’ rather than fretting in an unfocused manner. Another idea is to focus on living life in the present. According to this principle (related to Zen philosophy), we should strive constantly to enjoy each moment to its fullest. If you cannot live ‘in the moment’, there will always be other concerns on your mind. Finally, our overall attitude or ‘mindset’ can influence our responses to stressful situations. Realistically, life is never as bad as it seems during our darkest and most depressed moments, nor as wonderful as it seems during our happiest, most ecstatic moments. It is somewhere in between. A sage piece of advice might be: instead of worrying about relatively trivial matters, save your emotional energy for the really big problems in your life, because it is likely that there will be more than enough of those.

Sapolsky, R., 2003, ‘Taming stress’, Scientific American, 289 (3), 86–95. PSY_C19.qxd 1/2/05 3:52 pm Page 423

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Pioneer CHRONIC ILLNESS

Chronic illnesses, such as asthma, AIDS, cancer, coronary heart disease and multiple sclerosis, are another important focus for health psychologists. This section uses coronary heart disease (one of the leading causes of death in the present day) to illustrate the role of psychology at every stage, from predicting risk factors through to rehabilitation.

PROFILE OF AN ILLNESS

Coronary heart disease (CHD) is caused by hardening of the arteries (atherosclerosis), which are narrowed by fatty deposits. This can result in angina (pain) or a heart attack (myocardial infarction). CHD is responsible for 33 per cent of deaths in men under 65 and 28 per cent of all deaths. It is the leading cause of death in the UK, killing 4300 men and 2721 women per million in 1992. It has been estimated that CHD cost the National Health Service in the UK about £390 million in 1985/86. The highest death Figure 19.10 rates from CHD are found in men and women with a manual occupation and men and women of Asian origin. In middle age, Jamie Pennebaker found that writing and talking can reduce time spent visiting the GP and improve work the death rate is up to five times higher for men than women, but performance. this evens out in old age, when CHD is the leading cause of death for everyone, regardless of gender. Many risk factors for CHD have been identified, some less Jamie Pennebaker (1950– ) is Professor of Psychology at modifiable (e.g. educational status, social mobility, social class, the University of Texas at Austin and has been involved age, gender, family history and race) than others (e.g. smoking in exploring the role of psychological factors in symptom behaviour, obesity, sedentary lifestyle, perceived work stress and perception. He has also promoted research into the impact type A behaviour). of psychological factors on the immune system, and he has a particular interest in the links between traumatic experiences, language, and physical and mental health. His PSYCHOLOGY’S ROLE studies find that time spent in simple writing and/or talk- ing (including self-disclosure) can reduce time spent being Psychology has a role to play at all stages of CHD (figure 19.11): seen by a physician, medical costs and alcohol use, and can increase work performance. 1. Psychological factors influence the onset of CHD. Our beliefs about both behaviour and illness can influence

Beliefs: ■ Susceptibility ‘I won’t have a heart attack’ ■ Seriousness Coping with ‘Lots of people recover from heart attacks’ illness ■ Costs Rehabilitation: ‘Taking exercise would be an effort’ ■ Behaviour change ■ Benefits ■ Belief change ‘Smoking helps me deal with stress’ Outcome: Illness onset: ■ Longevity Heart attack CHD ■ Recovery ■ Quality of life Behaviours: ■ Diet Illness Illness as Figure 19.11 ■ Exercise representation stressor ■ Smoking The role of psychology in coronary heart ■ Screening disease. Source: Ogden (2000). ■ Type A behaviour PSY_C19.qxd 1/2/05 3:52 pm Page 424

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whether we become ill or stay healthy. For example, some- makeup’, they may cope by thinking ‘there is nothing I can one who believes that ‘lots of people recover from heart do about my health; I am the victim of my genes’. Beliefs attacks’ may lead an inactive and sedentary lifestyle; and a like this are likely to influence the progression of the illness belief that ‘smoking helps me deal with stress’ is hardly either by affecting behaviour or by having an impact on the likely to help someone give up smoking. Beliefs such as immune system. these therefore result in unhealthy behaviours that can lead 3. Psychology also has a role to play in the outcome of CHD. to CHD. For example, believing that a heart attack is due to a 2. Once ill, people also hold beliefs about their illness and will genetic weakness rather than a product of lifestyle may cope in different ways. Psychology therefore continues to mean that a person is less likely to attend a rehabilitation play a role as the disease progresses. For example, if some- class and be less likely to try and change the way they one believes ‘my heart attack was caused by my genetic behave. People also differ in other ways regarding their

Research close-up 2 Patient expectations and the placebo effect The research issue For a long time, medicine has regarded adherence to (i.e. compliance with) medical recommendations as important for patient recovery. This might be expressed in simplified forms such as: ‘Take these drugs and you will get better.’ Implicit within this assumption is the belief that an ‘active drug’ is better than a placebo. This is why trials to explore the effect- iveness of a drug should compare it with a placebo. But it is possible that simply taking medication (whether active or inert) may also be beneficial if the patient expects to get better. This perspective is in line with the focus on beliefs found within health psychology, and the prediction that positive expectations may result in improvements in health. This paper (Horwitz et al., 1990) presents a reanalysis of the data from a drug trial that explored the effectiveness of beta blockers following a heart attack. The paper asks whether simply adhering to medical recommendations to take pills was beneficial to recovery following a heart attack, regardless of whether the pills taken were active pills or placebo pills.

Design and procedure The original study included 3837 men and women aged 30 to 69 who were reassessed every three months for an average of 25 months. For this paper, data were analysed from 1082 men in the experimental condition (who had received the beta blocker) and 1094 men in the placebo condition. Follow-up data were analysed for 12 months. Measures were taken of psychosocial factors, adherence and clinical characteristics.

Results and implications n Compared to patients with good adherence, those with poor adherence were twice as likely to have died at one year follow-up. This was true for both the experimental group and the control group. n Even taking into account psychosocial factors (e.g. stress, depression, smoking, alcohol use, exercise) and clinical factors (e.g. severity of heart attack), this finding was the same. n So, regardless of whether the drug was a beta blocker or a placebo, taking it as recommended halved the particip- ants’ chances of dying over a 12-month period.

These results indicate a strong link between adherence to medical recommendations and mortality, regardless of the type of pill taken. This effect does not appear to be due to psychosocial or clinical factors (for example, the non-adherers did not simply smoke more than the adherers). So doing as the doctor suggests appears to be beneficial to health, but not necessarily because ‘the drugs are good for you’. Instead, the findings indicate that simply by taking (what is believed to be) medication, the patient expects to get better. The authors concluded that ‘perhaps the most provocative explanation for the good effect of good adherence on health is the one most perplexing to clinicians: the role of patient expectancies or self-efficacy’. The researchers suggest that ‘patients who expect treatment to be effective engage in other health practices that lead to improved clinical outcomes’ (Horwitz & Horwitz, 1993). The authors also propose that the power of adherence may not be limited to taking drugs; it may occur with other forms of health intervention such as recommendations for behaviour change.

Horwitz, R.I., Viscoli, C.M., Berkman, L. et al., 1990, ‘Treatment adherence and risk of death after a myocardial infarction’, Lancet, 336 (8714), 542–5. PSY_C19.qxd 1/2/05 3:52 pm Page 425

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experiences of illness and their ability to adjust to such a crisis in their lives. For example, whilst some people cope by taking definite action and making plans about how to prevent the illness getting worse, others go into a state of denial or cope by indulging in unhealthy behaviours, mak- ing the situation worse. Such factors can impact upon their quality of life, possibly even influencing how long they live.

Behavioural risk factors

The risk factors for CHD can be understood and predicted by examining an individual’s health beliefs. Psychology’s role is to both understand and attempt to change these behavioural risk factors.

n Smoking is estimated to be the cause of one in four deaths from CHD. Smoking more than 20 cigarettes a day increases the risk of CHD in middle-age threefold. Giving up smok- ing can halve the risk of another heart attack in those who have already had one. n Diet and exercise (especially cholesterol levels) have also been implicated in CHD. It has been suggested that the 20 per cent of a population with the highest cholesterol levels are three times more likely to die of heart disease than the 20 per cent with the lowest levels. We can reduce Figure 19.12 cholesterol by cutting down total fats and saturated fats in The risk of heart disease can be reduced by cutting down on our diet, and increasing polyunsaturated fats and dietary saturated fats and increasing polyunsaturated fats and fibre in fibre. Other risk factors include excess coffee and alcohol our diet. and lack of exercise. n High blood pressure is another risk factor – the higher the blood pressure, the greater the risk. Even a small decrease person’s control over the speed or the nature of decisions in the average blood pressure of a population could reduce made within the job). Karasek’s hypothesis suggests that the mortality from CHD by 30 per cent. Blood pressure high job demands and low job autonomy predict CHD. appears to be related to a multitude of factors, such as More recently, Karasek developed the hypothesis further to genetics, obesity, alcohol intake and salt consumption. include the concept of social support. This is deemed to be n Type A behaviour is probably the most extensively studied beneficial for CHD, and is defined in terms of emotional risk factor for CHD. Friedman and Rosenman (1959) ini- support (i.e. trust between co-workers and social cohesion) tially defined type A behaviour as excessive competitive- and instrumental social support (i.e. the provision of extra ness, impatience, hostility and vigorous speech. In 1978, resources and assistance). using a semi-structured interview, they identified two types of type A behaviour. Type A1 is characterized by vigour, energy, alertness, confidence, loud speaking, rapid speak- Rehabilitation programmes ing, tense clipped speech, impatience, hostility, interrupt- ing, frequent use of the word ‘never’ and frequent use of Modifying exercise – Most rehabilitation programmes emphas- the word ‘absolutely’. Type A2 was defined as being similar ize exercise as the best route to physical recovery, on the to type A1, but not as extreme, and Type B behaviour was assumption that this will in turn promote psychological regarded as relaxed (for example, showing no interruptions and social recovery, too. But whether, more generally, of others’ speech) and quieter. these programmes influence risk factors other than exer- n Stress has also been extensively studied as a predictor of cise (such as smoking, diet and Type A behaviour) is ques- CHD. In the 1980s Karasek developed a job demand/job tionable. control model of stress. He proposed the ‘job demand con- Modifying type A behaviour – The recurrent coronary preven- trol hypothesis’, which includes the concept of job strain tion project was developed by Friedman et al. (1986) in (see chapter 20). According to Karasek and colleagues (e.g. an attempt to modify type A behaviour. It is based on the Karasek & Theorell, 1990), there are two aspects of job following questions: ‘Can type A behaviour be modified?’ strain: i) job demands (which reflect conditions that affect and ‘Could such modification reduce the chances of a re- performance) and ii) job autonomy (which reflects the currence?’ The study involved a five-year intervention and PSY_C19.qxd 1/2/05 3:52 pm Page 426

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1000 participants who had all suffered a heart attack. They Modifying general lifestyle factors Other rehabilitation pro- were allocated to one of three groups: (i) cardiology coun- grammes have focused on modifying risk factors such selling, (ii) type A behaviour modification, or (iii) no treat- as smoking and diet. For example, van Elderen, Maes and ment. Type A behaviour modification involved: discussions van den Broek (1994) developed a health education and of beliefs, values and ways to reduce work demands and counselling programme for patients with cardiovascular increase relaxation, and education about changing the indi- disease after discharge from hospital, with weekly follow- vidual’s cognitive framework. At five years, the type A ups by telephone. Although this study involved only a modification group showed a reduced recurrence of heart small number of patients, the results seemed to provide attacks, suggesting that such intervention programmes may some support for including health education in CHD re- reduce the probability of reinfarction in ‘at risk’ individuals. habilitation programmes.

FINAL THOUGHTS

Doctors often express surprise at the behaviour of their patients. They ask, ‘why do they continue to smoke even when they know the risks?’, ‘why do patients come to see me when nothing is really wrong?’, ‘why do patients not come to see me when something is seri- ously wrong?’ and ‘why are people so different in the ways they manage the stress in their lives and respond to illness?’ Health psychology addresses these questions and highlights the role of psychological factors in understanding the issue at their core, namely variability. This chapter has explored the beliefs people have about health behaviours and illness, the beliefs that might influence health professionals and the impact of stress upon our lives. In addition, it has illustrated how psychological factors have a role to play at all stages of a chronic illness. Central to all this is the study of variability. Health psychology provides a means to understand this vari- ability and helps to explain why people differ both from each other and from how other people would sometimes like them to be.

Summary

n Health psychologists study the role of psychology in health and wellbeing. They highlight the importance of both a) develop- ing and testing psychological theory and b) relating theory to health practice. n Health psychology examines health beliefs as possible predictors of health-related behaviours, such as: a) the costs and benefits of a behaviour, b) susceptibility and severity of an illness, c) self efficacy in changing behaviour, d) a person’s past behaviour and e) the beliefs of important others. n Health psychology also examines beliefs about illness and suggests that individuals conceptualize their illness in terms of its time line, its symptoms, the causes and consequences of the problem, and whether it can be controlled or cured. n The self-regulatory model of illness behaviour highlights how symptoms are a perception, how people are motivated to make sense of their illness, how they cope with illness in different ways, and how these factors can influence how they behave in rela- tion to their illness. n A health professional’s beliefs about the symptoms, the illness or the patient may influence their diagnosis, how patients are treated and the effectiveness of any communication between patient and professional. n Stress is seen as an interaction between the person and their environment. It can influence illness, either through changing health-related behaviours such as smoking and exercise or via a physiological pathway, and it is mediated by coping and social support. n Beliefs and behaviours can influence whether a person becomes ill in the first place, whether they seek help and how they adjust to their illness. PSY_C19.qxd 1/2/05 3:52 pm Page 427

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REVISION QUESTIONS

1. Medicine suggests that people become ill because they catch bacteria or viruses or develop some- thing wrong with their bodies. What other factors might influence whether someone becomes ill? 2. Medicine takes responsibility for making people well again. What can the person themselves do about their own health? 3. Most people know that smoking is bad for them but many continue to smoke. Why might this be? 4. Even after being asked by their doctor, many women do not attend for their regular cervical smear. What factors might influence their decision not to attend? 5. When ill, some people take to their bed, take time off work and need looking after. For others, illness simply gets in the way and they try to carry on as usual. Why do people differ in this way? 6. If you took the same symptoms to five different doctors, you might get five different diagnoses and five different treatments. Why do you think this is? 7. Stress has been linked with a range of health problems. How do you think that stress influences illness? 8. Some people die from heart attacks, whilst other people recover and have long and happy lives. Once someone has had a heart attack, what do you think they could do to prevent another one?

FURTHER READING Bennett, P. (2000). An Introduction to Clinical Health Psychology. Buckingham: Open University Press. A useful introduction to how the theories and research of health psychology can be put into practice. Bowling, A. (1995). Measuring Disease. Buckingham: Open University Press. An overview of the theory behind measuring quality of life and a clear review of the existing scales for assessing health status. Connor, M., & Norman, P. (eds) (1995). Predicting Health Behaviours. Buckingham: Open University Press. A thorough description of social cognition models and the extent to which they predict health-related behaviour. Ogden J. (2004). Health Psychology: A Textbook. 3rd edn. Buckingham: Open University Press. This book has formed the basis for this chapter and provides a grounding in health psychology at a more advanced level. Penny, G., Bennett, P., & Herbert, M. (1994). Health Psychology: A Lifespan Perspective. Amsterdam: Harwood. An examination of health psychology with a focus on the lifespan, and an assessment of childhood, adolescence, adulthood, mid life and the elderly. Stroebe, W. (2000). Social Psychology and Health. 2nd edn. Buckingham: Open University Press. Recently updated edition of this authoritative and clear text applying social-psychological principles to topics such as modification of health behaviour, stress and health, and health promotion. Taylor, S. (1999). Health Psychology. 4th edn. Boston: McGraw-Hill. A thorough overview of health psychology with an emphasis on health care delivery and work from the US.

Contributing author: Jane Ogden PSY_C20.qxd 1/2/05 3:53 pm Page 428

Organizational Psychology 20

CHAPTER OUTLINE LEARNING OBJECTIVES INTRODUCTION INDIVIDUALS AT WORK Matching the person to the job Fitting into the organization Training – does it work? Leadership styles Job satisfaction Stress at work GROUPS AT WORK More than the sum of the parts Group decision making ORGANIZATIONS AT WORK Organizational design Organizational culture Power and politics REDUNDANCY AND UNEMPLOYMENT Redundancy – a kind of bereavement Psychological effects of unemployment FINAL THOUGHTS SUMMARY REVISION QUESTIONS FURTHER READING PSY_C20.qxd 1/2/05 3:53 pm Page 429

Learning Objectives

By the end of this chapter you should appreciate that:

n organizations use a variety of techniques to ensure a ‘fit’ between employees and the organization – some are more effective than others;

n designed appropriately, training that managers provide for employees can influence how those employees perform their jobs;

n stress and employee attitudes are important in influencing performance in the workplace;

n several person and situational factors impact on team effectiveness and group decision making;

n organizational culture is important for workplace performance, and can be measured across several different dimensions;

n power is an important construct in the workplace and can be defined and measured in several different ways;

n there is evidence for discrimination against women at work;

n unemployment can have serious psychological effects.

INTRODUCTION

Within three years of reading this text, you are 1. individual – selection, socialization, training, very likely to enter and begin work in an organ- leadership, job satisfaction and organiza- ization that is quite new to you. This will represent tional commitment, and the causes and a major change in your life, associated with new consequences of stress; patterns of behaviour, attitudes, new knowledge 2. group – work group effectiveness and deci- and skills. sion making; and In this chapter, we discover what psychologists 3. organizational – design and culture of the know about the experience of working in an organ- organization, the exercise of power and the ization, from starting to leaving. This journey experience of women at work. through the levels of work organizations and over the lifespan of an individual’s experience can We end by analysing the powerful effects of cover only a relatively few topics, but in the pro- redundancy and unemployment. cess it should provide an insight into a rich and But the first step is recruitment. How do organ- increasingly important sub-discipline. izations achieve a fit between an individual, the Almost all studies in this area are conducted job and the organization? in the organizations themselves, from three perspectives: PSY_C20.qxd 1/2/05 3:53 pm Page 430

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References – usually obtained from current or previous INDIVIDUALS AT WORK employers, often in the final stages of the selection process. The information requested may be specific or general and When we consider some of the major factors affecting individuals open-minded. Biodata – biographical at work, how they are selected, socialized, developed through biodata life history information about information about the training and affected by the behaviour of their bosses and peers, job candidates we begin to see how pervasive the effects of our work experience candidate’s life history. can be in our lives. Some biodata invent- The jobs we do shape us by offering us a sense of growth, ories contain several questions, including objective ques- commitment and satisfaction, or they can alienate us, creating tions (such as professional qualifications held) and more chronic feelings of anxiety and directly affecting our health and subjective ones (such as preferences for different job wellbeing. The influence of work in colouring every aspect of our features). Work-sample tests – using lives is profound. work-sample tests personnel assess- samples of the job (e.g. ment techniques which require the the contents of an in- applicant to perform tasks that are tray for an executive MATCHING THE PERSON TO THE JOB examples of the task demands of the job position, or specific in question Selection is based on the premise that there are stable individual kinds of typing for a differences between people, which can be identified (see chapters secretarial post). The 13 and 14), and that these differences have an impact on how applicant is given instructions and a specific amount of effective people are in a particular job (Robertson, 1995). time to complete the tasks. Not surprisingly, psychologists have been at the forefront Handwriting analysis – making inferences about the candidate’s of developing and using personnel selection methods. One of characteristics by examining specific features of his/her the aims of selection is to ensure a fit, i.e. a good match, between handwriting, such as slant and letter shapes. the person and the organization. Failure to achieve this can not Assessment centres – a com- only result in poor job performance, but the well being of the bination of some of employee also suffers, and ultimately the employment relation- the above techniques. assessment centres series of assess- ship is likely to end. Candidates are usually ment exercises (e.g. interviews, work- processed in groups, sample tests, group discussions) used to Common selection procedures and some of the tech- assess a person’s potential for a job niques require them to The typical process for de- interact (e.g. simulated job analysis procedures for describing signing a selection system group decision-making exercises). jobs, including the nature of the work begins with a job analysis to and the relationships of the job-holder Although the usefulness of identify the essential require- psychometric tests assess cognitive with other people psychometric tests in selection ments. This information is and personality dimensions used to create a job descrip- has been hotly debated by tion, which forms the basis of a person specification. This psychologists, their validity specification translates the demands of the job into human terms has been found to be relatively good (Robertson & Kinder, and lists criteria that an applicant must satisfy if they are to per- 1993). The drawback from the perspective of employers is form the job successfully (Arnold, Robertson & Cooper, 1991). that training is required for those who wish to administer and Selection methods determine whether the applicant’s skills, interpret these tests. Even though the financial costs of ineffective knowledge and abilities meet these criteria. For example, if the selection are potentially large, organizations still rely on tech- person specification states that good verbal reasoning skills are niques such as personal references, graphology (handwriting required, a psychological test of verbal reasoning may well be analysis) and even astrology. These techniques are demonstrably used in the selection procedure. Common selection procedures and largely invalid as selection devices (Rafaeli & Klimoski, (from Arnold, Robertson & Cooper 1991) are: 1983). Selection methods need to have good criterion validity. This Interviews – often involving more than one interviewer. At a is the relationship between panel interview, the applicant will be questioned by several scores on the selection criterion validity the relationship interviewers. The most important features of a job inter- method and scores on the between a person’s scores in a selection view are the extent to which a pre-planned structure is fol- ultimate performance meas- method (e.g. job interview or intelli- lowed, and the proportion of questions that are directly ures, such as number of sales gence test) and his/her scores on sub- related to the job. made, commission earned sequent performance measures (e.g. Psychometric tests – including tests of cognitive ability (e.g. gen- or other types of outcomes supervisor’s rating of the person’s job eral intelligence, verbal ability, numerical ability) and self- required by the organization performance) report measures which are designed to evaluate personality. (Landy & Farr, 1980). PSY_C20.qxd 1/2/05 3:54 pm Page 431

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FITTING INTO THE ORGANIZATION

Once you have started work for an organization, it will seek to shape you to fit in and to contribute to achieving its goals. This is done through socialization and training.

The stages of socialization

Socialization is the process by which members of a society (be it a country, organization or even a family) are taught how to behave and feel by influential members of that society. In the past, theory and research has concentrated on the development of children and adolescents. But more recently it has become clear that we are socialized and resocialized throughout our lives (Wanous, Reichers & Malik, 1984). When employees start work, they learn about their new jobs, Figure 20.1 the work environment and how they are required to behave – attending meetings on time, dressing according to certain stand- Despite the fact that psychological tests show good criterion ards, using particular styles of speech. They learn to align their validity, the most frequently used selection method for many jobs is the unstructured interview. work values with those of the organization. For example, army recruits are socialized, or indoctrinated, into the ‘army way’, learning not only the rules and regulations but also the values and behaviours that match the army’s distinctive culture. Many com- mercial organizations emphasize customer service as vital, and require employees to adopt the values, attitudes and behaviours Psychological tests show good criterion validity. For that support such a service strategy. example, one of the best predictors of job performance (for all Socialization has all or some of the following stages (Wanous, but very simple jobs) is general intelligence (Hunter & Hunter, 1992): 1984; see also chapter 13). And yet the most frequently used selection method for many jobs is the unstructured inter- n confronting and accepting organizational reality – Wanous view, which has poor criterion validity. Here, interviewers (1978) suggested that organizations can make this ‘reality ask a wide variety of questions, but without planning what shock’ stage smoother by providing applicants with a real- questions will elicit the information that best predicts job istic job preview describing negative as well as positive performance. aspects of the job; Structured interviews, involv- ing two or more interviewers structured interviews in which the asking standard job-related questions are standardized across questions of all candidates, interviewees are much better selection methods, but they are rarely used (Huffcutt & Arthur, 1994; Wiesner & Cronshaw, 1988). These interviewers are likely to ask targeted questions, such as: ‘Have you ever been in a situation at work where a customer was very angry about a service you had provided? Describe the situation and how you handled it.’ This kind of question will usually elicit clearer information about the likely future performance of the candidate, because one thing we know for sure is that one of the best predictors of future behaviour is past behaviour (see chapter 17). Personality tests (used for assessing traits such as conscien- tiousness, confidence and sociability) are increasingly popular tools in employee selection (see chapter 14). Tests that assess Figure 20.2 specific personality traits relevant to a particular job are reason- Like many new employees, army recruits learn to align their ably valid predictors of job performance (Hogan & Roberts, 1996), work values with those of the organization, absorbing not only whereas general-purpose personality tests have lower validity the rules and regulations but also the values and behaviours that match the army’s distinctive culture. (Salgado, 1997). PSY_C20.qxd 1/2/05 3:54 pm Page 432

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n achieving role clarity by discovering what is expected in terms of job requirements and performance; Pioneer n becoming situated within the organizational context – settling in and getting used to how things are done; and Edgar H. Schein (1928– ) is the Sloans Fellows Professor of n detecting signposts of successful socialization – e.g. feeling Management (Emeritus) and Senior Lecturer at the MIT accepted by colleagues, confidence in completing the job Sloan School of Management. He has contributed to the successfully, understanding the formal and informal aspects discipline of organizational psychology in the areas of of the job, and knowing the criteria used to assess job organization development, career development and organ- performance. izational culture. In Career Survival: Strategic Job and Role Planning, he presented concepts and activities for managers This process of ‘learning the ropes’ has at least three elements based on research he first reported in Career Dynamics: (Van Maanen & Schein, 1979, pp. 226–7): Matching Individual and Organizational Needs (1978). He is the author of Organizational Culture and Leadership (1992), n acquiring the knowledge required for both job performance and is considered the leading international expert on organ- and general functioning in the organization (e.g. how to izational culture. make a grievance, what quality standards need to be met); n acquiring a strategic base, i.e. a set of decision rules for solv- ing problems and making decisions (e.g. building good rela- tionships with colleagues in your and other departments, 4. serial vs. disjunctive – the degree to which role models are knowing whether it is acceptable to question a senior man- provided (as in apprenticeship or mentoring programmes), ager’s decision); and or are deliberately withheld (as in sink-or-swim initiations, n learning the organization’s purpose, which may be different in which the recruit is expected to figure out her own solu- from what is publicly stated (e.g. employee welfare may, in tions and is not told what to do); practice, be rated much lower than maximizing profits). 5. sequential vs. random – the degree to which the process con- sists of guiding the recruit through a series of discrete steps and roles, as opposed to being open-ended (where training How your job can change you is based on the needs of the individual, and there is no set sequence in his/her progression); and There is evidence that, over the longer term, an individual’s per- 6. fixed vs. variable – the degree to which stages of the training sonality, values and cognitive functioning are changed by their process have fixed timetables or are open-ended (such as in job. Kohn and Schooler (1983) found that jobs high in complex- some promotional systems, where the employee is not ity can enhance intellectual functioning. Von Rosenstiel (1989) advanced to the next stage until she is deemed ready). showed that people who started without a strong career ori- entation and who were supportive of environmental protection Van Maanen and Schein argued that the more a newcomer’s become less ‘green’ and more career-orientated when they took experiences are like the first half of each pair given in the listing a company job. Mortimer, Lorence and Kumka (1986) found above (e.g. collective, formal, sequential, etc.), the more likely that people tend to value more, over time, things like money or the recruit is to conform; individual perspectives and attitudes challenge that are characteristic of their particular type of work, will be stripped away and replaced by standardized behavi- and to devalue things that are not, such as unconventional dress ours. Socialization into the army relies on strong socialization or antipathy to rules (although they may start their career valuing tactics. New recruits are trained together, segregated from exper- these latter characteristics more). ienced soldiers, and socialization tends to suppress individual Not surprisingly, a problem with strong socialization tactics aspects of the self (which are then replaced by conformity to is that they tend to create conformists with little inclination to army norms). innovate (see chapter 18). Van Maanen and Schein (1979) pro- posed six dimensions to socialization tactics: TRAINING – DOES IT WORK? 1. collective vs. individual – the degree to which the organiza- tion processes recruits in batches (where everyone has the Training is a learning process structured in a systematic fashion same learning experiences) or individually; and designed to raise the performance level of an employee 2. formal vs. informal – the degree to which the process is for- (Goldstein, 1993; Tannenbaum & Yukl, 1992). With the marked malized (as in set training programmes), or is handled change in work environments over the last quarter of the twen- informally (such as via individual supervision by the imme- tieth century (such as new ways of working, cutbacks at manage- diate supervisor, and through learning on the job); rial level and the devolution of responsibility and accountability 3. divestiture vs. investiture – the degree to which the process to individual staff) has come an urgent need to develop and main- destroys aspects of the self and replaces them (as in an army tain staff skills through continuous training. Furthermore, with training camp), or enhances aspects of the self (as in some the expanded use of new technology (and information techno- forms of professional development); logy in particular) most people at work need continual training PSY_C20.qxd 1/2/05 3:54 pm Page 433

Individuals at Work 433

to update their skills (Ashton & Felstead, 1995; Pfeffer, 1998; and back to personality again (Bass, 1990; Fiedler, 1967; House, Tharenou & Burke, 2002). Yet the approach to training in many 1977; see also chapter 18). organizations is often haphazard and reactive. Today, there is a lot of Psychologists have much to offer organizations in relation interest in charismatic or transformational leadership a style to how training can best be used to achieve a fit between the transformational leadership. used by leaders who tend to be dom- individual and his job. Organ- This represents a leadership inant and self-confident, need to influ- izations must undertake a style that enables the leader ence others, while believing strongly in training needs assessment identifica- training needs assessment in to exercise diffuse and intense their own values, communicate their tion of learning requirements, to facilit- order to identify who needs influence over the beliefs, goals and visions clearly, and have ate successful completion of present to develop more knowledge values, behaviour and per- high expectations of their followers’ and future roles and skills to successfully com- formance of others (House, performance plete their present and future Spangler & Woycke, 1991). tasks. This is usually done through observation, interview, group Such leaders tend to be dominant and self-confident with a need discussion and work samples. Training methods include on-the- to influence others while believing strongly in their own values. job training (coaching), lectures, simulations (e.g. cockpit simula- They communicate their goals and visions clearly, and have high tion), case studies and programmed instruction (via computers). expectations of their followers’ performance. A critical question (given The fascination with this kind of leadership is evidenced by the the huge costs involved) is number of books by or about charismatic leaders. Some studies transfer of training application of what whether training transfers suggest that these leaders inspire effort and satisfaction amongst was learned in job training to the job to job performance. Three their employees, resulting in higher productivity. But Howell and itself factors influence the transfer House (1995) caution against this type of leadership style because, of training: they argue, it can also have negative consequences. Think of charismatic historical figures who have initiated destruction in n the similarity of training to work tasks – the more similar their societies (e.g. Adolf Hitler); or particular characters such as the better; the People’s Temple cult leader, Reverend Jim Jones, who per- n the employee’s motivation to use newly learned skills or suaded his followers to feed a poison-laced drink to their children knowledge on the job; and and then drink it themselves. Nearly 1000 people died in this n organizational support for the transfer of training, such as incident (Osherow, 1981). supervisory support for the implementation of new ideas. Howell and House distinguish between socialized and per- sonalized charismatic leadership. ‘Socialized leaders’ emphasize Ideally, training should be evaluated to determine whether it is egalitarianism, serving collective interests rather than self-interest, achieving its desired ends. This can range from whether the indi- and developing and empowering others. They are altruistic, self- vidual enjoyed the training and applies it, to whether it affects job controlled, follower-oriented (rather than narcissistic), and work performance, customer satisfaction or even organizational pro- ductivity and profitability. Does training work in practice? Research shows that training improves individual and organizational performance in a variety of ways, including increased organizational productivity, better product quality and improved customer service. In a review of training research, Tharenou and Burke (2002) report that training is related to:

n the acquisition and retention of essential employees; n employee satisfaction; n employee turnover rate (i.e. the percentage of employees quitting their jobs each year); n work productivity (e.g. sales per employee); n product quality; and n customer ratings of service and product quality.

LEADERSHIP STYLES Figure 20.3

Organizational psychologists have struggled with the concept of The negative influence of transformational leadership: the leadership since the mid twentieth century, changing their focus People’s Temple cult leader, Reverend Jim Jones, persuaded from personality (‘leaders are born, not made’) to environmental his followers to feed a poison-laced drink to their children and then drink it themselves. Nearly 1000 people died. factors (‘circumstances determine who emerges as the leader’) PSY_C20.qxd 1/2/05 3:54 pm Page 434

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Research close-up 1 Transformational and transactional leadership The research issue Bass’s (1985) theory of transformational leadership distinguishes between transactional leaders and transformational leaders. Transactional leaders base their relationships with their followers on a series of exchanges or bargains. They reward followers for accomplishing agreed objectives by giving recognition, bonuses, merit awards or particularly stimulating pro- jects. They also ‘transact’ with followers by focusing on their mistakes, and delaying decisions or avoiding intervening until something has gone wrong. Transformational leadership, in contrast, is characterized by behaviour that helps followers to develop their knowledge and skills, stimulating them intellectually and inspiring them to go beyond self-interests to achieve or pursue a higher vision, mission or purpose. Transactional leadership focuses on short-term corrective or reward-based transactions, whereas transformational leaders employ charisma and give more consideration to each individual’s needs. Transformational leaders focus on longer-term goals and place emphasis on developing a vision that inspires their followers. Of course, all leaders are likely to display elements of both styles of leadership, but, according to this framework, it is proposed that there will be considerable variation between leaders in the extent to which they employ predominantly one or other style. Howell and Avolio (1993) decided to investigate the extent to which transactional and transformational lead- ership behaviours predicted business performance.

Design and procedure The researchers worked with 78 managers in a large Canadian financial institution, which was one of the oldest and most successful in the country. They measured leadership behaviour by administering the Multifactor Leadership Questionnaire (MLQ) to (on average) four of the followers of each of the 78 managers. The MLQ measures transformational leader behaviour by items such as ‘uses symbols and images to get his or her ideas across’, ‘provides reasons to change my way of thinking about problems’ and ‘spends time coaching me’. Transactional leadership is measured by items such as ‘points out what I will receive if I do what needs to be done’, ‘is alert for failure to meet standards’ and ‘things have to go wrong for him or her to take action’. One year later, the researchers gathered data on the performance of the business units for which each of the managers was responsible. These data included productivity improvement, size of operating expense budget, conformity of salaries to budget and total project costs.

Results and implications The managers who displayed less transactional leadership behaviours and more consideration for individuals, intellectual stimulation of followers and charisma had better business unit performance one year later. Transactional leadership behaviours were also negatively related to unit performance. The results suggest that managers need to develop a transformational leadership style in order to be more effective and to contribute to the performance of their business units or organizations. But the authors point out that their results are not entirely consistent with previous studies. Although previous studies reveal positive relationships between transforma- tional leadership styles and performance, they also showed positive relationships between transactional behaviours and performance. Transactional leadership behaviours may lead to poorer performance in an environment, such as the financial services industry, where there is much change and turbulence. Employees may need to develop a longer-term vision of their work to cope with long-term change, which transactional styles (focused as they are on meeting short-term goals) do not encour- age. Interviews with senior managers in the organization revealed a concern that some managers had become too trans- actional and spent too much time on meeting immediate goals and achieving short-term results rather than motivating, empowering and inspiring employees. The researchers suspected that the negative relationships between transactional styles and performance might have been a consequence of employees feeling that rewards were being used to control their behaviour rather than reward performance. The positive impact of transformational leadership on performance could be due to followers internalizing the charismatic leader’s vision or values and consequently working hard to achieve that vision, regardless of the short-term consequences for them. Such effects are more likely to be powerful (according to theory) in organizations that are coping with consider- able change, where a focus on the long-term future helps to distract employees from the short-term stresses of additional workloads or major change in their work. The researchers speculate that transformational leadership may have a direct effect on the commitment levels of fol- lowers and their preparedness to be good organizational ‘citizens’ who contribute beyond what they are required to, and that this, in turn, affects business unit performance. The investigators call for more research to help us understand not just whether, but how, transformational leadership behaviours influence job performance.

Howell, J.M., & Avolio, B.J., 1993, ‘Transformational leadership, transactional leadership, locus of control, and support for innovation: Key predictors of consolidated-business-unit performance’, Journal of Applied Psychology, 78, 891–902. PSY_C20.qxd 1/2/05 3:54 pm Page 435

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through legitimate authority and established systems. ‘Personal- towards different aspects of the job, such as pay, supervisory ized leaders’ are more self-interested and manipulative and can support, autonomy, variety, working conditions and promotion engender pathological relationships with their followers, leading prospects. A mean score is calculated to represent a composite to unhappy work outcomes such as poor performance, conflict- measure of job satisfaction. Table 20.1 is a typical example of this ridden relationships and poor individual wellbeing. composite approach.

JOB SATISFACTION What makes a job satisfying?

Selection, socialization and training are all ways in which the Hackman and Oldham’s (1976) influential job characteristics the- organization acts upon the individual at work. But how might ory identifies five characteristics as contributors to job satisfaction: individuals react to these processes and to the experience of work in general? n task identity – the extent to which the job represents a Job satisfaction is a judge- whole piece of work (e.g. running a restaurant compared ment we make about how with just washing the dishes); job satisfaction a person’s attitude favourable our work envir- n task significance – how important the task is for society in (favourable or unfavourable) towards onment is (Motowildo, 1996) general, and for the goals of the organization; their job and can be reflected in our n autonomy – the amount of freedom the person has to thoughts and feelings (Brief, decide on how best to do their job; 1998). It is the most researched construct in organizational psy- n feedback – receiving information about job performance chology and the subject of literally thousands of studies. (imagine writing essays and never receiving feedback on There are two approaches to assessing job satisfaction. The how well they were written); and first sees it as a single, global affective experience. So people are n variety – varied tasks are important (compare the work of asked to give an overall assessment: ‘In general, how satisfied an organizational psychologist with that of a supermarket are you with your job?’ The second, and more widely adopted, check-out worker), but too much variety can create con- approach is to view job satisfaction as a cluster of attitudes flicting and therefore stressful demands.

Table 20.1 Job satisfaction. Across samples of several thousand, 70 per cent of people score an average of between 3.5 and 5.5. If you rate your satisfaction in this range, you are similar to most others at work but scores to the top end of this range clearly indicate a healthier person–job fit. If your average satisfaction rating is higher than 5.5, you are in an unusually satisfying job. If your average rating is below 3.5, you should consider changing those aspects of your job that are least satisfying, or even finding a new and more fulfilling role altogether.

Extremely Very Moderately Not sureModerately Very Extremely dissatisfied dissatisfied dissatisfied satisfied satisfied satisfied

1 The physical working conditions. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 2 The freedom to choose your own method of working. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 3 Your fellow team members. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 4 The recognition you get for good work. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 5 Your immediate boss. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 6 The amount of responsibility you are given. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 7 Your rate of pay. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 The opportunity to use your ability. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 9 Relationships between management and workers in the organization. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 10 Your chance of promotion or progression within the company. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 11 The way your firm is managed. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 12 The attention paid to suggestions you make. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 13 Your hours of work. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 14 The amount of variety in your job. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 15 Your job security. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 16 The amount of training you receive. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7

Source: Warr, Cook and Wall (1979). PSY_C20.qxd 1/2/05 3:54 pm Page 436

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component to job satisfaction. For example, in a survey of groups Pioneer of identical twins who were reared separately, Arvey, Bouchard, Segal and Abraham (1989) found a significant association between J. Richard Hackman (1940– ) pioneered the Job their levels of job satisfaction. It appears from this research that Characteristics Model in order to help specify the content our genes influence our affective reactions to life, which can in and methods of jobs. This model has influenced genera- turn affect our job experiences. tions of researchers since the 1970s (Hackman & Oldham, 1976). The job characteristics model effectively linked the design of jobs with motivation theory, in what has proved Consequences of job satisfaction to be a powerful theoretical framework. His work on groups, developed in the 1980s and 1990s, has also had a Does high job satisfaction lead to better job performance, or does major influence (Hackman, 1990), particularly because of high performance result in high job satisfaction (due, perhaps, to his championing of qualitative methods for the study of pride or rewards associated with high performance)? workgroups. Hackman is Cahners-Rabb Professor of Social Whatever the causal direction, past research in this area indi- and Organizational Psychology at Harvard University in cates that if a relationship does exist, it is a weak one (Iaffaldano the USA. & Muchinsky, 1992). But more recent research provides renewed support for the view that ‘a happy worker is a productive worker’. Two studies have related the average level of job satisfaction in an organization to measures of company performance, such as Many studies (e.g. Fried & Ferris, 1987) have found significant profitability. They found that organizations with more satisfied relationships between job characteristics and job satisfaction. employees tend to perform better than those whose employees There is strong evidence that simple and monotonous jobs (e.g. are less satisfied (Ostroff, 1992; Patterson & West, 1998). These repeatedly undertaking a simple task on a factory production line) organizational relationships are stronger than the association are associated with job dissatisfaction (Melamed et al., 1995). On between individual job satisfaction and individual job perform- the other hand, some people do not respond favourably to more ance, because individual measures of productivity do not take challenging and complex jobs (Spector, 1997), so personality fac- into account coordination and cooperation between employees. tors may well also be relevant here. So when people are generally satisfied and well treated at work, Other environmental factors that show significant relation- they seem more likely to be good organizational ‘citizens’, co- ships with job satisfaction include supportive supervisors and co- operating with people from other departments, taking on tasks workers (Arvey, Carter & Buerkley, 1991) and equitable rewards outside their formal job descriptions and encouraging others to (Sweeney & McFarlin, 1997). In the case of rewards, it is the perform effectively. extent to which employees view these as distributed fairly that At the individual level, perhaps not surprisingly, low job satis- affects satisfaction, rather than actual pay levels. faction significantly increases the likelihood that the employee Job satisfaction has also been found to be related to IQ, mental will leave the organization (e.g. Crampton & Wagner, 1994). health and personality variables (e.g. O’Brien, 1983; Staw, Bell & Clausen, 1986). It has even been argued that there is a genetic STRESS AT WORK

Although it is difficult to estimate the cost of work-related stress, many studies report that it has enormous impact in terms of both economic costs and human suffering. For example, recent survey research estimated that about half a million people in the UK believe they are suffering from work-related stress, depres- sion or anxiety ( Jones et al., 2003) and that, in 2001, 13.4 million working days were lost in the UK due to stress, depression and anxiety. Another survey estimated that five million people in the UK feel ‘very’ or ‘extremely’ stressed by their work (Smith et al., 2000). Based on 1995/96 prices, the Health and Safety Executive esti- mated that the financial cost of work-related stress to employers was about £353 to £381 million and to society about £3.7 to £3.8 billion per year. Since these calculations were made, the esti- mated number of working days lost due to stress has more than Figure 20.4 doubled ( Jones et al., 2003). The costs of stress stem not only from absenteeism and It is probably unsurprising that simple and monotonous jobs are lost productivity, but also from compensation claims, health thought to be associated with job dissatisfaction. insurance and medical expenses. In the USA, annual mental stress PSY_C20.qxd 1/2/05 3:54 pm Page 437

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Physical stressors ■ Noise, dirt, heat, vibrations, Resources chemical substances ■ Job knowledge and experience ■ Dangers ■ Social support ■ Control Work load ■ Personality ■ Quantitative overload (too much work to do) ■ Qualitative overload (work is too difficult) Stress ■ Quantitative underload (too little manifestations Primary Secondary to do) ■ Physiological appraisal appraisal ■ Qualitative underload (repetitive, ■ Psychological monotonous work) ■ Behavioural

Role in organization ■ Role ambiguity (unclear job functions and responsibilities) ■ Role conflict (conflicts between Coping demands at work) strategies ■ Responsibility for people

Career development ■ Overpromotion ■ Underpromotion ■ Job insecurity ■ Retirement

Social stressors ■ Poor relations with supervisor, colleagues, subordinates Figure 20.5 Timing of work ■ Night-work and shift-work A framework of stress. Source: Based ■ Long hours on Kahn and Byosiere (1992).

insurance claims in the California workers’ compensation system enough work to do) and/or qualitative (repetitive, routine, have been estimated to be approximately $383 million (Beehr, under-stimulating). 1995). Figure 20.5 presents a framework for thinking about n The person’s role in role conflict when demands placed on work-place stress. the organization can also an employee conflict with one another lead to pressures in Kinds of stress the form of role conflict and ambiguity (Kahn et al., 1964). Role conflict occurs The word ‘stress’ is used in a number of ways (see also chapter when we have to deal with conflicting job demands. It is 19). For example, ‘I’ve got such a headache. It must be the stress not unusual for an individual to be caught between two over this big project’; ‘I feel stressed when my boss is around’; groups of people expecting different behaviours. This might ‘I feel tense and my concentration goes when I am under stress’. occur when a non-management employee is promoted to There are numerous stressors in the work environment that a supervisory role and then has to balance the expectations can result in distinctive physiological, psychological and behavi- of previous colleagues with the new demands of man- oural responses. agement. Role ambigu- ity occurs when we role ambiguity employee uncer- n Physical stressors can lead to both physical and mental health are unsure about our problems. They might include the noise in a heavy con- work requirements, tainty about their job functions and struction manufacturing site or at an aluminium smelting responsibilities and co- responsibilities plant, or the dirty and hot physical environment of a coal workers’ expectations. mine or steel plant. Dangers in the work environment also n Stress can also arise from career development issues, such as cause stress – think of the jobs of police officers or nurses in fear of redundancy, failure to achieve promotion, or pro- accident and emergency departments of hospitals; both of motion into a role we are not prepared for. these sets of workers are often subject to violent attacks. n Social stressors include poor relationships with supervisors, n Work load can be quantitative (too much work to do) and peers and subordinates (characterized by, for example, low qualitative, where work is too difficult for the individual trust and supportiveness). (French & Caplan, 1972). Work underload can also act as a n Finally, many studies have shown that the timing of work stressor (Cox, 1980) – again this can be quantitative (not (such as long hours or shift work) affects stress levels. PSY_C20.qxd 1/2/05 3:54 pm Page 438

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work. Karasek (1979) showed that the most damaging jobs have a combination of high demands (volume and pace of work) with low control. Personality characteristics – Neurotic people are more likely to see stimuli as threatening than are hardy characters. Hardiness encompasses three personality traits: (i) com- mitment, (ii) an internal locus of control (believing that you have control over your own life) and (iii) a sense of welcoming challenge (Maddi & Kobasa, 1984; see also chapters 14 and 19). Those who are high in hardiness tend to view events as less stressful than do others, and they are less likely to be overwhelmed by challenging situations.

Prevention of stress Figure 20.6 Stress management programmes have multiplied since the 1970s Shift work can affect stress levels. (Payne, 1995). Many of these programmes help participants to perceive a situation as challenging rather than stressful. They teach coping strategies and advise on diet, exercise, alcohol and Reactions to stress substance abuse. Some programmes use techniques such as self- help groups, relaxation and meditation. Unfortunately, system- atic evaluations of stress management programmes have shown Although you and I may be subject to similar work stressors, our them to be of limited effectiveness (Briner & Reynolds, 1999). responses and the amount of strain each of us feels can be very Employers will sometimes different, depending on how we appraise the situation and what try to reduce stress through coping strategies we use (Lazarus & Folkman, 1984; Lazarus & job redesign techniques to increase the changes in the workplace, Launier, 1978; see also chapters 6, 14 and 19). So the outcome of variety, autonomy and completeness of such as job redesign, or to stress is a function of the interaction of the individual and the a job increase individuals’ resources environment. through social support or The resources that we bring to a work situation can also affect increased control (by increasing job responsibilities and/or par- the way each of us responds to stress. Job knowledge and experi- ticipation in decision making). And, of course, stressors can also ence, social support, control over our work, and personality char- be tackled directly, for example by reducing noise or working acteristics are the kinds of resources that determine whether hours. someone finds a situation stressful. Some of the most relevant factors are:

Knowledge – People who have considerable job knowledge and GROUPS AT WORK experience are more likely to be able to cope with stressful situations. This is because they are less likely to experience quantitative or qualitative work overload, and they are MORE THAN THE SUM OF THE PARTS likely to have more control over a situation than someone with little experience or knowledge (see below). Work groups, or teams, are in- work groups collectives of individuals Social support – Whilst poor relationships at work can be a creasingly common in organ- within organizations – formal groups major source of stress, social support from colleagues and izations. Formal groups are are designated as work groups by the supervisors can buffer the impact of stress, mitigating the those designated as work organization, and informal groups are negative effects (e.g. Cummins, 1990; Manning, Jackson & groups by the organization. not defined by the organization as func- Fusilier, 1996). Social support may also come from outside The members of these groups tional units, but nevertheless have an the job, from family and from friends. usually have shared task impact upon organizational behaviour Control – There is a widely held misperception that managers objectives. Examples of these have more stressful jobs than others. While they do tend to formal groups include health have heavy workloads, deadlines, responsibility for com- care teams, management plex decisions, and many relationships to manage, stress- groups, mining crews and research and development project related diseases are much less common in managers than groups. Informal work groups are not defined by the organiza- in blue-collar workers (Fletcher, 1988; Karasek & Theorell, tion as functional units, but nevertheless have an impact on 1990). One important reason for this appears to be that organizational behaviour. Examples include friendship and pres- managers have greater control (autonomy) over their sure groups. PSY_C20.qxd 1/2/05 3:54 pm Page 439

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manifested itself in better Group influences on work behaviour Hawthorne effect when workers work performance. This appreciate the attention and interest Early studies of organizational behaviour show that work groups effect has come to be known shown in their work by researchers and profoundly influence individual behaviour. In the 1920s and 1930s, as the Hawthorne effect, and managers, and show this appreciation several studies were carried out at Western Electric’s Hawthorne field studies that test meth- through better work performance Works in Chicago, USA, to examine the effects of illumination ods of intervention in organi- levels on workers’ performance in assembling and inspecting relays zations have to demonstrate used in telephone equipment. The researchers varied the level of that positive results are not simply due to this effect (this is some- illumination and studied the effects on workers’ performance. what analogous to the ‘placebo effect’ discussed in chapters 16 The results showed that any variation in the level of illumina- and 19). tion (down to a level almost the equivalent of moonlight) led Further studies in the Hawthorne Works examined the effects to improvements in performance. This effect was explained of several other factors (such as number and length of rest in terms of the workers’ appreciation of the attention and periods, and hours of work) on the performance of a small group interest shown in their work by researchers and managers, which of female workers (see Everyday Psychology for more detail on this

Everyday Psychology The Hawthorne Effect The scientific management approach dominated thinking about human performance in organizations in the early part of the twentieth century. It assumed that there was one best way to manage, and that productivity could be maximized by careful study of job content, combined with ergonomic studies, standardized methods of job performance and appropriate selection and training in the precise components required for the job. This approach informed the continued development of assem- bly line methods in the early twentieth century, best typified in the Ford Motor Company’s approach to vehicle production. Roethlisberger and Dixon (1939) were inspired by the scientific management approach to investigate the effects of (among other things) illumination levels on workers’ performance in Western Electric’s Hawthorne Works, near Chicago. Their aim was to discover how to optimize the workplace by manipulating factors such as levels of lighting and hours of work, in order to achieve maximum productivity. Two groups of female employees took part in the first element of the investigation, which took place in a relay assembly depart- ment. The control group worked without any changes in the level of illumination in their workroom. In the experimental group the lighting was systematically varied (being sometimes brighter and sometimes dimmer than the standard level of illumination for the control group), and the productivity of the workers was continually monitored. Subsequent investigations examined the effects on productivity of variables such as length of rest pauses, length of the working day and week, and a free lunch. The findings were quite baffling. Both the control group and the experimental group increased their productivity during the study. Regardless of whether illumination levels were increased or decreased, the productivity of the experimental group went up. Even when the illumination was turned so low that the women could barely see what they were doing, productiv- ity went up! The introduction of changed lengths of working hours, weeks and rest pauses had a similar impact. Even the introduction of a free lunch led to improved performance. The results suggested that productivity rose because the women responded favourably to the ‘special attention’ they felt they were getting from the investigators. Knowing they were being studied apparently made them feel important and valued, and they were motivated to do their best, regardless of what changes were introduced. In a second component of the investigation, conducted in the bank wiring room, members of work groups (this time all men) were observed during their work and interviewed at length at the end of the working day or week. There was no intervention here, since the aim was simply to observe the work process and discover how it could be done more efficiently and productively. The men did not improve their productivity. Quite the contrary – they stopped work before the end of the working day and later told the investigators that they were capable of being much more productive. It appeared that the men feared the study would lead the company to raise the level of productivity required for the same rate of pay. So they deliberately kept pro- ductivity low to ensure they were not required in the future to achieve unreasonable levels of performance. The men had agreed informal rules between themselves about the level of productivity they would achieve, and they maintained this through their cooperation and shared goals. In contrast to the assumptions of the scientific management approach (i.e. that technological and ergonomic factors are the predominant influences on workplace productivity), these investigations reveal the importance of social factors in work performance. In both cases, interpersonal processes played the major role in determining productivity. These findings mark the birth of the ‘human relations’ movement, which drew attention to the importance of workers’ needs, attitudes, social relationships and group memberships in the workplace. It is an orientation that continues to have a major influence on managerial practice today, most notably in the domain of human resource management.

Roethlisberger, F.J., & Dickson, W.J., 1939, Management and the Worker, Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. PSY_C20.qxd 1/2/05 3:54 pm Page 440

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phenomenon). The results suggest that the characteristics of the social setting or group are at least as important as the technical aspects of the work in explaining performance (Roethlisberger & Dixon, 1939).

Types of group and what makes them effective

Sundstrom, De Meuse and Futrell (1990) distinguish four main types of formal work teams:

advice/involvement teams – e.g. committees, review panels, boards, quality circles, employee involvement groups, advisory councils; production/service groups – e.g. assembly teams, manufacturing Figure 20.7 crews; project/development groups – e.g. research groups, planning The surgery team: a typical action/negotiation group. teams, specialist functional teams, development teams, task forces; and include decision-making leadership. Outputs refer to group per- action/negotiation groups – e.g. entertainment groups, expedi- formance and team member well-being (see also chapter 18). A tions, negotiating teams, surgery teams, cockpit crews. model of these factors is shown in figure 20.8. This work suggests that, ideally: In some organizations, groups as a whole may be hired, fired, trained, rewarded and promoted. This trend has developed as n teams should have intrinsically interesting tasks to perform organizations have grown and become increasingly complex, (Guzzo & Shea, 1992); demanding that shared experiences and complementary skills are n each individual’s role should be essential and unique constantly utilized in decision-making processes. Another reason (Guzzo & Shea, 1992); for the dominance of the work team is the belief that the com- n each individual should be subject to evaluation and receive bined efforts of individuals may be better than the aggregate of clear performance feedback (Pritchard et al., 1988); individual contributions – the principle of synergy. n the team as a whole should have clear objectives, be subject A good deal of effort is now directed toward understanding to evaluation, and receive performance feedback (Poulton the factors that promote group effectiveness and this has led to & West, 1999); and the development of models for understanding teams. A typical n the team should frequently reflect on their task objectives, model combines inputs, processes and outputs. Inputs include (for strategies and processes, modifying these as appropriate example) organizational context and group composition; processes (West, 1996).

Inputs Processes Outputs

The team task Team processes Effectiveness ■ A task that requires ■ Clarity of objectives ■ Individual and team teamwork ■ Participation performance ■ Clear task ■ Commitment to quality ■ Innovation ■ Challenging ■ Support for innovation ■ Team member ■ Reflexivity ■ Customer ■ Leadership satisfaction Group composition ■ Team viability ■ Roles ■ Diversity in skills and experience ■ Size

Organizational context Figure 20.8 ■ Structure and culture ■ Support systems An input–process–output model of team ■ Inter-team cooperation performance. Source: West & Markiewicz, 2003. PSY_C20.qxd 1/2/05 3:54 pm Page 441

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Research close-up 2 Psychological safety in work teams The research issue In recent years, there has been a wave of research into teams at work. In particular, researchers seek to understand how the climate in work teams affects their performance. In a study of hospital patient care teams (Edmondson, 1996), there were clear differences between members’ beliefs about the social consequences or the safety of reporting medication errors (giving the wrong drug to a patient, or giving too little or too much of the right drug). In some teams, nurses openly reported and discussed errors. In other teams, they kept information about errors to themselves. A nurse in one team said, ‘Mistakes are serious, because of the toxicity of the drugs [we use] – so you’re never afraid to tell the Nurse Manager.’ In contrast, a nurse in another team reported, ‘You get put on trial! People get blamed for mistakes . . . you don’t want to have made one.’ In a subsequent study of 51 work teams in a manufacturing company, Edmondson (1999) examined whether psycho- logical safety was evident, and whether it predicted learning in the team (e.g. about how to do the work better and meet customer requirements).

Design and procedure Edmondson studied teams in Office Design Incorporated, an innovative manufacturer of office furniture with some 5000 employees. There were four types of team in the organization: (i) functional teams, including sales, management and manu- facturing teams; (ii) self-managed teams in sales and manufacturing; (iii) time-limited cross-functional product development teams; and (iv) time-limited cross-functional project teams. There were three phases of data collection. The first phase involved preliminary qualitative research, in which Edmondson observed eight team meetings, each of which lasted one to three hours. She also conducted 17 interviews (lasting for about an hour each) with members or observers of these eight teams. The second phase involved a questionnaire survey of 496 members of 53 teams, and two or three managers identified as observers of each team. The survey measured learning behaviour in the team (‘we regularly take time out to figure out ways to improve our team’s work process’) and team feedback (e.g. team goals, job satisfaction, team task design, internal motivation). Phase 3 involved follow-up qualitative research with the six teams with the lowest level of learning behaviour, and the six with the highest level of learning behaviour. The objective was to study these teams in more depth and explore differences between high- and low-learning teams. Edmondson reviewed field notes and tapes to construct short case studies describing each team, which were then used to reveal which factors were most closely related to team learning. Customers’ and managers’ ratings of all the teams in the study were used to provide measures of team performance and learning.

Results and implications The study revealed considerable support for the relationship between team psychological safety and team learning behaviour. Team psychological safety was conceptualized as a shared belief among members of a team that it is safe to take interpersonal risks and that team members will not embarrass, reject or punish someone for speaking up (a confidence that stems from mutual respect and trust among team members). Edmondson found that psychological safety predicted team learning and that this, in turn, predicted team performance, as rated by managers outside the teams. For example, team members’ own descriptions illustrated how a climate of safety and supportiveness enabled them to embrace error and make changes in product design as a result of seeking customer feedback. A lack of team safety contributed to reluctance to ask for help, and unwillingness to question team goals for fear of sanctions being imposed by managers. Quantitative analyses provided consistent support for the study’s hypotheses: learning behaviour appeared to mediate the relationship between team psychological safety and team performance (i.e. team safety predicted performance because safety led to learning, which, in turn, led to improved performance). The findings from Edmondson’s research indicate how team design and leadership enable effective team performance. By producing a climate of psychological safety, they enable team members to explore errors and difficulties and learn from them. Members then make improvements in their work (i.e. products or services), and this, in turn, leads to improved per- formance. The theoretical and practical implications of this work point to the importance of team psychological safety as a central concept in understanding team composition, processes and outcomes (such as member mental health, and team performance). At the same time, the results have practical implications for how we can make teams more effective and innovative in the workplace.

Edmondson, A.C., 1996, ‘Learning from mistakes is easier said than done: Group and organizational influences on the detection and correction of human error’, Journal of Applied Behavioral Science, 32 (1), 5–28. PSY_C20.qxd 1/2/05 3:54 pm Page 442

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GROUP DECISION MAKING n Satisficing – or making minimally acceptable decisions – is another group tendency, and is related to this last point. Observations of group decision-making processes repeatedly Factors in poor decision making show that, rather than generating a range of alternative solutions before selecting the most suitable one, groups tend A principal assumption behind formal work groups is that a group to identify the first minimally acceptable solution and then will make better decisions than members working alone. And yet search for reasons to accept that decision and reject other a good deal of research shows that social processes can under- possible options (March & Simon, 1958; see chapter 12). mine the effectiveness of group decision-making. While group n Social loafing is the tendency of individuals to put less effort decisions are better than the average of the decisions made indi- into achieving quality decisions in meetings than they do vidually by group members, experimental groups consistently fall when individual contributions can be identified and evalu- short of the quality of decisions made by the best individual mem- ated, their perception being that their contribution is ber (see chapter 18). hidden in overall group performance (Latané, Williams & The implications of this for board and top management teams Harkins, 1979). are serious. Organizational and social psychologists have there- n Diffusion of responsibility can inhibit individuals from tak- fore devoted considerable effort to identifying the processes that ing responsibility for their actions when they are in a group lead to poor group decision making: (e.g. Yinon et al., 1982). In this situation, people seem to assume that the group will shoulder responsibility. For ex- n Personality factors can affect social behaviour: for example, ample, if there is a crisis involving the functioning of expen- individual members may be too shy to offer their opinions sive technology, individuals may hold back from tackling and knowledge assertively, therefore failing to contribute the issue on the assumption that others in their team will fully to the group’s store of knowledge (Guzzo & Shea, take responsibility for making the necessary decisions. This 1992). can threaten the overall quality of group decisions. n Social conformity effects can cause group members to with- n Production-blocking is when individuals are inhibited from hold opinions and information contrary to the majority view, both thinking of new ideas and offering them aloud to the especially an organizationally dominant view (Hackman, group by the competing verbalizations of others (Diehl & 1992; Schlenker, 1980). Stroebe, 1987). This effect has been shown in the study of n Communication skills vary, and some members may be brainstorming groups: quantity and often quality of ideas unable to present their views and knowledge successfully, produced by individuals working separately consistently while someone who has mastered ‘impression manage- exceeded those produced by a group working together. ment’ may disproportionately influence group decisions, n The hidden profile is the powerful but unconscious tendency even in the absence of expertise (Leery & Kowalski, 1990). of team members to focus on information all or most team n Domination by particular individuals can mean they claim members already share and ignoring information that only a disproportionate amount of ‘air time’ and argue so one or two team members have (even though it may be vigorously that their own views generally prevail. Interest- brought to the attention of the group during decision mak- ingly, ‘air time’ and expertise are uncorrelated in groups ing and may be crucial) (Stasser, Vaughan & Stewart, 2000). that perform poorly (Rogelberg, Barnes-Farrell & Lowe, 1992). This catalogue of deficiencies indicates that group decision- n Egocentricity might take some individuals to senior positions, making within organizations is more complex than is commonly but people with this trait tend to be unwilling to consider appreciated or understood. opinions and knowledge contrary to their own, making for poor communication within the group (Winter, 1973). n Status and hierarchy effects can cause some members’ con- Some useful techniques tributions to be valued and attended to disproportionately. So, when a senior executive is present in a meeting, her Recently researchers have begun to identify ways of overcoming views are likely to have an undue influence on the outcome some of these deficiencies. For example, research on groupthink (Hollander, 1958). has revealed that the phenomenon is most likely to occur in n Group polarization is the tendency of work groups to make groups where a supervisor is particularly dominant, and cohe- decisions that are more extreme than the average of indi- siveness per se is not the crucial factor. Supervisors can therefore vidual members’ decisions (Myers & Lamm, 1976). be trained to be facilitative, seeking the contributions of individual n Groupthink – a phenomenon identified by Janis (1982) in his members before offering their own perceptions (see West, 1996). study of policy decisions and fiascos – is when a tightly knit Rogelberg, Barnes-Farrell and Lowe (1992) have offered a group makes a poor decision because it is more concerned structured solution called the ‘stepladder technique’. Each group with achieving agreement than with the quality of its member has thinking time before proposing any decisions, and decision making. This effect can be especially strong when then pairs of group members present their ideas to each other and different departments see themselves as competing with discuss their respective opinions before making any decisions. one another or when teams have very strong leaders. The next step involves pairs of pairs presenting their views to PSY_C20.qxd 1/2/05 3:54 pm Page 443

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Table 20.2 Characteristics of traditional vs. team-based organizations.

Individual command structures Collective decision-making structures

Manager controls Team monitors its performance Vertical hierarchy Horizontal integration across teams Stability and uniformity Change and innovation One best way to organize Team tailors its own ways of working Managers manage Self-managing teams

ORGANIZATIONS AT WORK

Figure 20.9 Most of the research on work groups has been carried out by Groupthink is more likely to occur when there is a dominant psychologists. But the study of organizations has attracted atten- supervisor. tion from the full range of social and economic sciences. In recent years, psychology has begun to play a relatively larger role, par- each other. The process continues, with each sub-group’s presen- ticularly in collaboration with other disciplines. tation being followed by time for the group as a whole to discuss the problem and ideas proposed. A final decision is put off until the entire group has presented. ORGANIZATIONAL DESIGN Initial evidence suggests that the quality of group decisions made using procedures like this is at least as good as that of The choice of structures and associated managerial processes that decisions made by their best individual members. This is consist- enable an organization to operate effectively are described as ent with the finding that fostering disagreement in a vigorous organizational design. These structures and processes will largely but cooperative way in organizations leads to better decisions determine how we experience an organization (Pugh, 1998a, b, c). (Tjosvold, 1998). An army is large, highly structured, very formalized and Teams can avoid the hidden profile problem by ensuring that hierarchical, with clear status and rankings that determine author- members have clearly defined roles so that each is seen as a ity structures. Army rules and regulations provide strict decision- source of potentially unique and important information, by making guidelines as well as restrictions on activities. On the ensuring that members listen carefully to colleagues’ contribu- other hand, a small firm of consultants, which offers advice to tions in decision making, and by ensuring that leaders alert the companies on how to select people for job openings, may have an team to information that is uniquely held by only one or two entirely different form. All consultants may have equal say in members. how the business is run; they may operate as independent practi- Finally, there is some evidence that work groups that take time tioners; and there may be few rules and regulations determining out to reflect on and appropriately modify their decision-making their behaviour. processes are more effective than those that do not (Maier, 1970; There are five interrelated concepts within the overarching West, 1996, 2004). theme of organizational design: (i) organization, (ii) how they While organizational psychologists have contributed a great design themselves, (iii) structure, (iv) effectiveness and (v) choice. deal to our understanding of how individual performance can be improved, it should be apparent from the issues considered in this 1. Organization The concept of organization can refer to a section that research on techniques for optimizing group decision range of types, including businesses, governmental organizations, making is still in its infancy. hospitals, universities, schools, not-for-profit organizations, Researchers and practitioners in organizational psychology are churches and so on. increasingly exploring how to structure and manage organiza- tions that ensure that team working fulfils its potential (West & 2. Design Design as a concept implies a deliberate effort to find Markiewicz, 2003). This requires that organizations devolve deci- an appropriate and effective organizational form (Daft, 1992). sion making to teams, that the various teams work cooperatively Having the army run like a small consultancy business, with few across team boundaries, that teams are well led, and that people rules, no hierarchy and lots of independent action, would render management processes (sometimes called Human Resource it ineffective in a crisis, unable to orchestrate appropriate action. Management systems or HRM) support team working. The chal- So design also implies a managerial authority to put organiza- lenge is to discover how to transform traditional organizations tional structure into effect, i.e. to ensure that particular groups of into team-based organizations (see table 20.2). people work together on tasks specified by management. PSY_C20.qxd 1/2/05 3:54 pm Page 444

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Pioneer Flexibility Innovation Human relations Derek Pugh (1930– ) inaugurated and led the Aston (resource (training, employee acquisition, new Research programme, a major series of studies on the morale) structure, functioning and performance of organizations, products, services) and the effects on the attitudes and behaviour of groups Internal External orientation orientation and individuals within them (Pugh, 1998a, b, c). This Rational goal Internal process programme began at the University of Aston and later (productivity (efficiency, rules targets, quality continued at the London Business School and other and regulations) centres throughout the world. Pugh contributed to the standards) development of the new discipline of Organizational Control Behaviour in business schools, and he was appointed the first British Professor of the subject at the London Business School in 1970. Figure 20.10

What is organizational effectiveness? In the competing values model, the effective organization combines emphases across 3. Structure An organiza- all four domains, but there are constant tensions between the formalization written rules and re- values of internal control, external flexibility and internal flexibil- tion’s structure consists in gulations governing activities in an ity and external control. Managing these tensions is part of the its rules and regulations function of management. Source: Adapted from Quinn and organization (degree of formalization) and Rohrbaugh (1983). the organizational elements that determine procedures centralization the degree to which for making decisions (degree To be effective, organizations must focus on the internal envir- decisions can only be taken by senior of centralization). onment (safety, rules and regulations) as well as on the external management, as against being devolved The military and govern- environment (customers, the actions of competitors, govern- to people throughout the organization ment departments are ex- ment regulations), but they will do so with different degrees of amples of highly centralized relative emphasis. organizations, whereas decentralized organizations include Organizations will also tend to be predominantly either con- voluntary organizations and partnerships (Hall, 1992). The trend trolling or flexible in relation to the internal and external envir- today is to decentralize decisions as much as possible (though in onment. Internal control means bureaucracy and rules and practice this turns out to be very difficult to achieve), in order to regulations. Internal flexibility means developing staff and giving ‘empower’ employees and derive maximum benefit from their them autonomy to work their own way. External control involves knowledge, skills and abilities (Spreitzer, 1995). focusing on meeting customer requirements and productivity Structure also includes the degree of specialization – that is, goals. External flexibility implies a concern with innovation, and how particular and unique each person’s job is. In some organ- adapting the organization to the outside world. izations, there is a low degree of specialization and one person The model, developed by Quinn and Rohrbaugh (1983), sug- may be expected to fill many roles. In a small rural health care gests that organizational effectiveness must be achieved in four team, for example, a nurse may act as receptionist, record keeper, domains: telephonist, computer operator, diagnostician, treatment provider, counsellor and even cleaner. In another organization, people n human relations (internal flexibility) might have highly specialized roles, such as the telesales manager n goals (external control) for one specific product line for one particular geographical area. n internal processes (internal control) n innovation (external flexibility) 4. Effectiveness Organizations are designed to be effective, but defining ‘effectiveness’ is not easy (Cameron, 1986). For a car Yet these four domains represent underlying conflict (Woodman manufacturer, being effective might mean maximizing produc- & Pasmore, 1991) between internal and external orientations of tivity and profitability. But there may be other dimensions of organizational activity, and between control and flexibility (e.g. effectiveness that serve these ends, too, such as a high level of tightly defining employees’ roles as against encouraging them to innovation and creativity in product design, a satisfied workforce develop or ‘grow’ their jobs). strongly committed to learning new skills, reducing waste to How organizations resolve these dilemmas determines both improve operating efficiency, and ensuring high quality standards organizational strategies and effectiveness. It is an interesting for the product or service that is offered. exercise to apply the analysis to organizations you are personally Figure 20.10 shows a model for analysing effectiveness based familiar with, and to then decide whether you consider that the on two core but complementary dimensions – (i) internal vs. predominant orientation of the organization is external or internal, external orientation and (ii) flexibility vs. control. and whether the emphasis is on flexibility or control. PSY_C20.qxd 1/2/05 3:54 pm Page 445

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5. Choice Finally, there is the concept of choice. Structures and Informal practices – e.g. norms such as management and non- processes do not simply evolve. They are a consequence of man- management employees sitting at separate tables in the agerial choices, external factors (e.g. safety issues, or government canteen; strictly formal dress, uniforms or casual dress. legislation on equal opportunities) and stakeholder pressures Espoused values and rituals – e.g. an emphasis on cooperation (such as shareholders demanding bigger returns on their invest- and support vs. cut-and-thrust competition between ments, or employees pressuring for better working conditions). teams; cards, gifts and parties for those leaving the organ- ization; celebrations at certain times of the calendar or financial year. The downsizing trend Stories, jokes and jargon – e.g. commonly told stories about a particular personal success or the failings of management; A critical element of organization design is size, or number of jokes about the sales department; jargon or acronyms employees (Hall, 1977). The experience of working in large organ- (most government departments have a lexicon of izations (for example a major oil company such as BP) is very acronyms and jargon, which is often impenetrable to different from working in a smaller organization (such as a outsiders). research institute which employs about 40 people). Physical environment – office space, canteens, rest rooms. Are Until the 1980s, the general trend was for organizations to all spaces clean, tidy and comfortable or only the areas on grow, but now reductions in size are more common. This is public display? Are there decorations, such as plants and partly because the spread of information technology, the develop- paintings, and adequate employee facilities, such as water ment of networked computers and the evolution of the personal fountains? computer have all enabled networks of smaller organizations to collaborate. So nowadays call centres are replacing bank tellers The meanings of all these aspects of the organization taken and airlines reservation staff. together tell us about its underlying culture (Schein, 1992). There Organizations are also creating flatter, team-based and less has been particular interest in how to ‘manage’ organizational centralized structures with fewer levels of management. And culture, and considerable re- there is a trend towards outsourcing (or contracting out) certain sources have been spent try- organizational culture the shared core organizational services, such as catering, cleaning or com- ing to create ‘a service culture’ meanings, values, attitudes and beliefs puter maintenance, thereby reducing the need for a large labour or ‘an open culture’ or ‘a held by organizational members force within an organization. people culture’, to name but three examples. ORGANIZATIONAL CULTURE Understanding culture As organization designs change, psychologists have investigated new ways to analyse those organizations. One approach that has Organizational psychologists have adopted three approaches to caught the attention of many social scientists is to view organiza- understanding culture (Martin, 1992): integration, differentiation tions as ‘cultures’. and fragmentation. These differing dimensions suggest that organ- izational culture is complex and that we can best understand it by adopting a multidimensional perspective. Manifestations of culture 1. The integration perspective Those who adopt this view Imagine describing to your friends the experience of visiting a believe that a ‘strong culture’ will lead to more effective organ- distant foreign country. You might talk about the dress, laws, reli- izational performance. A strong culture is consistent throughout gious beliefs, cultural values and traditions, physical environ- the organization, and there is organization-wide consensus and ment, social attitudes, buildings, night life, recreational activities, clarity. Senior management set the values and develop a mission language, humour, food, values and rituals of that country. statement. When this is effectively communicated and imple- Organizations can also be described in terms of their cultures, mented via managerial practices, organization-wide consensus is including their values, attitudes and beliefs. Manifestations of cul- shaped. So employees know what they are supposed to do and ture include: agree on the value of doing it. McDonald (1991) described such a culture in the Los Angeles Hierarchy – e.g. the number of levels of command or manage- Olympic Organizing Committee. The employees wore attractive ment, from the head of the organization to the lowest level uniforms, developed elaborate rituals, introduced brightly employee. coloured stadium decorations, adopted an intense working pace Pay levels – high or low, whether there is performance-related and told many stories about their charismatic leader, which all pay, and what the differentials are between people at dif- reinforced an organization-wide commitment around a shared ferent grades. set of values. Job descriptions – how detailed or restrictive they are, and what However, organizational psychologists now believe that cul- aspects they emphasize (e.g. safety, productivity, cost sav- ture is more complicated than the integration perspective alone ing or quality). implies. PSY_C20.qxd 1/2/05 3:54 pm Page 446

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2. The differentiation perspective This view recognizes that employees or members have differing interests, task responsibilit- Customer service ies, backgrounds, experiences and expertise, which means that Strong emphasis on customer service work attitudes and values, as well as pay and working conditions, Company provides quality service Customer problems corrected quickly will vary throughout the organization. Add the differing social Delivers products/services in a timely fashion identities due to gender, class and ethnic background, and, Quality according to this perspective, the concept of a unifying culture Senior management committed to quality service seems inappropriate. Instead, it is proposed that within the organ- Senior management demonstrates quality is a top priority ization there are overlapping and nested sub-cultures, which Supervisors provide service guidance Supervisors set good examples in relation to quality co-exist in relationships of harmony, conflict or indifference. Work group quality is rated Van Maanen (1991) found just this differentiation even in the Continuous improvement ‘strong culture’ of Disneyland. Food vendors and street cleaners Clear service standards are set Quality is a priority vs. meeting deadlines were at the bottom of the status rankings whereas, among ride Quality is a priority vs. cost containment operators, those responsible for ‘yellow submarines’ and ‘jungle Involvement boats’ had high status. Some tension was noted between opera- Front line staff have the authority necessary to meet tors, supervisors and even customers as the different groups inter- customers’ needs acted. At the same time, supervisors were engaged in an endless Encouragement to be innovative struggle to catch operators breaking the rules. Encouragement to participate in decisions Sufficient effort to get opinions of staff According to Van Maanen, the conflict or differentiation per- Management use employees’ good ideas spective offers a more realistic account of organizational culture Training than the integration perspective. Plans for training and development Opportunities for staff to attend training 3. The fragmentation perspective Ambiguity is a defining Staff given opportunities to improve skills feature of many organizations. According to the fragmentation Staff are satisfied with training opportunities Staff have the right training to help them improve perspective, this ambiguity occurs because there simply is no con- New employees get necessary training sensus about meanings, attitudes and values of the organization. Information/Knowledge Meyerson (1991) demonstrated this approach in a study of a Management gives clear vision/direction social work organization. Where goals were unclear, there was Staff have a clear understanding of goals no consensus about appropriate ways to achieve them, and suc- Staff are informed about issues Departments keep each other informed cess was hard to define and to assess. In this organization, ambi- Enough warning about changes guity was the salient feature of working life. As one social worker Satisfaction with organizational information reported: ‘It just seems to me like social workers are always a lit- Teamwork/Cooperation tle bit on the fringe; they’re part of the institution, but they’re Cooperation to get the job done not. You know they have to be part of the institution in order to Management encourages teamwork really get what they need for their clients, but basically they’re Workload divided fairly Enough people to do the work usually at odds with the institution’ (p. 140). Problems in teams corrected quickly There is considerable debate about the types of cultures that are Overall satisfaction High job satisfaction associated with organizational effectiveness but some researchers Jobs use skills and abilities have gathered data from the employees of successful companies Work gives a feeling of accomplishment on which characteristics they associate with their companies’ suc- Satisfaction with organization Rate the organization as a place to work cess. These include emphases on customer service, quality of Proud to work for the organization goods and services, involvement of employees in decision mak- Would recommend working at the organization ing, training for employees, teamwork and employee satisfaction High job security (see figure 20.11). Not seriously considering leaving the organization

POWER AND POLITICS Figure 20.11

Why do people get up out of their warm beds to get to work on Key dimensions of climate/culture linked to high-performing time on a cold winter morning? Why do they conform to the organizations. Source: Adapted from Wiley and Brooks (2000). office dress code? Why do they allow the boss to talk to The pursuit of power them in a way they would power the probability of carrying out not permit from others? The ‘Power’ can be defined as the probability of someone carrying out one’s own will in an organization, explanation goes beyond the their own will, despite resistance (Weber, 1947). It is not usually despite resistance from other organiza- simple need for pay – it relates wielded nakedly in organizations because it creates resentment tional members to issues of power and control. and resistance. Instead, those in power tend to use influence and PSY_C20.qxd 1/2/05 3:54 pm Page 447

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with the notion that organizations can (with appropriate man- agement) be one ‘happy family’ with everyone in the organiza- tion believing in the same ideals as the strong leader. This latter perspective is the ‘unitarist’ view (Burrell & Morgan, 1979). The pluralist perspective is particularly relevant as businesses become more global and our societies become more multi- ethnic. Organizations must reflect their societies if they are to be sensitive to the needs and desires of their customers, quite apart from the moral issues of equal opportunities. Organizational psy- chologists are therefore becoming increasingly concerned with managing a workforce that is diverse in terms of ethnicity, dis- ability, age, culture and gender.

Women at work

Figure 20.12 A major area of research on power in organizations examines the The pursuit of power for its own ends can be very destructive, experiences of women at work. The list of potentially relevant as the history books show. themes (some of which also apply to men) is long, including: bias in selection, placement, performance appraisal and promotion; sexual harassment; obstacles to achievement and advancement; persuasion, which is generally effective because we know that conflict between work and family responsibilities. Other concerns they have the power to achieve their ends ultimately. relate to being in a non-traditional (i.e. ‘male’) job and being in the The pursuit of power for its own ends can be very destructive. minority (worse still, a ‘token’) as a female manager (Gutek, 1993). McClelland (1975) conducted an analysis of people’s needs for A significant problem is stereotyping. The effects reach deep power and showed how those with a strong power motive may into adult employment, where 52 per cent of employed women present themselves well at interview but be a disaster at work, work in occupational groups in which more than 60 per cent of alienating others and reducing the capacity of the organization their co-workers are women, such as clerical and secretarial to achieve cooperative, collaborative, concerted action. This is work, service work and sales. Similarly, 54 per cent of men work because they tend to interpret most situations in power terms and in occupational groups where more than 60 per cent of their co- act in Machiavellian or manipulative ways to assert or gain power. workers are men, including occupational groups such as man- Power, according to French and Raven (1959), derives from agers and administrators, craft and related occupations, plant and five sources: machine operatives (Equal Opportunities Commission, 1998). n Legitimate power comes from position in the hierarchy and Women are also vastly over-represented in part-time work and is imposed by authority. pregnancy is still (illegally) treated by some employers as a cause n Expert power results from access to knowledge and infor- for dismissal. In 1998, the UK Equal Opportunities Commission mation, so the computer wizard often gains considerable reported that 34 per cent of complainants had been dismissed or power in an organization. threatened with dismissal when they first announced their preg- n Reward power is illustrated by the person who allocates nancy; 28 per cent were told so before going on maternity leave, offices, parking spaces, pay rises, equipment or stationery – 18 per cent while on leave, and 3 per cent on their return to the such people may have considerable power without being in workplace (Equal Opportunities Commission, 1998). a senior position in the hierarchy. Perhaps most revealing of the pervasive discrimination against n Coercive power is the power to force others into action or women in the workplace is the data on pay. The gender gap in inaction by the threat of punishment, such as delaying the average hourly pay of full-time employees, excluding overtime, payment of expenses claims. narrowed between 1998 and 2003 to its lowest value since records n Referent power is wielded by someone whose persuasive- began. However, women’s average hourly pay was still only ness, popularity or charisma lead others to accede to his/ 82 per cent of men’s. Average gross hourly earnings, excluding her wishes or suggestions. overtime, of full-time women were 82 per cent of the equivalent average for men. A pluralist view Although women have increased their representation some- what in the ranks of executives (from 8.9 per cent in 1991 to The power and politics perspective (Pfeffer, 1981) examines the 18 per cent in 1998), they still account for less than 5 per cent of way individuals and groups within organizations compete for company directors (Equal Opportunities Commission, 2004) in resources and other desired ends (e.g. office space, visibility, the UK. In the US in 2004, only 8 of the top 500 companies were recognition, promotion). headed by a woman. This ‘pluralist’ view regards organizations as made up of a vari- One issue, which is much debated, is whether women have dif- ety of interests and beliefs that should all be heard. It contrasts ferent managerial or leadership styles from men. The bulk of the PSY_C20.qxd 1/2/05 3:54 pm Page 448

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Some employees volunteer for redundancy, and are happy to leave the organization with some financial package as compensa- tion. Often, though, redundancy is perceived in terms of loss – loss of income, prestige, status and social identity. Those who are left behind in the organization often experience guilt, and, although they may be willing to work harder, they generally feel more insecure having witnessed the dismissal of colleagues (Daniel, 1972; Hartley et al., 1991). Redundancy has even been compared to bereavement, with associated psychological stages of shock, denial, disbelief and, later, acceptance.

PSYCHOLOGICAL EFFECTS OF UNEMPLOYMENT

Unemployment usually has very negative psychological conse- Figure 20.13 quences. Research from the 1930s to the present day has consist- The experiences of women at work are subject to major research, ently shown that the unemployed have poorer mental health which considers, for example, the ‘token woman’ in the workplace. than comparable groups of employed people. Figure 20.14 shows that only 18 per cent of the employed population are so severely stressed that they would benefit from professional help, whereas research suggests there are large differences within genders as this figure lies at 30 per cent for the unemployed. Unemployed well as between them, but that women adopt a consistently more people have worse profiles on measures of anxiety, depression, democratic and participative style of management than men do life dissatisfaction, experienced stress, negative self-esteem and (Eagly & Johnson, 1990; Powell, 1993). Some researchers argue hopelessness about the future. They are also more likely to report that women also have a more ‘transformational’ style, inspiring social isolation and low levels of daily activity. Their physical and encouraging their employees, whereas men tend to use a health is poorer, and they are more likely to attempt and commit ‘transactional’ style, punishing and rewarding selectively to suicide (Fryer, 1992; Warr, 1987). achieve the desired task-related behaviours (e.g. Rosener, 1990). The average psychological wellbeing of school leavers who become unemployed diverges from those who get satisfactory jobs, even when their wellbeing before leaving school is similar. REDUNDANCY AND UNEMPLOYMENT And people who move out of unemployment into satisfactory jobs show sharp improvements in mental health. These findings are striking in their consistency. The same picture emerges across The fierce competition of globalization has led organizations to studies, samples, different research groups, countries and over time. outsource parts of their operations that other companies can do Striking, too, is the fact that the psychological effects of unem- less expensively. This has led ployment extend to the whole family. In a classic study of a whole to more insecurity within village affected by unemployment, the effects were shown to downsizing when organizations reduce organizations, and to waves spread across the whole community, lowering its spirit and func- their workforce to save on labour costs of downsizing as organiza- tioning ( Jahoda, Lazarsfeld & Zeisel, 1972). tions cut jobs that seem to 35 add cost but little value. Our concern here is with the effects of redundancy and unemployment on those who experience these 30 events. 25 20 Employed Not in labour market 15 REDUNDANCY – A KIND OF BEREAVEMENT Unemployed 10 While the beginning of an individual’s experience in an organiza- 5 tion is a process of learning new behaviours, the end may be a

% cases of poor mental health 0 process of letting go as a result of redundancy. Redundancy can Employment status come about because of downsizing. It can also be a result of skills obsolescence, as when e-mail networks reduce the need for an Figure 20.14 internal post system and the traditional mail coordinator is no longer required. Or it can be a result of outsourcing. For example, Percentage of cases of poor mental health by employment status. school meal services may be contracted out to private catering Source: Based on British Household Panel Survey, 3rd wave data (1993–94). firms, making ‘dinner assistants’ redundant. PSY_C20.qxd 1/2/05 3:54 pm Page 449

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FINAL THOUGHTS

Work is a part of everyone’s life, whether it is domestic work, voluntary work, assisting in a shoe shop, or nursing in or managing a large hospital. Our work contributes to the meaning we create about ourselves as we build a sense of identity. Our experience of work also determines our psychological and physical health. But more than this, work organizations have a profound effect on society and on the sense of community created within it. Our experience of work spills over into family life – those whose work is rewarding and fulfilling take the benefits back into their families and communities. Moreover, organizations can be productive and enhancing players in society or can behave in exploitative and unethical ways. So understanding work and organizations is of huge importance in human society. To give just one example, one study has shown a strong link between the management of staff in hospitals and patient mortality (West et al., 2002). The challenge is to create work organizations that enhance human well-being, learning and creativity, contribute to society and its development, and provide models of communities based on justice, ethics, innovation and economic effectiveness. There is much still to discover, but psychological theory and research are proving to offer the most profound insights into the world of work as our under- standing of this field develops.

Summary

n Organizational psychology is an important and vibrant field of inquiry which has been enjoying considerable growth in recent decades throughout the industrialized world. n It provides valuable insights that help us understand people’s actions, thoughts and feelings in relation to work, and con- sequently how to improve the management of people at work. n Organizational psychology has made significant contributions to improving many areas of people management, including per- sonnel selection, training, employee morale and motivation, working conditions, and organizational design and development. n Although many companies continue to seek success through, for example, technology or cost reduction, rather than through effectively managing their workforce, there is increasing evidence that people management is a crucial source of organizational success. n As a result, those individuals responsible for commercial organizations, as well as policy makers in government, are looking to psychologists and other organizational scientists to help create organizations that are effective and efficient but are also experi- enced as nurturing and supportive environments by the people who work within them. n Recent research has demonstrated strong relationships between employee job satisfaction and organizational performance.

REVISION QUESTIONS

1. What are the main devices organizations use to ensure a ‘fit’ between employees and the organization? 2. What methods of selecting people for jobs are most effective? 3. How can managers ensure that the training they provide for employees influences how they perform in their jobs? 4. Is there a link between employees’ attitudes and their performance at work? 5. Why should we be concerned about whether people are ‘stressed’ by their work and how can we make work less stressful for people? 6. What factors hinder and help team effectiveness at work? 7. How can decision making by groups be made more effective? 8. Why is feeling ‘safe’ in a work team important for team performance? 9. What is organizational culture, and what dimensions could you use to describe the culture of organ- izations that you have experienced (e.g. voluntary work, school, paid work)? 10. What are the main sources of power that people have at work – and what do we mean by ‘power’ in organizations? 11. To what extent is discrimination against women at work a thing of the past? 12. What are the psychological effects of becoming unemployed? PSY_C20.qxd 1/2/05 3:54 pm Page 450

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FURTHER READING Brief, A.P. (1998). Attitudes in and around Organizations. London: Sage. A critical overview of research on organizational attitudes. Daft, R.L. (1998). Organizational Theory and Design. 6th edn. Cincinnati: South-Western. Easily readable introduction to organizational design and effectiveness, drawing together many themes. Goldstein, I.L. (1993). Training in Organizations: Needs Assessment, Development, and Evaluation. 3rd edn. Pacific Grove, CA: Brooks/Cole. A good overview of practical and theoretical issues in the training field. Hackman, J.R. (ed.) (1990). Groups that Work (and Those that Don’t): Creating Conditions for Effective Teamwork. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. Insights into how work groups function, and the factors and conditions that enhance their effectiveness. Morgan, G. (1997). Images of Organization. 2nd edn. London: Sage. One of the most original and stimulating frameworks for understanding the nature of organizational life. Schein, E.H. (1992). Organizational Culture and Leadership. 2nd edn. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. An influential account of the nature, causes and effects of organizational culture. Smith, M., & Robertson, I.T. (1993). Systematic Personnel Selection. London: Macmillan. A comprehensive text on personnel selection issues. West, M.A. (2004). Effective Teamwork: Practical Lessons from Organizational Research. Oxford: Blackwell. An introduction to the relevant research and the practice of teamwork.

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Forensic Psychology 21

CHAPTER OUTLINE LEARNING OBJECTIVES INTRODUCTION PSYCHOLOGY AND THE LAW The meaning of ‘forensic’ The origins of legal psychology EYEWITNESS MEMORY An early model of memory The strength and validity of the evidence THE PSYCHOLOGY OF CONFESSION Voluntary false confessions Interrogational tactics Coerced false confessions THE PSYCHOLOGY OF INVESTIGATION The cognitive interview Detecting lies and deceit Offender profiling CRIMINOLOGICAL PSYCHOLOGY The Cambridge Study Violent offenders Working with offenders FINAL THOUGHTS SUMMARY REVISION QUESTIONS FURTHER READING PSY_C21.qxd 1/2/05 3:55 pm Page 453

Learning Objectives

By the end of this chapter you should appreciate that:

n forensic psychology is informed by research in many other areas;

n research has identified the major influences on the accuracy of eyewitness memory;

n there are major differences between voluntary and coerced confessions;

n interviewers use a variety of techniques to enhance memory retrieval in witnesses;

n it is not straightforward to detect lies and deceit;

n there are factors present during childhood that can predict adult offending, and important influences over the lifespan that help to explain and characterize violent conduct;

n there is a variety of treatments used when working with offenders;

n forensic psychologists work in a similar way to other psychologists.

INTRODUCTION

Crime is part of our everyday lives. Switch on appeared on the scene, philosophers struggled the television and there will be documentaries to understand evil and antisocial acts, while about crime, films about crime and crime stories students of jurisprudence wrestled with issues in the news. Pick up a newspaper and there will of criminal law and punishment. It was not until be coverage of local crimes, and articles about the turn of the 1900s that psychology was first crimes of national and international significance. applied to understanding criminal behaviour, Browse in a bookshop and you will probably find a and forensic psychology did not really emerge crime section with novels about crime, true crime as a speciality until the middle of the twentieth stories, books about criminals and books written century. by criminals. Listen to a conversation on the bus But forensic psychology has quickly grown or in the pub and there is a good chance that you in popularity, aided and abetted by several well- will hear someone talk about a burglary in their known television series. University postgraduate street, or their car being broken into, or a friend’s courses have expanded to include forensic psy- credit cards being stolen. chology, and there is now a range of professional From the time that Cain killed Abel, crime has opportunities for those with the appropriate been in the news. For centuries before psychology qualifications. PSY_C21.qxd 1/2/05 3:55 pm Page 454

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PSYCHOLOGY AND THE LAW Pioneer

THE MEANING OF ‘FORENSIC’ Hugo Münsterberg (1863–1916) is often referred to as the founding father of forensic psychology. A German psy- chologist, Münsterberg was invited to America in 1892 According to The Concise Oxford English Dictionary, ‘forensic’ by William James to set up a psychological laboratory at means ‘Of, used in, courts of law’. So, strictly speaking, forensic Harvard University. Münsterberg’s insistence that psycho- psychology is the application of psychology to matters concern- logy could be applied to education, industry, and law ing the court of law. was variously applauded as inspired by his supporters, Wrightsman’s Forensic Psychology takes just this approach in or derided as opportunistic by his critics. During the First proposing that ‘Forensic psychology is reflected by any applica- World War his political views (as seen in his pro-German tion of psychological knowledge or methods to the task facing the sympathies, and a critical stance that he adopted to legal system’ (2001, p. 2). This correct usage of the term ‘forensic’ American involvement in the war) led to his becoming a is similarly reflected in other texts given specifically to forensic social and academic outcast. psychology (Gudjonsson & Haward, 1998) or more generally to psychology and law (Bartol & Bartol, 1994; Kapardis, 1997; Stephenson, 1992). But ‘forensic psychology’ has also come to be used in a much discipline. In their history of forensic psychology, Bartol and Bartol broader sense – when psychology is associated with any topic (1999) note that several eminent figures, such as J. McKeen Cattell even remotely related to crime, such as the development of (1895), Alfred Binet (1905) and William Stern (1910), conducted antisocial behaviour, the study of different types of offender, and studies of the accuracy of memory, drawing parallels with the crime prevention. This improper use of the term ‘forensic’ has, precision of real-life eyewitness testimony. Even Sigmund Freud rightly, met with disapproval (Blackburn, 1996), but its use has showed an interest in legal psychology, publishing in 1906 a become widespread. paper titled ‘Psychoanalysis and the ascertaining of truth in In considering the topic of forensic psychology in the broad courts of law’. sense it is helpful to distin- But there is little doubt that the most influential figure of legal psychology the application of guish between legal psycho- the time was the American-based German psychologist Hugo psychology to matters of concern in a logy – which can be thought Münsterberg (1863–1916). A doctoral student of Willhelm Wundt court of law. of in terms of Wrightman’s in Leipzig, Münsterberg met William James at Harvard in 1889, definition – and criminological eventually taking a post there in 1897 (Spillmann & Spillmann, psychology – the application 1993). While writing on many areas of psychology, often in a criminological psychology the appli- of psychological knowledge controversial manner (Hale, 1980), Münsterberg’s major con- cation of psychology to enrich our and methods to the study tribution to the fledgling discipline of forensic psychology is to understanding of crime and criminal of crime and criminal be found in his book, published in 1908, On the Witness Stand. He behaviour behaviour. advanced the view that psychology could usefully be applied to enhance understanding of courtroom issues and procedures. In particular, Münsterberg drew attention to the psychologist’s THE ORIGINS OF LEGAL PSYCHOLOGY understanding of perception and memory, claiming that psycho- logical knowledge provided insight into the reliability of witness The application of psychology to the legal arena took place even testimony (thereby making the case for the psychologist as expert as psychology first developed as a university-based academic witness). At the time, Münsterberg’s claims for the practical bene- fits of psychology in the courtroom drew fierce attack from the legal profession (Wigmore, 1909). But his writings have stood the Pioneer test of time in anticipating important areas of research, such as the study of the reliability of evidence, as seen in investigations of L. R. C. Haward (1920–98) can rightly be acclaimed as the eyewitness memory and confessional evidence. first major figure in British forensic psychology. A clinical psychologist by training, Lionel Haward saw the potential for psychology to inform legal proceedings. He published on EYEWITNESS MEMORY the topic of forensic psychology in the 1950s – well before The British Psychological Society formed the Division of Criminological and Legal Psychology (now the Division AN EARLY MODEL OF MEMORY of Forensic Psychology) – and in 1981 he wrote the classic text Forensic Psychology. Alongside his academic work, he The capacity and fallibility of human memory was one of the first appeared as an expert witness in many cases, including the areas of investigation in psychological research (see chapter 11). infamous 1960s trial of the underground magazine Oz. Through careful experimental work, several distinguished scholars, including Hermann Ebbinghaus (1850–1909), began to unravel PSY_C21.qxd 1/2/05 3:55 pm Page 455

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Everyday Psychology The role of the expert witness As professional chartered or registered psychologists, forensic psychologists are often called upon to provide reports on particular individuals for court hearings. For example, in a legal context, a forensic evaluation may sub- sequently be used to assist the court in making an appro- priate decision regarding family, civil or criminal matters. A forensic psychologist might be called to give expert evid- ence in the accuracy of eyewitness memory, or the like- lihood of a false confession, or the reliability of children as witnesses when subjected to certain questioning procedures. The evaluation of the client provided by the forensic psychologist will often involve characterizing the relation- ship between psychological factors and relevant legal issues. For example, what is the forensic psychologist’s best opinion regarding the possible precipitating factors Figure 21.1 preceding the crime or civil offence? Findings should be clearly communicated and reflect standard psychological Forensic psychologists are often called upon to provide practice, including nationally and internationally accepted reports on particular individuals for court hearings. psychological instruments and norms. Relevant empirical research that is consistent with the psychologist’s conclu- sions should be noted. Any recommendations that are made (for example, with respect to rehabilitation) must be legally sound, practical and involve services that are widely available in the individual’s local community. Forensic psychologists should be able to defend their conclusions logically. It is especially important that the psychologist uses explanations that can be understood by non-psychologists, such as the judge, barristers and, of course, members of the jury. The relevant issues should therefore be presented clearly and simply, but without ‘dumbing down’. This takes great skill on the part of the forensic psychologist. The conclusions and recommendations of the forensic psychologist should assist the relevant person or agency in reaching a decision, and should not add unnecessary confusion to that process. In addition to having a relevant training and educa- tion background, it is therefore critical for psychologists who undertake forensic evaluations to possess excellent assess- ment and communication skills. They must also have experience and/or a thorough training in completing psychological evaluations in a legal setting so that they will not be ‘fazed’ by the process. Lawyers engaged in cross-examination can be hostile and seek to undermine the credibility of the psychologists’ professional opinions. ‘Wherever possible, stick to the facts’ is a piece of advice frequently offered to individuals who are presenting in court. Psychologists offering a professional opinion in court are protected by the court and therefore cannot be sued for defama- tion. Nevertheless, they should evaluate the core facts of the case in order to reach a professionally informed opinion regard- ing the psychological issues only. As with any professional, psychologists should not offer opinions outside their area of expertise. For example, they should not speculate on whether a defective mechanism in the workplace may have con- tributed to the event they have identified; this would be the province of another forensic professional.

Egeth, H.E., & McCloskey, M., 1984, ‘Expert testimony about eyewitness behaviour: Is it safe and effective?’ in G.L. Wells & E.F. Loftus (eds), Eyewitness Testimony: Psychological Perspectives, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

some of the fundamental properties of memory functioning focused on initial observation of the incident (acquisition), the (Ebbinghaus, 1885/1994). One model that emerged from this period between seeing and recalling (retention) and, finally, giving early work described the three memory stages of (i) acquisition testimony (retrieval). Researchers have engaged with a wide range (when memories are formed), (ii) retention (holding them in of relevant variables over a long period (Goodman et al., 1999; storage) and (iii) retrieval (fetching them from storage). Ross, Read & Toglia, 1994; Sporer, Malpass & Koehnken, 1996), While memory theory has including: moved on from this basic eyewitness testimony the evidence model, it is still useful in a dis- n social variables, such as the status of the interrogator; given by witnesses to a crime, typic- cussion of eyewitness memory. n situational variables, such as the type of crime; ally in the form of a verbal account or Research into the accuracy n individual variables, such as witness age; and person identification of eyewitness testimony has n interrogational variables, such as the type of questioning. PSY_C21.qxd 1/2/05 3:55 pm Page 456

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Acquisition Table 21.2 Speed estimates of collision in response to different forms of question wording. Research has also considered the effect of particular types of crime. For example, can witnesses to a violent crime be as accurate as Question, with different words Average speed estimates witnesses to a non-violent crime? Controlled experimental studies, used in place of the blank (miles per hour) typically during which witnesses see videotaped crimes of vary- ‘About how fast were the cars ing degrees of violence, suggest that violence results in poorer going when they – each other?’ witness accuracy (Clifford & Hollin, 1981). But strangely, field contacted 31 studies of real-life witnesses suggest that those who are exposed hit 34 to highly violent events can give very accurate testimony (Yuille bumped 38 & Cutshall, 1986). Indeed, adult victims of rape usually give a collided 39 reasonably accurate account of this extreme personal experience smashed 41 of violence (Koss, Tromp & Tharan, 1995). One possible explanation for this apparent contradiction is Source: Based on Loftus and Palmer (1974). that, in a stressful situation such as a violent crime, a witness’s attention may narrow to the central (rather than the peripheral) decrease with time, although the rates for false and correct iden- details of the incident. The theory is that the deployment of atten- tifications may be different. tion narrows to central details of the event, such as the criminal’s actions, thereby producing less reliable memory for peripheral Retrieval detail, such as what colour shirt the criminal was wearing (Clifford & Scott, 1978). When the central detail is a life-threatening weapon, Finally, during the retrieval stage, factors that potentially witnesses may pay much more attention to the weapon, to the influence the accuracy of eyewitness testimony include interview exclusion of other details. This phenomenon is known as ‘weapon style and the use of aids to recall, such as the photofit and identity focus’ (Loftus, Loftus & Messo, 1987). parades (see also chapter 11). It is vital to understand the impact on witness memory of fac- Studies of the impact of tors such as the type of crime. What is encoded during acquisition leading questions show that leading questions contain information is critical because it forms the basis for what is stored in memory even subtle changes in ques- (either intentionally or unintentionally) and eventually retrieved when giving testimony. tion wording can influence that can bias the respondent’s reply testimony. For example, Retention Loftus and Palmer (1974) asked witnesses to a filmed traffic accident to estimate the speed of the cars when ‘they – into each During the retention stage, witness memory may be subject other’: for different groups of witnesses the blank read ‘con- to various influences, such as discussion with other witnesses and tacted’, ‘hit’, ‘bumped’, ‘collided’ or ‘smashed’. The witnesses’ exposure to media accounts of the crime, not to mention the fact estimates of the speed increased according to the level of force that memory becomes less accurate over time. So the time interval implied by the verb contained in the question (table 21.2). between acquisition and retrieval is an obvious consideration. In later questioning, those witnesses who had been asked Several studies have compared the accuracy of eyewitness about the car ‘smash’ were more likely to say – mistakenly – that face identification over short and long time intervals. Malpass they had seen broken glass. Additional studies have established and Devine (1981), for example, chose short (three-day) and long that misleading information presented to witnesses is more likely (five-month) intervals. They found, not surprisingly, that after to have an influence on peripheral details than central events three days there were no false identifications, but after five months (Read & Bruce, 1984). Furthermore, it seems that the effects of the rate of false identifications had risen (table 21.1). Conversely, the leading questions such as those used by Loftus and Palmer (1974) rate of correct identifications was initially high but fell signific- are a direct product of the demands of the questioning proced- antly at five months. ures, rather than the questions leading to permanent changes in Krafka and Penrod (1985) reported a similar finding with the memory (Zaragoza, McCloskey & Jarvis, 1987). This last point much shorter time intervals of two hours and 24 hours. The emphasizes that witnesses can give incorrect replies to questions force of the evidence suggests that identification accuracy does even though the memory trace (‘retention’) itself has apparently not been distorted.

Table 21.1 The effect of delay on face recognition. THE STRENGTH AND VALIDITY OF Short delay Long delay THE EVIDENCE Correct IDs 83% 36% False IDs 0% 35% Narby, Cutler and Penrod (1996) have created three categories of witness-related evidence based on reliability and magnitude of Source: Based on Malpass and Devine (1981). effect: PSY_C21.qxd 1/2/05 3:55 pm Page 457

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1. reliable and strong factors that show consistent effects on An issue that is broader than the strength of the evidence con- eyewitness memory (e.g. there are differences in memory cerns its validity when applied to the real world. Do the findings performance between adult and child witnesses; if a person from psychological studies parallel what happens to real crime is wearing a disguise, such as a hat, this influences accuracy witnesses? Should research findings be made available to the of memory; and the length of time, termed ‘exposure dura- court to influence real trials? In other words, can psychological tion’, that the witness has to observe an incident); studies of eyewitness memory be generalized to real life? 2. reliable and moderate factors that show effects in some Critics such as Konecni and Ebbesen (1986) and Yuille and studies but not in others (e.g. the match between the level of Cutshall (1986) note the lack of realism in many experimental confidence a witness has in their memory and how accurate studies, such as the use of filmed crimes, and the participants’ it really is; weapon focus; and crime seriousness); and awareness of the research aims. The matter boils down to one 3. weak or non-influential factors that have little or no effect of control – laboratory studies allow a high degree of control at on witness accuracy (e.g. witness gender; the personality the expense of realism, while field research is more realistic and of the witness; and (within limits) the witness’s level of ‘ecologically valid’ but prey to a host of influences that reduce intelligence). control over the variables being measured. This is a problem

Research close-up 1 Measuring crime The research issue A great deal of research in forensic psychology relies on a measure of crime as key outcome measure. For example, the evaluation of crime prevention initiatives, innovative police procedures or offender treatment strategies all rely on measur- ing their impact on crime in order to estimate their effectiveness and make decisions regarding their continued funding. There are several ways of measuring crime (for example, conducting victim surveys to gain knowledge of local or national estimates of levels of crime, asking known criminals to give self-reports about their offending, or looking to official recon- viction records). We know that there will be differences across measurement of crime according to the use of victim reports, self-reports or official figures. But what can we say about variation within a type of measurement? For example, can it be taken for granted that there will be consistency in official records of crime? A study by Friendship, Thornton, Erikson and Beech (2001) looked at the two main sources of criminal history informa- tion held in England and Wales. It is from these sources that researchers take official reconviction figures.

Design and procedure The research was concerned with two sources of criminal history data:

1. The Offenders Index (OI) is a computerized database containing criminal histories, based on court appearances, of all those convicted of standard offences in England and Wales since 1963. 2. The National Identification System (NIS) is based on police records held both on microfiche and a computer database.

In order to compare these data sources, the researchers took a sample of 134 sexual offenders and compared the data for offence history and reconvictions for this group as recorded on the OI and the NIS.

Results and implications There were variations between the two data sources in their recording of criminal history variables of the sexual offenders. This variation, in turn, indicated that the reconviction rates derived from the two data sources differed. Based on the OI, the reconviction rate for the sample was 22 per cent reconviction for general offences and 10 per cent for further sexual offences, but for the NIS, the comparable rates were 25 per cent and 12 per cent, respectively. Also, when a composite measure of reconviction was derived by combining OI and NIS data to give the ‘best’ estimate, the reconviction rates, again for general and sexual offences, were 32 and 13 per cent respectively. Friendship et al. are correct in stating that their findings will be of great benefit to researchers. The use of composite measures of reconviction, based on both the OI and NIS data sources, gives a more complete indication of reconviction than either source used alone. This is essential information, based on empirical study, for researchers whose work may inform both policy-makers and practitioners.

Friendship, C., Thornton, D., Erikson, M., & Beech, A., 2001, ‘Reconviction: A critique and comparison of two main data sources in England and Wales’, Legal and Criminological Psychology, 6, 121–9. PSY_C21.qxd 1/2/05 3:55 pm Page 458

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which has bedevilled many areas of psychological research but VOLUNTARY FALSE CONFESSIONS its influence is arguably no more profound than in the field of forensic psychology. A voluntary false confession The strongest conclusions that can be validly drawn will most occurs when, in the absence of voluntary confession formal admis- likely be derived from a variety of studies (including laboratory any obvious external pressure, sion of guilt given freely, which can be studies, case studies, field studies and archival studies) which an individual presents himself true or false, usually made to the police employ a broad range of different experimental designs and to the police and admits to methodologies (see chapter 2 on ‘triangulation’). a crime he did not commit. Kassin and Wrightsman (1985) sug- gest several possible reasons for this behaviour:

THE PSYCHOLOGY OF CONFESSION 1. the desire for notoriety – it is a feature of many high-profile crimes that substantial numbers of people come forward to confess; In law, a confession is exceptionally powerful evidence – an 2. the individual may feel guilty about a previous event in his irrefutable admission of guilt. But while most confessions are life, and believe he deserves to be punished; true, some people have been known to ‘confess’ to a crime they 3. inability to distinguish between fact and imagination, so did not commit. Gudjonsson (2003) offers a catalogue of cases internal thoughts of committing a crime become ‘real’ (this in which people have been imprisoned for long periods, or even type of behaviour is often associated with major mental executed, on the basis of a false confession. In the UK these disorders such as schizophrenia); infamous cases include those of the ‘Guildford Four’ and 4. the desire to protect someone else, such as a child or ‘Birmingham Six’, two court cases from the mid 1970s, in which partner (this type of false confession can be coerced as well four and six innocent people respectively received long prison as voluntary). sentences based on evidence that included false confessions. How often such cases arise is impossible to know – matters of guilt and innocence are not always clear-cut, and the discovery Gudjonsson (2003) notes revenge as another motive that can of a mistake in sentencing can take years to come to light. lead to a false confession. In one case, a man made a false confes- Undoubtedly, some such errors never do. sion deliberately to waste police time as revenge for what he per- Why people make false confessions, another issue raised by ceived as his previous wrongful treatment by the police. Münsterberg (1908), is a very ‘psychological’ question. A dis- In contrast to voluntary false confessions, the essential element tinction has been drawn between two types of false confession – of a coerced confession is that the individual is persuaded to voluntary and coerced. Coerced false confession can be broken confess. As Kassin (1997) sug- gests, to understand coercion down further into two sub-types – coerced–compliant and coerced– coerced confession formal admission within the context of a false internalized false confessions. of guilt made under duress, which can confession it is necessary be true or false, usually made to the to begin with the process of police police interrogation.

INTERROGATIONAL TACTICS

The laws relating to the conduct of police interrogation of suspects vary from country to country. But there are some psychological principles that can be applied whenever one person is seeking information from another, irrespective of location. Suspects may spend time isolated in police cells before and during interrogation, an experience that can be frightening and stressful (Irving, 1986). For some, this situation may create psycho- logical distress or exacerbate existing psychological and emotional conditions. Police interrogation manuals from both Britain (Walkley, 1987) and America (Inbau, Reid, & Buckley, 1986) tell us that, from a police perspective, the interrogator must over- Figure 21.2 come the suspect’s natural resistance to tell the truth, and so must The famous ‘Birmingham Six’: their case in the UK is one of be skilled in the use of strategies to persuade the suspect to con- a catalogue of cases in which people have been imprisoned fess. These interrogational tactics, based on the social psychology for long periods, or even executed, on the basis of a false of conformity, obedience and persuasion (see chapter 18), increase confession. the pressure on suspects so that they will fall into line with the PSY_C21.qxd 1/2/05 3:55 pm Page 459

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interrogator’s view of events. The interrogator will do this by 2. In some circumstances, the suspect’s internal account of suggesting that they have the power to determine what charge events actually changes to fall into line with the interrogator, will be brought, whether the suspect will receive bail or be so that, both publicly and privately, the suspect comes to remanded in custody, and whether to involve other people agree with the interrogator’s version of events. This is called known to the suspect. The interrogator might also use persuasive a coerced–internalized false confession. tactics designed to encourage the suspect to confess, suggesting, for example, that there is evidence proving the case against Coerced compliance the suspect, or that accomplices have confessed, or even, as Gudjonsson and MacKeith (1982) noted, by producing dummy The notion of compliance has a long history in psychological files of evidence. research (Asch, 1956; Milgram, 1974; see also chapter 18). The More recently, there have been various legal changes in the rules compliant suspect copes with the pressures of interrogation by governing the conduct of interrogations to eliminate dubious coming to agree with the interrogator (even while knowing that practice (Gudjonsson, 2003). There is guarded optimism that the the agreement is incorrect, in the case of the coerced–compliant changes are having the desired effect. But in such a highly charged false confession). This might happen for several reasons: the suspect and complex arena, where there are often pressures on the police might wish to please the interrogator, avoid further detention and to solve a high-profile crime, it can be difficult to be certain of how interrogation, avoid physical harm (real or imagined) or strike a the minutiae of social exchanges during interrogation influence deal with the interrogator that brings some reward for making a the final outcome. confession (Vennard, 1984).

Coerced internalization COERCED FALSE CONFESSIONS The essential element in a coerced–internalized confession is Gudjonsson and Clark (1986) suggested that a suspect will come the suspect’s coming to believe that their own memory for events to an interrogation with a general cognitive ‘set’ that may be is incorrect and that the police version must therefore be true. hostile, suspicious or cooperative. This cognitive set (itself related Kassin (1997) has drawn the analogy between this type of con- to factors such as intelligence, level of stress and degree of previ- fession and the phenomenon of false memories (see chapter 11). ous experience of police questioning) will influence the suspect’s There are perhaps also parallels with the notion of cognitive appraisal of the situation, and so affect the suspect’s strategy for dissonance, discussed in chapter 17 (whereby a person comes coping with the interrogation. to change their attitudes to make them more consistent with Gudjonsson and Clark describe two styles of initial coping their behaviour) and the kind of obedience which occurs towards response: authority figures (discussed in chapters 1 and 18) may well also be relevant here. 1. a logical, realistic approach, which seeks actively to deal Drawing on the psychology of suggestibility (Gheorghiu et al., with the situation and may lead to active resistance (which 1989), Gudjonsson (1987) developed the notion of interrogative may weaken as the interrogation progresses) to the inter- suggestibility – the extent to which, during intense questioning, rogator’s persuasion to confess; and people accept information 2. a passive, helpless stance, which avoids confrontation with the communicated by the ques- interrogative suggestibility the degree interrogator, and so reduces stress but may lead to increased tioner and so change their to which individuals are inclined to susceptibility to the interrogator’s persuasive tactics. responses. The powerful accept as true the type of information combination of situational that is communicated by the questioner stress, individual factors such During questioning, the suspect has to recall information, but during interrogation she must also make some difficult decisions. She has to decide as self-perception, intelligence how confident she is in her memories, what answer to give the and memory ability, and cur- interrogator (which may not be the same as the suspect’s private rent psychological state may trigger suggestibility to misleading knowledge of events) and whether she trusts the interrogator. information on the part of the suspect, and so produce a false Resistant suspects are likely to hold onto their own version of confession. the truth, rebutting persuasive attempts to bring them to confess. Coerced suspects may change their version of the truth so as to agree with the interrogator. THE PSYCHOLOGY OF INVESTIGATION Where a false confession ensues, this process of coerced agree- ment can be seen in two distinct ways: THE COGNITIVE INTERVIEW 1. The suspect remains aware that her confession and her private, internal knowledge of the event disagree, but the Interviews are one of the most common ways of gathering suspect nevertheless comes to agree with the interrogator. information across a range of settings for a variety of reasons This is called a coerced–compliant false confession. (Memon & Bull, 1999). In the context of crime investigation, PSY_C21.qxd 1/2/05 3:55 pm Page 460

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information was encoded, the witness should have facil- itated access to stored memories, improving the accuracy and completeness of recall (Fisher et al., 1994). 3. Reverse order – the witness is encouraged to begin their description of an event from different starting points (such as a mid-point), or to start at the end and work backwards to the beginning. 4. Change perspective – witnesses are encouraged try to give an account of the event from the point of view of another person, such as another witness or the victim.

Techniques 3 and 4 are intended to encourage witnesses to try to use many different paths to retrieve information from mem- ory. If memories are stored as networks of associations, increas- ing the number of retrieval points should lead to more complete Figure 21.3 recall of the original event (Fisher at al., 1994). As the research and practice base developed, so the protocols Interviews are one of the most common ways of gathering for the cognitive interview expanded to include, for example, a information. broader range of specific questioning techniques and the use of guided imagery (Fisher & Geiselman, 1992). A body of evaluation studies, conducted in both laboratory and there will be interviews with witnesses, suspects and victims, field settings, has accumulated since 1984. According to Milne all conducted with various aims, including gathering evidence, and Bull (1999), the weight of evidence shows that the cognitive cross-checking information and eliciting confessions (Milne & interview elicits more correct (that is, truthful) information than Bull, 1999). Interviewing children has become something of a other types of interview. While there are some reservations, the speciality in its own right (Lamb et al., 1999). technique is generally well received by police officers and has The less salubrious aspects of police interviewing have been become widely used. Furthermore, recent research suggests that highlighted by investigators of false confessions, but there it is a reliable and helpful technique with child witnesses (Milne are other, more constructive, & Bull, 2003). aspects of the interview pro- cognitive interview method of ques- cess to consider. A technique tioning witnesses, devised for use by known as the cognitive inter- DETECTING LIES AND DECEIT the police, based on principles taken view illustrates the application from memory research of psychology to facilitate How easy is it to tell when someone is telling lies and seeking to investigative interviewing. deceive? (See also chapter 6.) Kassin (1997) cites several examples A great deal of the research on eyewitness testimony points to taken from police training manuals that suggest suspects’ verbal the frailties of memory and questions the reliability of eyewitness and nonverbal cues can be read to determine if they are lying. evidence. The cognitive interview is an attempt to find a con- For example, it has been suggested that guilty suspects do not structive solution to these problems and improve the accuracy make eye contact, while innocent suspects give clear, concise of eyewitness recall. answers. Fisher, McCauley and Geiselman (1994) describe how the It is possible that these general rules are useful, but the original cognitive interview protocol, used by police officers, empirical evidence suggests that even skilled questioners are not incorporated four techniques to enhance memory retrieval: good at detecting deceit simply on the basis of a suspect’s verbal and non-verbal cues (Ekman & O’Sullivan, 1991). Vrij (2000) 1. Context reinstatement – the witness is encouraged to recol- suggested that most liars are caught because it becomes too lect aspects of the situational context (such as sights and difficult to continue to lie, and they have not made sufficient sounds at the time of the event and relevant personal fac- preparation to avoid detection. Vrij lists seven qualities that make tors, such as how they felt and what they were thinking at a good liar: the time of the incident). 2. Report everything – the witness engages in perfectly free 1. having a well prepared story; recall, unconstrained by focused (and potentially leading) 2. being original in what is said; questioning, or self-censoring of what is reported. The 3. thinking quickly when the need arises; theory underpinning these two techniques lies in the con- 4. eloquence in storytelling; textual similarity between encoding and retrieval (see dis- 5. having a good memory for what has been said previously; cussion of the encoding specificity principle in chapter 11). 6. not experiencing emotions such as fear or guilt while lying So if the process of retrieval from memory can take place (see chapter 6); and in a similar psychological context to that in which the 7. good acting ability. PSY_C21.qxd 1/2/05 3:55 pm Page 461

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If verbal and non-verbal offenders. Turvey (2000) draws the distinction between inductive Statement Validity Assessment (SVA) cues are hard to read, how and deductive methods of profiling. Inductive methods rely on the method for the formal analysis of wit- does an investigator catch expert skills and knowledge of the profiler – a method often referred ness statements in order to gauge their out an individual who pos- to as ‘clinical’ in style. By contrast, deductive methods rely on reliability sesses all the attributes listed forensic evidence, such as crime scene characteristics and offence- above? One approach is a related empirical data – an approach often referred to as ‘statistical’. highly structured analysis of verbal content, known as Statement Validity Assessment (SVA). Originally developed as a clinical tool for analysing children’s Profiling historical and political figures statements in cases of sexual abuse (Undeutsch, 1982), SVA con- Attempts have been made to construct psychological profiles sists of three elements: of historical figures (from Jack the Ripper to Adolf Hitler) by systematically gathering and organizing information in an 1. A statement is taken in a structured interview. effort to understand their motives and behaviour. Experts will 2. The content of the statement is judged by the forensic undoubtedly have constructed psychological profiles of Saddam psychologist in a criterion-based content analysis (CBCA). Hussain in order to try to predict his behaviour during the 2003 These content criteria are concerned with the general char- conflict in Iraq. These types of profile typically rely on specialist acteristics of the statement (such as whether it has a logical knowledge (e.g. military, historical). structure), the specific contents of the statement (such as descriptions of events and people), motivation-related con- tent (such as admission of a lack of memory) and offence- Profiling criminals from the crime scene specific elements (concerning the fine details of the offence). 3. The CBCA is necessarily subjective, and needs to be evalu- Way back in the late 1880s, forensic pathologists were trying ated against a standard set of questions set in the ‘validity to link series of crimes by the similarity of crime scene character- checklist’ (Raskin & Esplin, 1991). This checklist raises ques- istics, such as the nature of a victim’s wounds. More recently, tions about the conclusions drawn from the analysis. In the American Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) pioneered an other words, the content analysis itself is put to the test investigative system based on central features (such as the details by systematic consideration of interviewee characteristics. of a crime scene and forensic evidence) in order to construct a The interviewee’s psychological and motivational charac- profile of the psychological and behavioural characteristics of the teristics, the characteristics of the interview and a ‘reality criminal (Douglas et al., 1986). check’ against other forensic evidence are all examined. While forensic evidence can yield many clues, the starting point for the FBI was to use the crime scene to construct a picture It is clear that SVA represents an attempt to bring order and of the type of person who committed the offence. This approach rigour to the essentially subjective matter of judging the vera- yielded various classifications of types of offender associated with city and reliability of an interviewee’s statement. However, in a their psychological characteristics. review of the substantial evaluative literature with regard to SVA, For example, a much used distinction (mainly concerned with Vrij (2000) has expressed several reservations about the technique serious offenders such as murderers or rapists), incorporated within and highlighted areas where questions remain. He concludes that the FBI framework, is that between ‘organized’ and ‘disorganized’ ‘SVA evaluators appear to be able to detect truths and lies more offenders (Ressler, Burgess & Douglas, 1988). An organized offender accurately than would be expected by chance’ (p. 153). In other will plan the offence, be careful not to leave evidence, and target the words, while not a perfect technique, SVA does help improve victim. The disorganized offender will seemingly offend at random, accuracy beyond guesswork and inaccurate beliefs about how to use a weapon that is discarded near to the scene of the crime, and judge accuracy. make few attempts to hide evidence or potential clues. In terms of psychological characteristics, the organized offender is seen as intelligent and socially adjusted, although this apparent normality OFFENDER PROFILING can mask a psychopathic personality. According to this framework, the disorganized offender is said to be less intelligent and socially If ever a topic generated a isolated, may have mental health problems, and is likely to offend offender profiling constructing a pic- great deal of heat and rather when in a state of panic. The obvious criticisms of such distinctions ture of an offender’s characteristics less light, offender profiling (and the FBI approach more generally) is that they are inductive, from their modus operandi together would be high on the list of highly subjective and lacking in robust empirical validation. with the clues left at the crime scene most forensic psychologists. But as our knowledge base increases, it is likely that the technique will become increasingly Profiling common characteristics of sophisticated (Ainsworth, 2001; Jackson & Bekerian, 1997). known offenders Wrightsman (2001) distinguishes between profiling historical and political figures, profiling likely criminals from crime scene The third approach to profiling is to look to empirical data, rather characteristics, and profiling the common characteristics of known than an expert’s opinion, to construct profiles. This approach PSY_C21.qxd 1/2/05 3:56 pm Page 462

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emphasizes the rigorous gathering of data about the crime from multiple sources (such as geographical location and victim statements), the application of complex statistical analyses to databases of crime scene details (and other forensic evidence), and attempts to build a profile of the offender with theoretical integrity. Adopting this approach, Canter and Heritage (1990) analysed data from over 60 cases of sexual assault and were able to identify over 30 offence characteristics, such as level of violence, use of a weapon, type of assault and use of threats. Statistical analyses were used to search for relationships and patterns between the factors, and to build up characteristic profiles of types of sexual assault. This and other similar stud- ies provide preliminary support for the central premises of offender profiling based on the common characteristics of known offenders. Figure 21.4

Most young offenders ‘grow out of’ crime by the age of 18, but CRIMINOLOGICAL PSYCHOLOGY others continue to offend into adulthood.

The academic relationship between criminology and psychology has not always been harmonious (Hollin, 2002a). Studies of the first criminologists, in the late 1800s, focused on the individual nine, and it is still in progress, with over 90 per cent of the offender, and it was hard to distinguish between criminologists and sample still alive. The methodology used in the Cambridge Study psychologists. In the 1930s, the focus in mainstream criminology has involved not only access to official records, but also repeated shifted from the individual to society, and psychological theories testing and interviewing of the participants, as well as their of criminal behaviour held little sway compared to sociological parents, peers and schoolteachers. theories. But since the 1990s, there has been an increasing dialogue Approximately 20 per cent of the young men involved in the between the disciplines as the study of the individual once again survey were convicted as juveniles, a figure that grew to 40 per becomes a concern in criminology (Lilly, Cullen & Ball, 2001). cent convicted (excluding minor crimes) by 40 years of age. The official convictions predictive factors characteristics of matched reasonably well with an individual or their environment that HE AMBRIDGE TUDY T C S self-reported delinquency. have some utility in predicting the like- By comparing the worst lihood of their future offending Predicting delinquency offenders with the remainder of the cohort, predictive factors began to emerge. These are factors One of the main findings evident during childhood and adolescence that have predictive longitudinal research type of research from longitudinal research is value with respect to behaviour in later life. The Cambridge Study design in which data are collected from that most juvenile crime strongly suggests that the intensity and severity of certain adverse a group of people, termed a cohort, is ‘adolescence limited’. In features in early life predict the onset of antisocial behaviour and over a long period of time (typically other words, most young later criminal behaviour. decades) offenders ‘grow out’ of crime Farrington (2002) lists these predictive factors as follows: by the time they are 18 (Moffitt, 1993). But some juveniles (called ‘life-course persistent’ 1. antisocial behaviour, including troublesomeness in school, offenders) will continue offending into adulthood (Moffitt, 1993). dishonesty and aggressiveness; Developmental criminology attempts to identify the factors that 2. hyperactivity–impulsivity–attention deficit, including poor predict longer-term offending, in turn contributing to preventat- concentration, restlessness and risk-taking; ive efforts. 3. low intelligence and poor school attainment; The Cambridge Study in 4. family criminality as seen in parents and older siblings; Delinquent Development is an 5. family poverty in terms of low family income, poor hous- extensive longitudinal study ing and large family size; and Cambridge Study in Delinquent conducted in Great Britain 6. harsh parenting style, lack of parental supervision, parental Development longitudinal study, that has generated a wealth conflict and separation from parents. based at the University of Cambridge, of data (Farrington, 2002). It concerned with the development of began in 1961 with a cohort Other studies have found similar predictors for aggression and delinquency and later adult crime of 411 boys aged eight and violent conduct (Kingston & Prior, 1995). It is also evident that PSY_C21.qxd 1/2/05 3:56 pm Page 463

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involved in crime, they did experience relationship problems with Pioneer their parents or partners. Forming close relationships in early adulthood also seems to be related to a decrease in offending. David P. Farrington (1944– ) is currently Professor of In particular, those offenders who married showed a decrease Psychological Criminology at the Institute of Criminology in offending – providing that their partner was not a convicted at the University of Cambridge. A prolific researcher, he offender (Farrington & West, 1995). is widely cited for his work (initially with Donald West) It would be a mistake to try to construct an exact model of a on the Cambridge Study in Delinquent Development. He criminal career from all these data. There are too many unanswered has also published on a range of other topics, including questions for us to be overly confident in predicting the outcome, shoplifting, bullying, crime prevention, and methodologies and simply describing the predictive factors is not the same as for evaluating criminological interventions. He has the explaining how they bring about delinquent behaviour. Thus far, distinction of being the first non-American President of there is no grand theory to explain how the interaction between the American Society of Criminology. He is a former chair a young person and his or her environmental circumstances of The British Psychological Society’s Division of Crimino- culminates in criminality. However, there are enough positive logical and Legal Psychology. developments in the extant literature to indicate that this might be feasible in the future, at least with respect to certain probabil- ities and confidence limits. childhood antisocial behaviour and adolescent delinquency are related to other developmental problems. Stattin and Magnusson (1995) found clear relationships between the onset of official VIOLENT OFFENDERS delinquency and other educational, behavioural and interpersonal problems. Farrington, Barnes and Lambert (1996) showed that these Criminal behaviour takes many forms, but there is little doubt developmental problems are frequently concentrated in specific that violent acts are a source of great public concern. A recent families. In their sample of 397 families, half the total convictions World Health Report (Krug et al., 2002) referred to violence as in the whole sample were accounted for by 23 families! ‘a global public health problem’. Contemporary psychological The force of the Cambridge Study and other similar research is theory characterizes violence in this context in terms of an inter- to suggest that we need prevention strategies to reduce child and action between the qualities of the individual and characteristics adolescent antisocial behaviour (Farrington, 2002). Such strategies of their environment. might include improving young people’s school achievement and interpersonal skills, improving child-rearing practice and reduc- ing poverty and social exclusion. The development of violent behaviour As with delinquency, the development of violent behaviour can Adult criminals be studied over the lifespan, leading to the formulation of com- plex models of violent conduct. Nietzel, Hasemann and Lynam A longitudinal study allows us to compare adult offenders and (1999) developed a model based on four sequential stages across non-offenders to discover even more about the pathways to crime. the lifespan (table 21.3). This is an excellent example of an When the cohort in the Cambridge Study reached the age of 18, attempt to integrate social, environmental and individual factors the chronic offenders had a lifestyle characterized by heavy drink- to characterize the key factors underlying violence. ing, sexual promiscuity, drug use and minor crimes (mostly car At the first stage, there are distal antecedents to violence. theft, group violence and vandalism). They were highly unlikely These are divided into biological precursors (including genetic to have any formal qualifications, they held unskilled manual transmission and lability of the autonomic nervous system – see jobs, and had had frequent periods of unemployment. chapter 3), psychological predispositions (including impulsivity By 32 years of age, the chronic offenders were unlikely to be and deficient problem solving) and environmental factors (such home-owners, had low-paid jobs, were likely to have physically as family functioning and the social fabric of the neighbourhood). assaulted their partner, and used a wide range of drugs. As you At the second stage, there are early indicators of violence as might expect, they had an extensive history of fines, probation the child develops, such as conduct disorder and poor emotional orders and prison sentences. It was clear from their life histories regulation. Third, as the child matures the developmental processes and current circumstances that these men were leading a bleak associated with the intensification of violent behaviour come into and socially dysfunctional existence. effect, including school failure, association with delinquent peers, The data also point to protective factors. These are factors that and substance abuse. appear to balance the negative predictors, so that at times when Finally, as the adolescent moves into adulthood there is a stage you would expect offending to occur, it does not. When males at which maintenance variables come into force, including continued show all the predictive signs for a criminal career and yet do not reinforcement for violent conduct, association with criminal peers, commit offences, Farrington and West (1990) label them ‘good and social conditions that provide opportunities for crime. boys from bad backgrounds’. These men were generally shy Notice how this approach draws on much of what you have during adolescence and socially withdrawn as adults. While not studied in earlier chapters of this book (e.g. chapters 3, 4, 10 and 15). PSY_C21.qxd 1/2/05 3:56 pm Page 464

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Table 21.3 Suggested developmental sequence in the aetiology of violent behaviour.

Distal antecedents Early indicators Developmental processes Maintenance variables

Biological factors Conduct disorder School failure Peers (e.g. brain dysfunction) Poor parenting Cognitive style Opportunities Psychological factors Early aggression (e.g. hostile attributions) Socioenconomic deprivation (e.g. impulsiveness) Substance abuse Environmental factors (e.g. high crime neighbourhood)

Source: Adapted from Nietzel, Hasemann and Lynam (1999).

A psychological profile of violence The role of anger

Research has also begun to Cognitions interact with emotions (see chapter 6), and anger social information processing theor- uncover some of the psycho- (particularly dysfunctional anger) is the emotional state most etical model of how we perceive and logical processes character- frequently associated with violent behaviour (Blackburn, 1993). understand the words and actions of istic of the violent person. For Anger may be said to be dysfunctional when it has significantly other people example, the influential work negative consequences for the individual or for other people of Dodge and colleagues has (Swaffer & Hollin, 2001). It would be wrong to say that anger is the drawn on social information processing (i.e. how we perceive and principal cause of violence, or that all violent offenders are angry, understand and the words and actions of other people) to seek but clearly it is a consideration in understanding violence. to understand the psychology of violence. Currently, the most influential theory of anger is Novaco’s Crick and Dodge (1994; Dodge 1997) suggested that we follow (1975). According to Novaco, for someone to become angry, a sequence of steps when we process social information (see an environmental event must first trigger distinctive patterns chapter 17): of physiological and cognitive arousal. This trigger usually lies in the individual’s perception of the words and actions of another n encoding social cues person. n making sense of these cues When we become angry, physiological and cognitive processes n a cognitive search for the appropriate response are kicked into action. Increased autonomic nervous system n deciding on the best option for making a response activity includes a rise in body temperature, perspiration, muscu- n making a response lar tension and increased cardiovascular activity. The relevant Dodge proposed that violent behaviour may result from deficits and biases at any of these stages. Beginning with social perception, there is evidence that aggres- sive young people search for and encode fewer social cues than their non-aggressive peers (Dodge & Newman, 1981) and pay more attention to cues at the end of an interaction (Crick & Dodge, 1994). This misperception may in turn lead to misattribu- tion of intent, so that the actions of other people are mistakenly seen as hostile or threatening (Akhtar & Bradley, 1991; Crick & Dodge, 1996). Working out how best to respond to a situation is a cognitive ability often referred to as social problem solving. It involves generating feasible courses of action, considering potential alter- natives and their likely consequences, and making plans for achieving the desired outcome (Spivack, Platt & Shure, 1976). Studies suggest that violent people show restricted problem- solving ability and consider fewer consequences than non-violent people (Slaby & Guerra, 1988). This sequence of cognitive events Figure 21.5 culminates in violent behaviour, which the violent person may view as an acceptable, legitimate form of conduct (Slaby & Anger is the emotional state most often associated with violent behaviour. Guerra, 1988). PSY_C21.qxd 1/2/05 3:56 pm Page 465

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Research close-up 2 The effectiveness of rehabilitation The research issue Historically, there is a longstanding struggle between liberal proponents of rehabilitation of offenders and conservative advocates of punishment for those who commit crimes. While this debate operates on many levels, engaging both moral and philosophical issues, there is an important role for empirical research: do efforts to rehabilitate offenders demonstrably lead to a reduction in offending? The issue for researchers therefore seems plain: do attempts at rehabilitation work? Arriving at an answer to this ques- tion is not so straightforward. How is it possible to make sense of the outcome evidence from studies using different types of treatment, conducted with different offender populations, and carried out in a range of settings? In the late 1960s, a research team was commissioned in New York state specifically to address the issue of the effect- iveness of rehabilitation with offenders. The research team was given the task of conducting a comprehensive review of the effectiveness of rehabilitative efforts in prisons.

Design and procedure The researchers set about their survey in the traditional way. They conducted a search of the literature, identifying a total of 231 relevant treatment outcome studies appearing between 1945 and 1967. Following traditional review procedures, they then set their criteria for successful and unsuccessful studies and categorized each study according to these criteria. This procedure is sometimes referred to as ‘vote counting’.

Results and implications The dissemination of the findings of government-sponsored applied research is not always straightforward. The researchers presented a 1400-page manuscript to the state committee in the early 1970s, and eventually a book was published giving details of the research (Lipton, Martinson & Wilks, 1975). But the research findings presented in the book were not what created the study’s major impact. In 1974 one member of the research group, Robert Martinson, individually published an article in a general interest journal, pre-empting the book (Martinson, 1974). His general stance is that there is very little evidence that treatment has any significant effect on offending. Martinson’s paper begins by asking ‘What works?’ and concludes with a section ‘Does nothing work?’ (to which he finds the answer, with some caveats, to be affirmative). The notion that ‘nothing works’ took hold in many quarters, including academic researchers, policy-makers in the criminal justice system and the public at large. The impact of the message was significant, as funding was withdrawn from projects aimed at rehabilitation, prisons espoused a custodial rather than rehabilitative role, and theory and practice shifted to punishment, deterrence and ‘just desserts’ for offenders.

Lipton, D.S., Martinson, R., & Wilks, J., 1975, The Effectiveness of Correctional Treatment, New York: Praeger. Martinson, R., 1974, ‘What works? Questions and answers about prison reform’, Public Interest, 35, 22–54.

cognitive processes (Novaco & Welsh, 1989) involve various types Moral reasoning of information-processing biases concerned with the encoding of interpretation and triggering cues. For example, attentional cue- There is a long history of research into the relationship between ing is the tendency to see hostility and provocation in the words moral reasoning and offending (Palmer, 2003). Gibbs has exam- and actions of other people, while an attribution error occurs ined the specific association between moral reasoning and violent when the individual believes that his or her own behaviour is behaviour, focusing on the bridge between theories of social determined by the situation, but that the behaviour of other information processing and moral development. Gibbs and people is explained by their personality (see chapter 17). colleagues suggest that this bridge takes the form of cognitive dis- The progression from anger to violence is associated with the tortions (Gibbs, 1993; Goldstein, Glick & Gibbs, 1998) by which disinhibition of internal control, which can result from factors we rationalize or mislabel our own behaviour. such as high levels of physiological arousal, the perception that For example, if I perceive someone else’s actions as having there is little chance of being apprehended or punished, and the hostile intent, leading me to assault them, my distorted rational- perpetrator’s use of drugs or alcohol. ization might be that ‘he was asking for it’. Cognitive distortion PSY_C21.qxd 1/2/05 3:56 pm Page 466

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is also seen in my biased interpretation of the consequences of offenders should be selected and programmes should focus my behaviour. So I might say that my victim ‘could have had it on criminogenic targets: that is, treatments should be con- worse’ or ‘wasn’t too badly hurt’ or that ‘no real damage was cerned with those aspects of the offender’s thinking and done’ (Gibbs, 1996). These powerful types of distorted thinking behaviour that can be shown to be directly related to their are often socially supported and reinforced by the offender’s offending. peer group. 2. The type of treatment programme is important, with stronger evidence for structured behavioural and multi- modal approaches than for less focused approaches. (The WORKING WITH OFFENDERS term ‘multimodal’ means using a variety of treatment techniques to address a range of targets for change, as dis- Approaches to working with offenders have inevitably changed cussed below with reference to Aggression Replacement as our understanding of antisocial and criminal behaviour has Training.) developed, moving from psychodynamic psychotherapy, through 3. The most successful studies, while behavioural in nature, group therapy, to behaviour modification. Yet there are those include a cognitive component, i.e. they encourage the who see little merit in using treatment to reduce offending. offender to focus on their attitudes and beliefs. (Hollin, 2001, has documented the struggle between proponents 4. Treatment programmes should be designed to engage high of treatment and advocates of punishment.) levels of offender responsivity: that is, the style of treatment But since the mid 1990s there has been a renewed interest in should engage the offender to make him or her responsive to the treatment approach, stimulated by a clutch of studies using treatment and, at the same time, be responsive to the needs meta-analysis. of different offenders such as juvenile or adult offenders or male and female offenders. 5. Treatment programmes conducted in the community have Using meta-analysis to inform a stronger effect than residential programmes. While resid- treatment programmes ential programmes can be effective, they should be linked structurally with community-based interventions. Meta-analysis allows inspection of the aggregated findings from a 6. The most effective programmes have high treatment group of studies around a common theme. Its use in studies into integrity, in that they are carried out by trained staff, and the effects of offender treatment has had a profound effect on treatment initiators are involved in all the operational recent practice. phases of the treatment programmes. Offender treatment meta-analyses draw the critical distinction between clinical and criminogenic outcome variables. In this con- The translation into prac- text, ‘clinical outcomes’ refers to changes in some dimension of tice of these principles derived What Works generic name given to a personal functioning, such as psychological adjustment, attitudes from meta-analysis has be- recent approach to offender treatment, or social competence. On the other hand, ‘criminogenic outcomes’ come known as the What which is based on findings from meta- refers specifically to measures concerned with crime, such as self- Works form of treatment analyses of the offender treatment reported delinquency, official reconvictions and type of offence. programmes (McGuire, 1995). literature As a broad generalization, treatment of offenders (as with other The possibilities raised by the populations) tends to produce beneficial clinical outcomes (Lipsey What Works principles have & Wilson, 1993). But a significant contribution of the meta-analyses been recognized in the UK at a government policy level has been to highlight influences on criminogenic outcomes (in (Vennard, Sugg & Hedderman, 1997) and have significantly other words, those characteristics of treatment interventions that influenced work with offenders in prison and on probation. The produce a reduction in offending). development of national programmes for working with offenders Several meta-analytic studies have sought to identify the practical has become a major initiative, seeking to capitalize on the recommendations that can be taken from this empirical research possibilities raised by What Works (Lipton et al., 2000). (see McGuire, 2002, for an overview). The first major conclusion is that there is an overall reduction in reoffending after treatment – in the region of 10 per cent (Lipsey, 1992; Lösel, 1996). The sec- Offending behaviour programmes – ond conclusion is that some interventions have a significantly an example greater effect than others – the most effective producing more than 20 per cent reduction in reoffending (Lipsey, 1992). Aggression Replacement Training (ART) is an excellent example of As the evidence accumulates, a broad consensus has been a programme approach to working with offenders. ART was reached regarding the characteristics of treatments that impact on developed in the USA during offending: the 1980s as a means of work- Aggression Replacement Training ing with violent offenders. (ART) research-based programme for 1. Indiscriminate targeting of treatment programmes is counter- This training programme has working with violent offenders productive in reducing recidivism. Medium- to high-risk proved to be an effective way PSY_C21.qxd 1/2/05 3:56 pm Page 467

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1. Skillstreaming involves the teaching of skills to replace out-of-control, destructive behaviours with constructive, prosocial behaviours. Social skills are taught in terms of step-by-step instructions for managing critical social situations. For example, offenders might be taught conflict negotiation skills for use in situations where previously they would have used aggression. 2. Anger control training first establishes the individual- specific triggers for anger, then uses the anger manage- ment techniques of (i) enhancing awareness of internal anger cues, (ii) teaching coping strategies, (iii) skills train- ing, (iv) self-instruction and (v) social problem solving. Thus, offenders are taught to recognise their own feelings of anger and then helped to develop strategies, using new skills and enhanced self-control, to control anger and hence reduce aggression. 3. Moral reasoning training is concerned with enhancing moral reasoning skills and widening social perspective- taking. This is achieved through self-instruction training, social problem solving and skills training. The focus here is on increasing the offenders’ understanding of the effects of their actions on others people, thereby enhancing the values that young people have for the rights and feelings of others.

Pioneer

Don A. Andrews (1941– ) is Professor of Psychology at Carleton University, Ottawa. He is arguably the most influential psychologist currently working in the field of offender rehabilitation. At a time when the practice Figure 21.6 of offender rehabilitation was vigorously challenged, Andrews was one of its staunchest defenders. He is a fierce Offender treatment programmes conducted in the community have a stronger effect than residential programmes. critic of those criminologists who have questioned the place of psychology in understanding crime and criminal behaviour. A strong advocate of evidence-based practice and theoretical integrity, he developed a risk assessment instrument (the Level of Service Inventory) which is of reducing aggressive behaviour (Goldstein & Glick, 1987; 1996). widely used by practitioners in the criminal justice sys- ART has continued to be developed as the evidence base grows tems of several different countries. His book, with James and practice techniques become more refined (Goldstein, Glick & Bonta, The Psychology of Criminal Conduct, is a fine example Gibbs, 1998). of both his forthright style and the outstanding quality of ART consists of three components, delivered sequentially, and his work. so would qualify as a multimodal programme: PSY_C21.qxd 1/2/05 3:56 pm Page 468

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Research close-up 3 The effectiveness of rehabilitation revisited The research issue Not surprisingly, there was significant opposition to the notion that ‘nothing works’ in offender rehabilitation. The literature included in the original review was re-examined by several researchers, who all reached different conclusions. Other researchers assembled different sets of relevant studies, which showed (they claimed) that treatment was effective. But still the broadly accepted position in government policy and community practice was that nothing works, and policies for managing offenders become increasingly punitive. (Even Martinson’s later article published in 1979, recanting much of his earlier views, failed to have any impact.) The complex task of making sense of a large body of literature using a narrative review is always liable to lead to disagreement. The development and refinement in the mid 1980s of the technique of meta-analysis presented a more systematic and objective alternative to the narrative review as a means of making sense of the findings of a large body of literature. The largest and most influential meta-analysis of the offender treatment literature to date was conducted by Lipsey (1992).

Design and procedure The first step in Lipsey’s work was to establish the eligibility criteria for studies to be included in the meta-analysis. There were six criteria used in making decisions about inclusion, ranging from the nature of the outcome variables to the type of research design. The next step was to gather the research studies together using searches of bibliographic databases. Lipsey noted that these searches produced ‘more than 8000 citations’ (p. 89) of potential relevance to the study. Once the individual studies had been collected and passed through the eligibility criteria, they were coded for analysis. For the 443 studies included in the meta-analysis, Lipsey used a 154-item coding scheme, incorporating study charac- teristics such as type of treatment, research design, length of treatment, type of outcome measure, and so on. Once coded, the data represented the characteristics and findings of the 443 individual studies to be statistically analysed using meta- analytic procedures.

Results and implications In meta-analysis a key outcome is effect size, which can be calculated in several ways but represents the outcome of the comparison between treatment and no treatment. It is also possible to calculate whether an effect size is statistically significant. So with regard to recidivism, a positive effect size would indicate that treatment reduced offending, while a negative effect size would indicate that treatment increased offending. The magnitude of the effect size indicates the numerical difference in recidivism between treated and untreated offenders. A meta-analysis allows comparisons of the effect size of, say, dif- ferent treatment types or treatment effects in different settings. Lipsey reported an overall small positive effect size (a statistical measure of the impact of the treatment), so while it would not be true to say that ‘nothing works’, neither could an overwhelmingly strong case be made for treatment. Importantly, meta-analysis also allows researchers to identify the characteristics of ‘high effect’ treatments (those treat- ments that produce a significantly high reduction in recidivism compared to no treatment). For example, Lipsey’s analysis strongly indicated that structured treatments, generally using cognitive–behavioural methods of treatment, gave greater positive effects in reducing recidivism than treatments based on non-directive counselling. The impact of Lipsey’s work, taken in conjunction with other meta-analyses, can be seen in a large-scale resurgence in methods of offender treatment. This renewed interest has attracted significant government funding under the banner of ‘What Works’, with renewed endeavours in both research and practice.

Lipsey, M.W., 1992, ‘Juvenile delinquency treatment: A meta-analytic inquiry into the variability of effects’ in T.D. Cook, H. Cooper, D.S. Cordray et al. (eds), Meta-analysis for Explanation: A Casebook, New York: Russell Sage Foundation. Martinson, R., 1979, ‘New findings, new views: A note of caution regarding sentencing reforms’, Hosfra Law Review, 7, 242–58. PSY_C21.qxd 1/2/05 3:56 pm Page 469

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FINAL THOUGHTS

It is appropriate to end with a cautionary note. The study of crime is not the province of any one discipline, and forensic psychology must guard against becoming isolated from a much wider multidisciplinary context. Of course, forensic psychologists must be aware of advances in their own discipline, but the real challenge is also to be aware of other highly related and mutually informative disciplines, such as criminology, law, psychiatry and sociology. Having said this, it is an inescapable truism that crimes are committed by people, and if forensic psychologists cannot contribute meaningfully to understanding people’s behaviour then something has gone seriously awry! Therefore, as much as psychologists should acknowledge the informative perspectives of researchers and practitioners from related disciplines, they and others should also acknowledge the unique perspective that psychologists themselves can offer in tackling illegal behaviour and dealing proactively with its perpetrators.

Summary

n Forensic psychology covers a great deal of ground, stretching into many areas including (but not limited to): cognitive psy- chology, as seen in the studies of eyewitness testimony, interview techniques, and social information processing accounts of violence; developmental psychology (which is critical for our understanding of delinquent development); and social psycho- logy (which plays an important role in theories of criminal behaviour). n There are a number of factors that can influence the accuracy of eyewitness memory, and research into the accuracy of eyewitness testimony focuses on three areas: acquisition, retention and retrieval. Research has also been put to good use in assisting police in structuring witness interviews appropriately. n Sometimes people confess to crimes they did not commit, but there are important differences between voluntary and coerced confessions – in the case of coerced confessions, the suspect may even come to believe that their own memory for events is false. n During crime investigations, interviewers use a variety of techniques to enhance memory retrieval in witnesses. Some of these enable the process of retrieval from memory to take place in a similar psychological context to that in which the information was first recorded, while others encourage the witness to try to use many different paths to retrieve the information. n Even skilled questioners find it difficult to detect lies and deceit simply on the basis of a suspect’s verbal and non-verbal cues, so more advanced approaches are often needed. n Thanks to studies such as The Cambridge Study in Delinquent Development, we now know that there are factors present during childhood that can predict adult offending, and important influences over the lifespan that help to explain and characterize violent conduct. n Approaches to working with offenders have changed as our understanding of antisocial and criminal behaviour has developed, moving from psychodynamic psychotherapy, through group therapy, to behaviour modification, and a broad consensus has been reached regarding the characteristics of treatments that impact on offending. n Like all good psychologists (and perhaps unlike their depiction in the popular media), forensic psychologists are concerned with evidence (in terms of methodologies for gathering robust data and appropriate methods of analysis) upon which to base appropriate theories and practice. PSY_C21.qxd 1/2/05 3:56 pm Page 470

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REVISION QUESTIONS

1. Are research findings from psychology sufficiently robust and reliable to be applied to real world prob- lems such as crime? 2. ‘There is nothing so practical as a good theory.’ Is this true in forensic psychology? 3. A great deal of psychological research points to the shortcomings in the reliability of eyewitness and confessional evidence. How might psychologists tackle this problem? 4. Is it really possible to understand the psychological characteristics of a criminal from crime scene evidence? 6. With reference to the findings from longitudinal studies, is it true that the causes of delinquency are to be found at the level of the individual? 7. Discuss the view that spending money to treat criminals is ‘morally wrong and a waste of public money’; instead, it has been suggested that criminals should be punished for their crimes . . .

FURTHER READING Andrews, D., & Bonta, J. (2003). The Psychology of Criminal Conduct. 3rd edn. Cincinnati, OH: Anderson. An assertive view of the role of psychology in explaining crime, particularly good on risk assessment and intervention. Blackburn, R. (1993). The Psychology of Criminal Conduct: Theory, Research and Practice. Chichester: John Wiley & Sons. A closely argued text that reaches a more advanced readership. Hollin, C.R. (1989). Psychology and Crime: An Introduction to Criminological Psychology. London: Routledge. This book and its 1992 companion (see below) are broad-based texts primarily for undergraduate courses. Hollin, C.R. (1992). Criminal Behaviour: A Psychological Approach to Explanation and Prevention. London: Taylor & Francis. See above. Kapardis, A. (1997). Psychology and Law: A Critical Introduction. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. A comprehensive overview of legal psychology. Wrightsman, L.S. (2001). Forensic Psychology. Belmont, CA: Wadsworth A detailed text with a clear focus on crime investigation and courtroom processes.

Contributing author: Clive Hollin PSY_D01.qxd 1/2/05 3:57 pm Page 471

Glossary

absolutist reasoning that assumes there is always a single, clear antipsychotics drugs used to treat the symptoms of answer to a given problem (cf. dialectical; relativist) schizophrenia abstinence violation effect a more severe relapse resulting from anxiolytics drugs that produce sedation and reduce anxiety, a minor violation of substance use abstinence (e.g. one forbidden popularly known as tranquillizers drink leading to more) aphagia lack of eating acoustic nerve conveys information from the cochlea to the auditory cortex aphasia loss of speech ability action potential the all-or-nothing electrical output of a neuron apoptosis genetically programmed self-destruction of a neuron acuity the finest detail that the visual (or other) system can appraisal an individual’s assessment of both the outside world distinguish and their ability to cope with this world adaptation decline in the response of a sensory or perceptual sys- arousal the fluctuating state of physiological activation of the tem that occurs if the stimulus remains constant nervous system adherence (or compliance) the extent to which a patient does as arousal theory developed by Eysenck, this theory provides an suggested (e.g. taking medicine or changing behaviour) account of the physiological systems underlying introversion– extraversion. adipsia lack of drinking articulatory suppression a research technique in which particip- after-effect change in the perception of a sensory quality (e.g. ants repeat aloud a simple sound or word, preventing the phono- colour, loudness, warmth) following a period of stimulation, logical loop from retaining any further information indicating that selective adaptation has occurred assessment centres series of assessment exercises (e.g. interviews, Aggression Replacement Training (ART) research-based pro- work-sample tests, group discussions) used to assess a person’s gramme for working with violent offenders potential for a job agonist neurotransmitter agonists mimic or enhance the effect of association a link between two events or entities that permits a neurotransmitter one to activate the other (such as when a characteristic odour agoraphobia fear of situations in which escape would be difficult elicits an image of the place where it was once experienced) or help is not available should panic or anxiety occur attachment the close links formed between a human infant and akinesia lack of voluntary movement caregiver, or the intimate bond that can form between adults amnesia a clinical problem, often with underlying neurological attitude function the psychological needs that an attitude fulfils damage, involving chronic and serious memory problems attitude object the thing (e.g. idea, person, behaviour) that is amplitude the difference between the peaks and troughs of a accorded a favourable or unfavourable attitude waveform attribution an individual’s belief about causality amygdala a group of nuclei in the brain, important in emotional processing, whose shape was thought to resemble an almond attributional style the characteristic patterns of explanation (amygdala means ‘almond’ in Latin) people use to make sense of life-events analytical psychology the theory of personality developed by auditory cortex a region of the cortex devoted to processing Carl Jung, in which people are viewed as striving towards self- information from the ears actualization authoritarian personality a particular type of personality (origin- antagonist neurotransmitter antagonists prevent or reduce the ating in childhood and oversubmissive to authority figures) that normal effect of a neurotransmitter predisposes individuals to be prejudiced PSY_D01.qxd 1/2/05 3:57 pm Page 472

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autism early onset, biologically caused disorder of communica- biodata life history information about job candidates tion and social interaction, usually accompanied by obsessive and biopsychosocial the type of interaction between biological factors stereotyped behaviour and intellectual disability (e.g. a virus), psychological factors (e.g. beliefs) and social factors autobiographical memory the recall of events from our earlier (e.g. class) life – a type of episodic memory bivariate the relationship or association between two variables autokinetic effect optical illusion in which a stationary point of (‘variate’ is another word for variable) light shining in complete darkness appears to move about blocking training an organism with one stimulus as a signal for an automatic processing the processing of information that is unconditioned stimulus to prevent the organism from learning beyond conscious awareness and extremely fast – in experimental about a second stimulus when both stimuli are subsequently pre- studies, within 240 ms of stimulus presentation sented together as signals for the same unconditioned stimulus automatic thoughts used in cognitive therapy to refer to spon- body language expressions, gestures, movements, postures and taneously generated thoughts associated with specific moods or para-linguistic aspects of speech that form the basis of nonverbal situations communication autonomic nervous system part of the peripheral nervous book-keeping model suggests that stereotypes and schemas are system, with sympathetic and parasympathetic components that constantly fine-tuned with each new piece of information control functions like heart rate and blood pressure bounded rationality being rational by making a rational judge- autoreceptor a neurotransmitter receptor located on a neuron so as ment, but based on only part of the evidence to be activated by that neuron’s own release of neurotransmitter brain stem a grouping of brain structures generally taken to autoshaping classical conditioning used with pigeons which include the medulla, pons, midbrain, hypothalamus and thalamus results in pecking at an illuminated response key that has been regularly presented before the delivery of food, even though the brainstorming technique of uninhibited generation of as many delivery of the food does not depend on the pecking behaviour ideas as possible in a group (concerning a specific topic) to enhance group creativity availability relies on the possibility that a solution (from heuristic reasoning) that readily or quickly comes to mind may be the bystander intervention occurs when an individual breaks out of correct one the role as a bystander and helps another person in an emergency aversion therapy a problem behaviour is paired with an aversive Cambridge Study in Delinquent Development longitudinal stimulus in an attempt to establish an aversive response to the study, based at the University of Cambridge, concerned with the behaviour (e.g. fear, disgust) development of delinquency and later adult crime avoidance instrumental training procedure in which performing cartesian dualism a framework offered by Descartes, which a given response brings about the omission of an aversive event asserts a relationship of mutual interaction (see dualism) that is otherwise scheduled to occur case study method research method that involves a single par- axon the neuronal outgrowth through which the output is ticipant or small group of participants who are typically studied transmitted quite intensively behavioural inhibition shyness, quietness, fearfulness, social castration anxiety a male’s fear of losing his genitals, which avoidance, and high levels of physiological arousal and stress Freud believed was related to the Oedipus complex reactivity in young children category-based processing information processing that is fast, behavioural intentions intentions to perform or not to perform non-strategic, efficient, can be automatic and beyond conscious a specific behaviour awareness, and is more likely to occur when the data are unam- behaviourism a totally objective psychology, whose subject mat- biguous and relatively unimportant ter is observable behaviour central executive the component of Baddeley’s working between-subjects design a research study involving a systematic memory model that controls attention and coordinates the slave manipulation of an independent variable with different particip- systems ants being exposed to different levels of that variable (cf. within- central nervous system collectively, the brain and the spinal subjects design) cord Big Five see five factor model of personality central processes Fodor’s term for the kinds of proposed informa- biochemical imbalance complex neurotransmitter dysregulation tion processing carried out in thought as distinct from those process involving the various neurotransmitters in the brain carried out by mental ‘modules’ PSY_D01.qxd 1/2/05 3:57 pm Page 473

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central tendency measures of the ‘average’ (most commonly the cognitive distortions dysfunctional ways of thinking about the mean, median and mode), which tell us what constitutes a typical self, the world, other people and the future that can make people value vulnerable to depression and other negative emotions centralization the degree to which decisions can only be taken cognitive interview method of questioning witnesses, devised by senior management, as against being devolved to people for use by the police, based on principles taken from memory throughout the organization research centration when a preoperational child focuses on only one cognitive map postulated internalized representation of the lay- aspect of a problem at a time out of the environment in which information about the relative spatial relationships of various features is preserved cerebellum the brain region important in skilled movement (in Latin, cerebellum means ‘small brain’) cognitive miser someone who minimizes effort and energy when processing information, making ‘top of the head’ judgements, channel transmits a restricted range of sensory information evaluations and inferences, with little thought or considered (e.g., in the case of colour, information about a restricted range deliberation of wavelengths, but no information about the movement or orientation of the stimulus) cognitive psychology examines fundamental mental processes such as perception, thinking, memory, language chemosensors receptors for chemical signals such as glucose concentration cognitive scripts see event schemas chromatic opponency a system of encoding colour information collaborative empiricism cognitive therapy procedure in which originating in retinal ganglion cells into red–green, yellow–blue the therapist formulates a hypothesis and then helps the client and luminance signals; so, for example, a red–green neuron will test the validity of the hypothesis increase its firing rate if stimulated by a red light, and decrease it column a volume of cells stretching the entire depth of the if stimulated by a green light. cerebral cortex, which all have some physiological property in common (e.g. the preferred orientation of the bar or edge stimu- cingulotomy surgical procedure in which neurosurgeons make lus to which they respond, in the case of a column in the primary lesions in the cingulate gyrus, a section of the brain connecting visual cortex) the prefrontal cortex to the limbic system compliance see adherence classical conditioning learning procedure in which two stimuli are paired – one (the conditioned stimulus) usually presented compulsions ritualistic, repetitive behaviours that a person feels shortly before the other (the unconditioned stimulus) to produce compelled to engage in a conditioned response to the first stimulus (learning) concordance rates the extent to which people show the same clinical psychology focuses on the causes and treatment of psy- disorders chological disorders and adjustment problems such as depression concrete operations period the third major phase of cognitive and phobias development, according to Piaget, lasting from approximately cochlea coiled structure in the inner ear responsible for trans- seven to 11 years, when the child’s problem solving is more forming mechanical vibration (sound energy) into action poten- logical but his/her reasoning is largely dependent on application tials in the acoustic nerve to immediate physical entities and tasks coerced confession formal admission of guilt made under duress, condition a situation in a research study in which participants are which can be true or false, usually made to the police all treated the same way cognitive–affective units in the personality system a model of conditioned emotional response result of the superimposition of categories through which personality can be examined within a the pairing of a conditioned and an unconditioned stimulus on a social cognitive framework baseline of operant or instrumental behaviour conditioned response (CR) evoked by a conditioned stimulus as cognitive appraisal determines reactions to stressful events, a result of classical conditioning according to Lazarus conditioned stimulus (CS) evokes a conditioned response as a cognitive components basic information-processing routines (e.g. result of classical conditioning encoding, response selection) which underpin task performance conditions of worth conditions under which affection is given cognitive dissonance theory describes how people may feel an aversive tension when their behaviour is inconsistent with their cones cells in the retina that transform light energy into action attitude, and in order to reduce their discomfort, will change their potentials, different kinds responding preferentially to different behaviour to be consistent with their attitude wavelengths PSY_D01.qxd 1/2/05 3:57 pm Page 474

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conformity social influence resulting from exposure to the counter-attitudinal advocacy presenting an attitude or opinion, opinions of a majority of group members and/or to an authority within a role-play context, which opposes the person’s initial figure – typically superficial and short-lived attitude confound an unintended or accidental manipulation of an inde- covert sensitization a form of aversion therapy in which the pendent variable that threatens the validity of an experiment client imagines a problem behaviour followed by an aversive stimulus conjunction search visual search for a unique conjunction of two (or more) visual features such as colour and orientation (e.g. criminological psychology the application of psychology to a red tilted line) from within an array of distractors, each of which enrich our understanding of crime and criminal behaviour manifests one of these features alone (e.g. red vertical lines and criterion validity the relationship between a person’s scores in a green tilted lines) selection method (e.g. job interview or intelligence test) and connectionist approach also known as a ‘neural network’ his/her scores on subsequent performance measures (e.g. super- approach, it is informed by a view of how the nervous system visor’s rating of the person’s job performance) might compute different mental operations crystallized intelligence (Gc) diverse skills and knowledge conservation ability to recognize that an object or amount acquired across the lifespan remains the same despite superficial changes in appearance cue information that initiates and/or aids recall constructivist theorist who attributes the acquisition of know- cue overload principle as more information is tied to each cue, a ledge to the active processes of the learner, building on increas- smaller proportion of that information will be recalled ingly complex representations of reality cued recall recall in response to directive cues contact hypothesis the idea that contact between members of different groups, under specified conditions, reduces prejudice data-based processing information processing that is slow, delib- and hostility erate, and requires conscious effort and attention, used where the need for accuracy is high contingency theory Fiedler’s interactionist theory, specifying that the effectiveness of particular leadership styles depends on deindividuation a psychological state in which rational control situational and task factors and adherence to norms is weakened, leading to greater readiness control group participants in an experiment who are not to respond in an extreme manner and to violate social norms subjected to the treatment of interest (as distinct from the dendrites the input system of a neuron, so called because of its experimental group) branching structure control theory of human functioning a metaphorical thermo- dependent variable the variable on which a researcher is inter- stat system used to model the ways in which people set standards ested in monitoring effects or outcomes for their own behaviour and how they monitor this behaviour descriptive statistics numerical statements about the properties controlled processing the processing of information that is of data, such as the mean or standard deviation deliberate, conscious, and strategic; in experimental studies, this occurs after 2000 ms of the presentation of a stimulus developmental psychology the study of age-related changes across the lifespan conversion a change in covert (private) opinion after exposure to others’ opinions (who often represent a minority within the group) developmental psychopathology a perspective suggesting that risk for psychopathology depends on success at negotiating and conversion model predicts dramatic and sudden change in schema mastering important developmental tasks and stereotypes in the face of salient contradictions dialectical reasoning in which competing positions are integrated coping processes ways of dealing with stressors – usually a and synthesis achieved (cf. absolutist; relativist) mixture of being problem-focused and emotion-focused diathesis–stress model suggests that some people possess an corpus callosum massive fibre system of axons connecting the enduring vulnerability factor (diathesis), which, when coupled two hemispheres with a proximal stressor, results in psychological symptoms correlation the extent to which two variables, such as weight and directional sensitivity similar to acuity height, are related; a correlation of +1 indicates a perfect positive association, and −1 a perfect negative association discourse a set of sentences that bear a sensible relationship to one another and so form a message correlation coefficient a measure of the degree of correspond- ence or association between two variables that are being studied discriminative stimulus signals whether or not a given response is likely to produce a particular outcome cortex structure made of a layer of cell bodies, especially neo- cortex, the multi-layered outside of the brain (cortex means ‘bark’ dishabituation restoration of a habituated response by presenta- in Latin) tion of a strong extraneous stimulus PSY_D01.qxd 1/2/05 3:57 pm Page 475

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dispersion measures of dispersion (most commonly range, that of a referenced other (individuals will try to restore equity standard deviation and variance) describe the distance of separate when they find themselves in an inequitable situation) records or data points from each other Eros the desire for life, love and sex within psychoanalytic theory double-blind procedure in order to evaluate treatment efficacy, event schemas cognitive structures that describe behavioural the patient and all staff having contact with the patient remain and event sequences in everyday activities such as eating at a uninformed (blind) as to the true nature of the treatment restaurant, attending a lecture or shopping at a supermarket double recessive the two copies of a gene in an animal are both evolutionary cognition cognitive processes that are established recessive (i.e. non-dominant), as opposed to one copy being dom- by evolution inant (in which case the phenotype, or body characteristic, will be that of the dominant gene) experimental analysis of behaviour a term used by Skinner and his associates to describe the investigation of operant behaviour downsizing when organizations reduce their workforce to save (those behaviours that are not prompted by any observable stimulus) on labour costs experimental control the method of ensuring that the groups Dream Levinson’s term for an individual’s vision of his life goals, being studied are the same except for the manipulation or treat- formed around 17 to 22 years of age and contributing to the ment under investigation motivation for subsequent personal development experimental group participants in an experiment who are dualism the view that the body and the mind (or soul or spirit) exposed to a particular level of a relevant manipulation or are fundamentally different in nature treatment (as distinct from a control group) dyslexia impaired reading due to trauma or developmental factors experimental method a research method in which one or more eardrum a membrane between the outer and middle ear that independent variables are systematically manipulated and all vibrates when sound waves reach it other potentially influential variables are controlled (i.e. kept con- stant), in order to assess the impact of manipulated (independent) echoic memory auditory sensory memory variables on relevant outcome (dependent) variables ecological validity the extent to which a task is typical of tasks explicit memory memory with conscious awareness of the orig- that people have to solve in everyday life inal information or the situation in which the learning occurred egocentrism inability of the preoperational child to distinguish expressed emotion (EE) specific set of feelings and behaviours between his/her own perspective on a situation and the perspec- directed at people with schizophrenia by their family members tives of others external memories memories of events that really occurred elaborative rehearsal considering the meaning of information (cf. maintenance rehearsal) external validity the extent to which a research finding can be generalized to other situations electroconvulsive therapy (ECT) a treatment for severe depres- sion in which two electrodes are placed on the scalp and a mod- extraversion the tendency to seek and engage with the company erately intense electric current is passed between them for about of others (cf. introversion) half a second eyewitness testimony the evidence given by witnesses to a crime, emotional intelligence the capacity to be sensitive to and typically in the form of a verbal account or person identification regulate our own emotional state, and that of other people facial feedback hypothesis the view that our experience of emotionality the extent to which we react emotionally – akin to emotion is determined by physiological feedback from facial a personality trait, and thought to be partly inherited. expressions empiricism the belief that knowledge comes from observation factor analysis a data reduction technique where relationships and experience, and sensory experience is the source of all between a large number of variables can be reduced to a relation- knowledge ship among fewer hypothetical (i.e. latent) factors encoding specificity principle states that what is remembered familial transmission genetic transmission of disorders later depends on the similarity of the retrieval situation to the feature detector a mechanism sensitive to only one aspect of a original encoding conditions stimulus, such as red (for the colour dimension) or leftwards (for episodic buffer the component in Baddeley’s working memory direction of motion) and unaffected by the presence or value of model that integrates and manipulates material in working any other dimension of the stimulus memory feature integration theory different features of an object (e.g. colour, orientation, direction of motion) are thought to be ana- episodic memory memory for personally experienced events lysed separately (and in parallel) by several distinct mechanisms, equity theory assumes that satisfaction in a relationship is high- and the role of attention is to ‘glue together’ these separate features est when the ratio of one’s own outcomes to inputs is equal to to form a coherent representation PSY_D01.qxd 1/2/05 3:57 pm Page 476

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feature search visual search for a unique feature such as a particu- genotype our genetic complement, coded in DNA, that we lar colour or orientation (e.g. a red spot) in an array of distractors inherit from our parents defined by different features along the same visual dimension (e.g. Gestalt psychologists a group of German psychologists (and their green spots) followers) whose support for a constructionist view of perception five factor model of personality a model developed using factor has been enshrined in several important principles, such as ‘the analysis to try to determine the key traits in human personality whole (in German, Gestalt) is more than the sum of the parts’ flavour aversion learning classical conditioning procedure in glial cells non-neuronal cells in the brain that provide ‘support’ which animals are allowed to consume a substance with a novel for the neurons flavour and are then given some treatment that induces nausea, glucostasis constancy of glucose availability (e.g. reflected in the resulting in the flavour being subsequently rejected glucose concentration in the plasma) flooding a technique used in behaviour therapy that involves grasping reflex response in human infants to a stimulus (such as exposing the patient to highly threatening events for a prolonged a finger) placed in the open palm period of time grey matter parts of the brain that consist mostly of neuronal cell fluid intelligence (Gf ) Horn and Cattell’s Gf is something akin to bodies rather than axons Spearman’s g, namely an overarching processing capacity that in turn contributes to Gc (see crystallized intelligence) group polarization tendency for group discussion to produce more extreme group decisions (in the same direction as the mean formalization written rules and regulations governing activities of the group) than would be indicated by the mean of members’ in an organization pre-discussion opinions fovea the central five degrees or so of human vision, particularly groupthink a mode of thinking in highly cohesive groups in which the central, high-acuity part of this area (about one degree in the desire to reach unanimous agreement overrides the motiva- diameter) tion to adopt appropriate, rational decision-making procedures free recall recall in response to non-specific cues gustatory pathways taste pathways through the brain frequency the rate at which a periodic signal repeats, often gyrus outgoing fold in the wrinkled cortical surface measured in cycles per second or Hertz (Hz); the higher the frequency, the higher the perceived pitch habituation waning of the unconditioned response with repeated presentation of the eliciting stimulus frequency selectivity the degree to which a system (e.g. a neuron) responds more to one frequency than another hair cells long, thin cells in the cochlea and the vestibular system, which, when bent, produce an action potential frustration effect an increase in the vigour of responding, following the absence of reward, in a place where reward was Hawthorne effect when workers appreciate the attention and experienced previously interest shown in their work by researchers and managers, and show this appreciation through better work performance functional neuro-imaging methods for observing which brain regions are active health behaviours examples are exercise, food intake and going to the doctor functionalism addresses the very practical question of what func- tions the mind, or mental processes, accomplish health beliefs examples are perceptions of risk or beliefs about the severity of an illness ganglion a cluster of neuronal cell bodies, especially in the spinal cord health locus of control where the cause of health is seen to be located – either internal (‘due to me’) or external (‘due to others’) gap junction extremely close contact between two neurons allowing direct flow of electrical current between them hemi-neglect a neuropsychological condition leading the patient to ignore one side of the world, including one side of their own generalization related to the concept of external validity, this is body the process of making statements about the general population heuristic reasoning solving a problem by using a method that is on the basis of research likely to give the right answer, although there is no guarantee generativity the feeling in mid-life that one has made or is mak- hindsight bias falsely overestimating the probability with which ing a contribution to the next generation (cf. stagnation) we would have predicted an outcome after we know it has genetic epistemology the study of the origin of knowledge in already occurred child development, as practised by Jean Piaget hippocampus brain structure important in memory processing, genetic predisposition likelihood of showing condition or char- whose shape was thought to resemble a seahorse (hippocampus acteristic carried by genetic material means ‘seahorse’ in Greek) PSY_D01.qxd 1/2/05 3:57 pm Page 477

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human information-processing approach derived from ideas in information-processing approach understanding how some- information theory, a branch of communications sciences that thing works by finding out the kinds of information involved and provides an abstract way of analysing the processing of knowledge the steps through which it goes in order to accomplish a task humanistic a branch of personality theory that emphasizes the informational influence social influence based on acquiring capacity for personal growth new information from other group members, which is accepted as evidence about reality hyperphagia pathological overeating informed consent the ethical principle that research participants hyperpolarization increasing neuronal membrane potential to should be told enough about a piece of research to be able to more than its usual resting potential (making it harder to induce decide whether they wish to participate the cell to produce an action potential) inhibitory neurotransmitters neurotransmitters that make their hypothalamus brain structure important in motivation and target cell less excitable, so it becomes harder to induce an action homeostatic regulation, located beneath the thalamus potential hypothesis a statement about the causal relationship between insight an individual’s understanding of the unconscious reasons particular phenomena (i.e. A causes B), usually derived from a for his or her maladaptive behaviour – central to psychoanalysis particular theoretical framework, which is designed to be tested via research investigation inspection time (IT) the time taken to process a single bit of information: the stimulus is seen (inspected) for a very short time iconic memory visual sensory memory before disappearing (cf. reaction time) idiographic an approach to personality that proposes each instrumental learning the likelihood of a response is changed individual is unique and cannot be compared with another (see because the response yields a certain outcome (a reward or nomothetic) punishment) (also called operant conditioning) idiosyncrasy credits Hollander’s transactional theory proposes inter-ocular transfer the adaptation or learning that occurs when that followers reward leaders for achieving group goals by allow- a training stimulus is inspected with one eye and a test stimulus ing them to be relatively idiosyncratic in their behaviour and is subsequently inspected with the other eye opinions interactive view two processes are interactive when the process- illness beliefs examples are how long the illness will last and ing occurring in one of them depends on the processing occurring what impact it will have on the patient’s life in the other illusory conjunctions perceptual phenomena which may occur internal validity the extent to which the effect of an independ- when several different stimuli are presented simultaneously to an ent (manipulated) variable on a dependent (outcome) variable is observer whose attention has been diverted (e.g. the perception interpreted correctly of a red cross and a green circle when a red circle and a green internal working model a set of basic assumptions (a schema) cross are presented) about the nature of relationships impairment extent to which a behaviour or set of behaviours interneurons neurons whose output projection targets are all local gets in the way of successful functioning in an important domain of the individual’s life interrogative suggestibility the degree to which individuals are inclined to accept as true the type of information that is commun- implicit memory influence on behaviour, affect or thought as a icated by the questioner during interrogation result of prior experience but without conscious recollection of the original events introspection literally, looking inward, this is an observational method used to describe the elements of experience (colours, imprinting the development of filial responses by newly hatched tones, tastes and so on) birds to an object (usually the mother) experienced early in life, or more generally the early formation of social attachments in introversion the tendency to avoid the company of others and to animals withdraw from social situations (cf. extraversion) independent variable the treatment variable manipulated in an investment model a theory that proposes that commitment to a experiment, or the causal variable believed to be responsible for relationship is based upon high satisfaction, and/or a low quality particular effects or outcomes of alternatives, and/or a high level of investment indirect agonists substances increasing neurotransmitter effects, ion channel specialized opening in the neuron’s outer membrane, typically by inducing additional neurotransmitter release which lets electrically charged ions flow through, so changing neuronal potentials inferential statistics numerical techniques used to estimate the probability that purely random sampling from an experimental 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job redesign techniques to increase the variety, autonomy and manipulation check a procedure that checks the manipulation completeness of a job of the independent variable has been successful in changing the causal variable the experimenter wants to manipulate job satisfaction a person’s attitude (favourable or unfavourable) towards their job materialism the view that all things, including mental phenomena, just noticeable difference ( JND) the smallest difference between can be described in physical terms and understood in terms of two stimuli that can be discriminated matter and energy law of effect Thorndike’s proposal that reward will strengthen mean the sum of all the scores divided by the total number of the connection between the response that preceded it and any scores stimuli present when it is delivered, or more generally, the prin- median the middle score of a ranked array – equal to the ((N + 1) ciple that the consequence (effect) of behaviour will determine /2)th value, where N is the number of scores in the data set how likely it is to recur medulla the nearest part of the brain stem to the spinal cord, law of large numbers the idea that the average outcomes of where some vital control systems influencing heart rate and random processes are more stable and predictable with large respiration are located samples than with small samples memory span the number of words that you can hear and then leading questions contain information (either intentionally or repeat back without error unintentionally) that can bias the respondent’s reply menopause the time in a woman’s life when menstruation legal psychology the application of psychology to matters of becomes less regular and then ceases concern in a court of law levels of processing – the theory that there are superficial, inter- mesencephalon the mid-brain mediate and deeper levels of processing new information that meta-analysis a quantitative method for combining results will influence what can later be remembered across a number of studies by first converting the findings of each lexical criterion of importance Cattell’s proposal that an aspect study into a metric for comparison of personality described by many words in the vernacular is likely metamemory someone’s understanding about how their mem- to be more important than one described by just a few ory works lobotomy (or leucotomy) surgical operation in which white method of loci a mnemonic technique used to improve memory nerve fibres connecting the frontal lobes with other parts of the by creating images that link the items to be remembered with a brain are severed series of familiar locations logical reasoning reasoning about issues whose conclusions minimal cognitive architecture Anderson’s model of intelligence necessarily follow from what is given outlining two main contributors to the gaining of knowledge: long-term depression (LTD) a long-lasting reduction in a target speed of information processing and modular development neuron’s response to a given level of activity of its input neurons minimal group paradigm an experimental procedure designed long-term memory store holds information relatively to investigate the isolated effect of social categorization on inter- permanently group behaviour long-term potentiation (LTP) a long-lasting increase in a target misinformation effect recall of misleading information presented neuron’s response to a given level of activity of its input neurons after an eyewitness experience longitudinal research type of research design in which data are mnemonics techniques for improving memory collected from a group of people, termed a cohort, over a long mode the most commonly occurring score in a set of data period of time (typically decades) modular view two processes are said to be modular when they luminance the intensity of light corrected for the degree to which occur independently of one another and do not interfere with one the visual system responds to different wavelengths another magno (M) cell a large cell in the visual system (particularly, the modules dedicated information-processing systems that provide retina and lateral geniculate nucleus) that responds particularly information about the environment (e.g. complex information well to rapid and transient visual stimulation. conveyed by people’s faces) which cannot be provided by central maintenance rehearsal repeating items over and over, maintain- processes of thought in an ecologically useful time frame ing them in short-term memory but not increasing their long monogamous having only one sexual partner term recall Moro reflex reaction in human infants to sudden loss of support manipulation the process of systematically varying an independ- to the neck and head (thrusting out the arms and legs) ent variable across different experimental conditions (sometimes referred to as the experimental treatment or intervention) morphology the shape or form of a neuron PSY_D01.qxd 1/2/05 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motivated tactician someone who deploys flexible information- obsessions unwanted, persistent, intrusive, repetitive thoughts processing strategies that are consistent with their motivations, obsessive-compulsive disorder (OCD) characterized by intru- goals and situational requirements sive unwelcome thoughts (obsessions) and the need repeatedly to multiple-act criterion assessment of many behaviours that are perform certain patterns of behaviour (compulsions), such as relevant to the attitude being measured hand-washing multiple intelligences Gardner’s theory that there are many Oedipus complex a description used by Freud of boys’ tendency autonomous intelligences including linguistic, musical, logical– in the phallic stage to be attracted to their mothers and to resent mathematical, spatial, bodily–kinaesthetic, personal, naturalist their fathers and spiritualist offender profiling constructing a picture of an offender’s charac- naming explosion a period, usually in the second half of the teristics from their modus operandi together with the clues left at second year after birth, when children’s early vocabulary develop- the crime scene ment accelerates rapidly olfactory pathways smell pathways through the brain negative symptoms in schizophrenia, symptoms that indicate operant conditioning see instrumental learning the absence of something normal, such as good social skills, appropriate affect, motivation and life skills operant response (or instrumental response) an arbitrary neurocrine classical neurochemical action of transmitters that response or behaviour performed in order to obtain a reward or are released at the axon terminal to affect specialized receptor escape from or avoid a punishment sites across the synaptic cleft optic nerve conveys information from the retina to the visual neuroleptics antipsychotic drugs cortex neuromodulators neurochemicals that indirectly affect neu- orbitofrontal cortex above the orbits of the eyes, part of the ronal activity, usually by modifying response to other chemical prefrontal cortex, which is the part of the frontal lobes in front of neurotransmitters the motor cortex and the premotor cortex neuron a nerve cell organizational culture the shared meanings, values, attitudes and beliefs held by organizational members neuroticism the tendency to be worried and anxious oropharyngeal the oral cavity and pharynx neurotransmitters chemical messengers used for communica- tion between neurons, released from specialized sites at the orosensory the sensory systems concerned with the oral cavity, axon terminal and affecting specialized receptor sites across the including taste, smell and the texture of what is in the mouth synaptic cleft osmosensors receptors for osmotic signals nigrostriatal the pathway from the substantia nigra to the stria- panic attack sudden and apparently inexplicable experience of tum, which degenerates in Parkinson’s disease terror characterized by extreme physiological reactions, such as NMDA receptor a subtype of glutamate receptor heart palpitations and feelings of impending doom nomothetic an approach to personality that emphasizes compar- paracrine non-classical effects of neurotransmitters that may isons between individuals and proposes that people are all gov- not be released at the synapse, and/or whose receptors are not erned by the same basic behavioural principles (see idiographic) located at the synapse normal distribution the symmetrical, bell-shaped spread of scores parallel processing perceptual processing in which it is assumed obtained when scores on a variable are randomly distributed that different aspects of perception occur simultaneously and around a mean independently (e.g. the processing of colour by one set of neural mechanisms at the same time as luminance is being processed by normative influence social influence based on the need to be another set) accepted and approved of by other group members parallel search a visual search task in which the time to find norms attitudes and behaviours that group members are the target is independent of the number of items in the stimulus expected to show uniformly; these define group membership and array because the items are all processed at the same time (in differentiate between groups parallel) nucleus a cluster of cell bodies in the brain (as opposed to a paranoid delusions elaborate set of beliefs, commonly experi- cortical layer) enced by schizophrenics, characterized by significant distrust of null hypothesis the hypothesis that the research reveals no effect others and feelings of persecution object permanence understanding that an object continues to parasympathetic nervous system one of the components of the exist even when it cannot be seen or touched autonomic nervous system, essentially calming in its effects PSY_D01.qxd 1/2/05 3:57 pm Page 480

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partial reinforcement the delivery of a reinforcer in operant polygamous having many sexual partners conditioning is scheduled to occur after only a proportion of the pons located just above the medulla, the pons has a role in responses rather than after all of them (continuous reinforcement) arousal, autonomic function and sensory relays between the partial report procedure technique for inferring the capacity of a cerebrum and cerebellum memory store, even when the memories do not last long enough positive manifold the fact that the correlations between ability to inform a complete report tests are all positive parvo (P) cell a small cell in the visual system (particularly, the retina and lateral geniculate nucleus) that responds particularly positive symptoms in schizophrenia, symptoms that indicate the well to slow, sustained and coloured stimuli presence of something unusual, such as hallucinations, delusions, odd speech and inappropriate affect Pearson’s r the commonly used name for Pearson’s product- moment correlation coefficient positivism a term coined by Comte to describe a way of thinking that recognizes only positive facts and observable phenomena, as pegword mnemonics method for remembering items by ima- practised in the physical sciences gining them interacting with a learned set of peg items postformal reasoning a level of thought beyond Piaget’s period perceptual learning exposure to events, increasing subsequent of formal operations, characterized by the understanding that ability to discriminate between them there may be multiple perspectives on a problem and that solu- period of formal operations the last of Piaget’s stages of tions may be context-dependent intellectual development, when thought is no longer dependent power the probability of carrying out one’s own will in an organ- on concrete operations tied to immediately present objects and ization, despite resistance from other organizational members actions, but is based on reasoning about abstract propositions and the evaluation of alternative possible outcomes pragmatics the significance given to a sentence or utterance by relating its semantics to everyday knowledge of situations peripheral nervous system the autonomic nerves and the somatic nerves that branch out beyond the spinal cord itself (as predictive factors characteristics of an individual or their environ- opposed to the central nervous system) ment that have some utility in predicting the likelihood of their future offending person schemas a configuration of personality traits used to categorize people and to make inferences about their behaviour – preoperational period the second major phase of cognitive also referred to as person prototypes development, according to Piaget, extending from approximately two to six years, when the child begins to represent the world personal construct a mental representation used to interpret events symbolically but remains intuitive and egocentric phenotype the expression of our genes in behavioural traits that preparedness tendency of certain combinations of events to form we can measure associations more readily than others phobias intense and seemingly irrational fears primary visual cortex a region at the back of the visual cortex to phonemes basic building blocks of speech: English contains which the optic nerves project, and which carries out an initial around 40 different phonemes analysis of the information conveyed by the optic nerves phonological loop the part of Baddeley’s working memory model priming the effect of a previous encounter with a stimulus that contains a phonological store and an articulatory control principle of contiguity the proposal that events must be experi- process – responsible for ‘inner speech’ enced close together in time and space for an association to be photoreceptor a cell (rod or cone) in the retina that transforms formed between them light energy into action potentials principle of similarity suggestion that association formation physiological psychology investigates the association between occurs particularly readily when the events are similar to one the brain and behaviour another pinna the structure made of skin and cartilage on the outer part projection neurons neurons with connections that are not just of the ear. local (i.e. they connect to other areas) pitch auditory sensation associated with changes in frequency of prosopagnosia a neurological condition in which the capacity to the sound wave recognize individuals by their faces is lost, although other visual discriminations are unimpaired pituitary gland an endocrine gland, located just outside and below the brain psyche psychoanalytic term meaning ‘mind’ placebo effect phenomenon whereby patients show some form psychoanalysis Freud’s ‘talking cure’, which aimed to bring of real improvement after being treated with an inert substance pathological memories into conscious awareness and was used by (a placebo) such as a sugar pill 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psychogenetic model of development Freud’s model of person- receptor the specialized site of action at which neurotrans- ality development mitters have their effects (e.g. by controlling a membrane ion channel) psychometric tests assess cognitive and personality dimensions reciprocal inhibition loosening of the ability of stimuli to evoke psychometrics the theory and measurement of psychological anxiety when a response antagonistic to anxiety (e.g. relaxation) variables such as IQ (intelligence quotient) is made to occur in the presence of the stimuli psychophysics the systematic attempt to relate changes in the recurrent processing occurs when the later stages of sensory physical world to differences in our psychological perceptions processing influence the earlier stages (top-down), as the output psychosis a break with reality, characteristic of schizophrenia of a processing operation is fed back into the processing mechan- ism itself to alter how that mechanism subsequently processes its psychosocial factors psychological, environmental and social next input factors that may play a role in psychopathology reflectance the relative proportion of each wavelength reflected psychoticism the tendency to be cold, aggressive and antisocial by a surface: the higher the reflectance, the lighter the object will psychotropic drugs a loosely defined grouping of drugs that look have effects on psychological function refractory period a brief period following the generation of an punisher something an animal will work to escape or avoid action potential, during which a neuron is hard to re-excite punishment an aversive event as the consequence of a response reinforcer an event that, when made contingent on a response, to reduce the probability of the response increases the probability of that response; also another term for the unconditioned stimulus in classical conditioning pyloric sphincter controls the release of food from the stomach to the duodenum relativist reasoning in which the individual has become aware that there are often different perspectives on any given issue, and qualitative research uses methods such as open-ended inter- that the ‘correct’ answer may depend on the context views, focus groups or observation, where the data are analysed without resorting to number reliability the extent to which a given finding will be consistently reproduced on other occasions quantitative research uses methods such as questionnaires, experiments and structured interviews, where the data are ana- representativeness used in heuristic reasoning to decide whether lysed using numbers something is likely because it corresponds to an idea of what is typical in that situation quasi-experimental method embodies the same features as the experimental method but does not involve the random assign- respondent conditioning alternative name for classical ment of participants to experimental conditions conditioning random assignment the process of assigning participants to response patterns particular patterns of physiological responses, study conditions on a strictly unsystematic basis in this case linked to various emotions random sample a sample of participants in which each has the resting potential the potential difference across the neuron’s same chance of being included, ensured by using random particip- membrane when it is neither activated nor inhibited (roughly ant selection methods (e.g. drawing lots) 70 millivolts) randomized clinical trial (RCT) random assignment of patients retrieval-induced forgetting when some parts of a set of to treatment conditions in order to evaluate the efficacy of a information are practised (i.e. repeatedly tested and retrieved), treatment the parts that are not practised become temporarily more difficult reaction time (RT) the time taken to process a single bit of infor- to recall mation: the stimulus is seen until a decision is made and response reward something for which an animal will work is completed (cf. inspection time) rods cells in the retina that transform light energy into action realistic conflict theory Sherif’s theory of intergroup conflict, potentials and are only active at low light levels (e.g. at night) which proposes that goal relations (e.g. competition vs. coopera- tion) determine the nature of intergroup relations (e.g. conflict role ambiguity employee uncertainty about their job functions vs. harmony) and responsibilities recency effect the better recall of the last few items of informa- role conflict when demands placed on an employee conflict with tion encountered one another receptive field a region of the visual world where a change in role schemas knowledge structures of the behavioural norms the intensity of light results in changes in production of action and expected characteristics of specific role positions in society potentials in a neuron based on people’s age, gender, race, occupation, etc. PSY_D01.qxd 1/2/05 3:57 pm Page 482

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roles patterns of behaviour that distinguish between different sensory preconditioning pairing of two neutral stimuli prior to activities within a group, and that help to give the group an effi- one of them being used as the conditioned stimulus in a standard cient structure classical conditioning procedure, leading to the other stimulus acquiring the power to evoke the conditioned response rooting reflex tendency in human infants to orient the head and mouth towards an object touching the face serial model the assumption that perception takes place in a series of discrete stages, and that information passes from one rostral towards the head or front end of an animal, as opposed to stage to the next in one direction only caudal (towards the tail) serial search a visual search task in which time to find the target saccades rapid eye movements in which the fovea is directed at a increases with the number of items in the stimulus display, sug- new point in the visual world gesting that the observer must be processing items serially, or satiety reduction of appetite sequentially satisficing making a judgement based on bounded rationality short-term store hypothetical memory store holding information for a few seconds schedules of reinforcement rules that determine which responses will be followed by a reinforcer in operant conditioning significance testing the process of deciding whether research

(see partial reinforcement) findings are more plausibly due to chance (H0) or due to real effects (H ) schemata (schemas) knowledge structures that help us make 1 sense of familiar situations, guiding our expectations and provid- single-blind procedure in order to evaluate the effect of a ther- ing a framework within which new information is processed and apy, the patient is kept uninformed (blind) as to the true nature of organized the treatment scientific method a procedure for acquiring and evaluating social comparison the act of comparing oneself, usually with knowledge through systematic observation or experimentation similar others, to assess one’s attitudes, abilities, behaviours and emotions; these comparisons are most likely to occur when search space a space of possible reasoning, within which we search people are uncertain about themselves for a path linking the problem with the solution social decision schemes explicit or implicit decision rules speci- self-actualization the tendency to grow in ways that maintain or fying the processes by which individual inputs are combined into enhance the self a group decision self-consciousness the tendency to direct attention towards the social exchange theory a general theoretical model that views self relationships in terms of rewards and costs to participants; expected self-efficacy the extent to which people believe that they can outcomes are based on personal standards, prior experience, part- bring about outcomes ner’s outcomes, and the outcomes of comparable others self-perception theory indicates that people may guess their own social facilitation an increase in dominant responses in the attitude from their behaviour towards the attitude object, particu- presence of others of the same species, leading to improved larly when they can see no external reasons for the behaviour performance on well-learned/easy tasks and deterioration in self schemas cognitive representations of the self that organize performance on poorly-learned/difficult tasks and process all information that is related to the self social identity theory theory of group membership and inter- semantic-differential scales these measure attitudes by using a group relations which explains much intergroup behaviour in dimension that depicts a strongly negative attitude at one end to terms of the desire to belong to groups which are valued posit- a strongly positive attitude at the other ively compared to other non-membership groups semantic memory abstract knowledge that is retained irrespect- social information processing theoretical model of how we ive of the circumstances under which it was acquired (e.g. ‘the perceive and understand the words and actions of other people world’s largest ocean is the Pacific’) social intelligence competencies and skills used in social behaviour semantics the meaning of words and how they combine to give the meanings of sentences social loafing a reduction in individual effort when working on a collective task (in which one’s outputs are pooled with those sensorimotor stage the first stage of cognitive development, of other group members), compared with when one is working according to Piaget, extending from birth to approximately two alone years, when the child constructs an elementary understanding of the world and thought is tied closely to physical or sensory social messages input from a range of sources such as friends, activity family and media regarding the nature of symptoms sensory memory hypothetical large capacity memory store hold- social support the feeling of being supported by others, whether ing incoming sensory information for a brief period of time in one’s broader social network (which impacts positively on PSY_D01.qxd 1/2/05 3:57 pm Page 483

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health and stress) or within a small group (which helps one to degenerates in Parkinson’s disease (the Latin name means ‘black resist pressures to comply with an outside majority or obey an substance’) immoral authority) subtyping model predicts that disconfirming instances of a somatic nervous system the part of the peripheral nervous stereotype are relegated to subcategories or subtypes, which system that includes the sensory and motor nerves, but excludes accommodate exceptions to the stereotype but by and large leave the autonomic nervous system the overall stereotype intact speak-aloud protocols a description of our own processes of sucking reflex tendency in human infants to suck on objects thinking during a problem solving task placed in the mouth spectrogram a way of plotting the amplitude and frequency of a sulcus the inward folds in the wrinkled cortical surface speech sound-wave as we speak individual phonemes superordinate goals a goal desired by two or more groups, but speed of information processing the speed with which an indi- which can only be achieved by the groups acting together, not by vidual can take in information from their environment; the speed any single group acting on its own of perceptual encoding. supertraits Eysenck’s three key traits, which he also referred to split brain occurs when the corpus callosum has been cut (e.g. in as types order to prevent the spread of epileptic seizures) survey method the systematic collection of information about stagnation the feeling experienced by some individuals in mid- different variables in order to investigate the relationship life that they have achieved relatively little and have little to offer between them to the next generation (cf. generativity) sympathetic nervous system part of the autonomic nervous sys- standard deviation the square root of the sum of the squares of tem that prepares the body for emergency action all the differences (deviations) between each score and the mean, symptom perception how an individual experiences and makes divided by the number of scores (or the number of scores minus sense of their symptoms 1 for a population estimate) symptom substitution the emergence of new symptoms after Statement Validity Assessment (SVA) method for the formal treating the symptoms of a disorder (as opposed to its ‘root’ analysis of witness statements in order to gauge their reliability cause) stepping reflex the attempts of the human infant to take ‘steps’ if synapse the highly specialized area at which neurotransmission held upright with their feet touching a physical surface occurs between neurons; transmitter is released at the pre- stereopsis the ability to see objects three-dimensionally based on synaptic axon terminal and binds to specialized receptors in the having two eyes that give us two slightly different views of those membrane of the post-synaptic target neuron objects and their relative locations in space synaptic cleft the gap in the synapse between two adjacent stereotype mental representations of social groups and their neurons members that include behavioural and trait characteristics that syntax rules that govern the admissible orderings of letters are widely shared in society within words, and words within the sentences of a language stimulus substitution when the conditioned stimulus comes to tabula rasa the empiricist Locke argued that each infant is born acquire the same response-eliciting properties as the uncondi- with a mind like a blank slate, a tabula rasa, upon which experience tioned stimulus is written stress negative emotional experience resulting from a mismatch tardive dyskinesia a serious movement disorder, characterized between the individual’s appraisal that the stressor is stressful by involuntary movements, that can arise as a side-effect of and their ability to cope with and therefore reduce their response taking antipsychotic drugs to it template an internally stored representation of an object or event structural model of the psyche Freud’s model of how the mind in the outside world, which must be matched with the pattern works of stimulation of the sensory systems before identification, structuralism a theory derived from the use of psychophysical recognition or naming of that object or event can occur methods, so called because it focuses on the structure of the tension-reduction hypothesis the notion that people use sub- mind stances in order to reduce tension and negative affect structured interviews in which the questions are standardized Thanatos the drive for aggression and death in Freudian psycho- across interviewees analysis (see Eros) substantia nigra part of the brain containing the cell bodies theory a coherent framework used to make sense of, and for the dopamine-containing projection to the striatum, which integrate, a number of empirical findings PSY_D01.qxd 1/2/05 3:57 pm Page 484

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three-component model states that beliefs, feelings and beha- types a term used by early personality theorists, who divided viour towards an object can influence attitudes towards it, and people into different categories, or types that these attitudes can reciprocally influence the beliefs, feelings unconditioned response (UR) evoked by a stimulus before an and behaviours animal has received any explicit training with that stimulus threshold potential the voltage at which depolarization of a cell unconditioned stimulus (US) evokes an unconditioned response leads to generation of an action potential unconscious mental processes processes in the mind that people timbre the complexity of a sound wave, especially one emitted are not normally aware of by a musical instrument, allowing us to distinguish the same note played on, say, a piano and a guitar univariate relating to a single variable tolerance the need for increased amounts of a substance in order validity the extent to which a given study investigates what it to achieve the desired effect, or a diminished effect with same purports to investigate amount that used to produce the desired effect variance the mean of the sum of squared differences between a topographic model of the psyche Freud’s model of the structure set of scores and the mean of that set of scores; the square of the of the mind standard deviation (see above) tracers substances used in neuroanatomy that are taken up by vernier acuity the ability to see very small differences in the neurons (e.g. at the axon terminals) and transported along them alignment of two objects, which becomes particularly obvious (e.g. to the cell body), allowing the neurons’ connections to be when the objects are close to one another identified vesicle subcompartment of a neuron in which neurotransmitter training needs assessment identification of learning requirements, is stored prior to release to facilitate successful completion of present and future roles vestibular system located in the inner ear, this responds to accel- traits labels given to consistent and enduring aspect of personal- eration and allows us to maintain body posture ity, viewed as continuous dimensions visual search a type of experiment in which the observer typic- transduction the process of transforming one type of energy (e.g. ally has to report whether or not a target is present among a large sound waves, which are mechanical in nature) into another kind array of other items (distractors) of energy – usually the electrical energy of neurons visuo-spatial sketch pad the part of Baddeley’s working memory transfer appropriate processing for the best recall, the type of model that is responsible for setting up and manipulating mental memory encoding needs to be appropriately matched to the type images of cueing information that will be available at recall voluntary confession formal admission of guilt given freely, transfer of training application of what was learned in job train- which can be true or false, usually made to the police ing to the job itself What Works generic name given to a recent approach to offender transference projection by a client onto the therapist of charac- treatment, which is based on findings from meta-analyses of the teristics that are unconsciously associated with parents and other offender treatment literature important figures transformational leader a leader seen by followers as being white matter those parts of brain consisting mostly of axons endowed with exceptional personal qualities, and who works to rather than cell bodies; the axons’ myelin sheaths are very white change or transform followers’ needs and redirect their thinking withdrawal the experience of physical symptoms when a sub- transformational leadership a style used by leaders who tend to stance is stopped, or the use of another substance to relieve or be dominant and self-confident, need to influence others, while avoid those symptoms believing strongly in their own values, communicate their goals within-subjects design a research design in which the same and visions clearly, and have high expectations of their followers’ participants are exposed to different levels of the independent performance variable (cf. between-subjects design) treatment the experimental manipulation of the independent work groups collectives of individuals within organizations – variable formal groups are designated as work groups by the organization, treatment–etiology fallacy a logical error in which treatment and informal groups are not defined by the organization as func- mode (e.g. psychopharmacology) is assumed to imply the cause tional units, but nevertheless have an impact upon organizational of the disorder (e.g. biological) behaviour two-process theory emphasizes the interaction of instrumental work-sample tests personnel assessment techniques which and classical conditioning processes in producing many types of require the applicant to perform tasks that are examples of the behaviour task demands of the job in question PSY_D02.qxd 1/2/05 3:58 pm Page 485

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Figure 5.10 adapted from Rolls, B.J. & Rolls, E.T. 1982, Thirst, Copyright © Psychology Press Ltd. Reprinted by permission Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, fig. 2.1. of the International Society for the Study of Behavioural Figure 5.11 adapted from Rolls, B.J. & Rolls, E.T. 1982, Thirst, Development”. http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, fig. 4.24. Figure 9.3 Graficart.net/Alamy. Figure 5.12 © Richard Hamilton-Smith/CORBIS. Figure 9.5 © Patrik Giardino/CORBIS and © Charles Figure 5.14 © Getty Images. Mistral/Alamy. Figure 6.1 © Getty Images. Figure 9.7 from Slater, A. & Bremner, G. (2003), An Introduction Figure 6.2 AKG-Images. to Developmental Psychology, Blackwell Publishing, Oxford. Figure 6.3 from Strongman, K. (1996), The Psychology of Emotion, Courtesy of Alan Slater. John Wiley & Sons Inc., New York, figure 1, p. 10. Figure 9.9 from First Language, 18, 165–84, p. 177. Reprinted Figure 6.4 from Strongman, K. 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(eds) (1997), Behavioral Genetics, 3rd edition, New Mental Illness in General Health Care: An International Study, York: Freeman, figure 8.12. Reprinted by permission of W.H. John Wiley & Sons, Chichester. Freeman and Company/Worth Publishers. Figure 15.8 © Sheila Terry/Science Photo Library. Figure 13.12 from H. Davis, ‘Cognitive development and individual Figure 15.10 © Custom Medical Stock Photo/Science Photo Library. differences in intelligence: Unidimensional and multidimen- Figure 15.12 © John Angerson/Alamy. sional models of performance on Raven’s progressive matrices’, Figure 15.13 © Photofusion Picture Library/Alamy. University of Western Australia, unpublished PhD thesis. Figure 16.2 © The Nobel Foundation. Figure 14.1 Paramount/photo Kobal Collection. Figure 16.3 © Will and Deni McIntyre/Science Photo Library. Figure 14.4 © Getty Images. Figure 16.5 © ITV plc. Figure 14.5 from www.mps.k12.nf.ca/physed/body.gif Figure 16.6 © Getty Images. 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Reprinted by permission of Publishers, p. 449, figure 14.1. Reprinted by permission of Blackwell Publishing. Blackwell Publishing. Figure 18.17 from Hewstone, M. and Stroebe, W. (2001), Figure 18.2 © Getty Images. Introduction to Social Psychology, 3rd edition, Oxford: Blackwell Figure 18.3 from Hewstone, M. and Stroebe, W. (2001), Publishers, p. 492, figure 15.2. Reprinted by permission of Introduction to Social Psychology, 3rd edition, Oxford: Blackwell Blackwell Publishing. PSY_D03.qxd 1/2/05 3:59 pm Page 533

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Figure 18.18 based on data from Wilder, D.A. 1984, ‘Intergroup Figure 20.8 from West, M.A. & Markiewicz, L. (2003) Building contact: the typical member and the exception to the rule’, Team-based Working: A Practical Guide to Organizational Journal of Experimental Social Psychology, 20, 177–94. Transformation, Blackwell Publishing, Oxford. Table 18.1 from Milgram, S. (1963), ‘Behavioral study of obedience’, Figure 20.9 BananaStock/Alamy. Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology, 67, 371–8. Reprinted Figure 20.10 adapted from Quinn, R.E. and Rohrbaugh, J. (1983), by permission of Alexandra Milgram. ‘A spatial model of effectiveness criteria: toward a competing Figure 19.1 © Getty Images. values approach to organizational analysis’, Management Science, Figure 19.2 from Ogden, J. (2000), Health Psychology: A Textbook, 29, 363–77. 2nd edition, figure 2.3, p. 22. Reproduced with the kind per- Figure 20.11 adapted from Wiley, J.W. & Brooks, S.M. 2000, mission of the Open University Press/McGraw-Hill Publishing ‘The high-performance organizational climate: How workers Company. describe top-performing units’, in N.M. Ashkanasy, C.P.M. Figure 19.3 from Ogden, J. (2000), Health Psychology: A Textbook, Wilderom & M.F. Peterson (eds), Handbook of Organizational 2nd edition, figure 2.4, p. 26. Reproduced with the kind per- Culture and Climate, Sage, Thousand Oaks, CA. mission of the Open University Press/McGraw-Hill Publishing Figure 20.12 © Popperfoto/Alamy. Company. Figure 20.13 Image100/Alamy. Figure 19.4 from Ogden, J. (2000), Health Psychology: A Textbook, Figure 20.14 based on British Household Panel Survey, 3rd wave 2nd edition, figure 2.6, p. 31. Reproduced with the kind per- data (1993–94). mission of the Open University Press/McGraw-Hill Publishing Table 20.1 based on Warr, P.B., Cook, J. and Wall, T. (1979), ‘Scales Company. for the measurement of some work attitudes and aspects of Figure 19.5 from Ogden, J. (2000), Health Psychology: A Textbook, psychological well-being’, Journal of Occupational Psychology, 52. 2nd edition, figure 3.1, p. 48. Reproduced with the kind per- Figure 21.1 © Getty Images. mission of the Open University Press/McGraw-Hill Publishing Figure 21.2 © News Team International. Company. Figure 21.3 © SHOUT/Alamy. Figure 19.6 © David Hoffmann Photo Library/Alamy. Figure 21.4 © David Hoffmann Photo Library. Figure 19.7 © Stock Connection, Inc./Alamy. Figure 21.5 © Getty Images. Figure 19.8 © Photo courtesy the University of California, Berkeley. Figure 21.6 © David Hoffmann Photo Library. Figure 19.9 from Ogden, J. (2000), Health Psychology: A Textbook, Table 21.1 based on Malpass, R.S. & Devine, P.G. 1981, ‘Eyewit- 2nd edition, figure 10.2, p. 237. Reproduced with the kind per- ness identification: Line-up instructions and the absence of the mission of the Open University Press/McGraw-Hill Publishing offender’, Journal of Applied Psychology, 66, 343–50. Company. Table 21.2 based on Loftus, E.F. & Palmer, J.C. 1974, ‘Recon- Figure 19.11 from Ogden, J. (2000), Health Psychology: A Textbook, struction of automobile destruction: An example of the 2nd edition, figure 13.3, p. 314. Reproduced with the kind per- interaction between language and memory’, Journal of Verbal mission of the Open University Press/McGraw-Hill Publishing Learning and Verbal Behavior, 13, 585–9. Company. Table 21.3 adapted from Nietzel, M.T., Hasemann, D.M. & Figure 19.12 © Cephas Picture Library/Alamy. Lynam, D.R. 1999, ‘Behavioral perspective on violent behavior’ Figure 20.2 © Francoise de Mulder/CORBIS. in V.B. Van Hasselt & M. Hersen (eds), Handbook of Psycho- Figure 20.3 © Bettmann/CORBIS. logical Approaches with Violent Offenders: Contemporary Strategies Figure 20.4 © Julio Etchart/Alamy. and Issues, Kluwer Academic/Plenum Publishers, New York. Figure 20.5 based on Kahn, R.L. & Byosiere, P. 1992, ‘Stress in Organizations’ in M.D. Dunnette & L.M. Hough (eds), Every effort has been made to trace copyright holders and to Handbook of Industrial and Organizational Psychology, 2nd obtain their permission for the use of copyright material. The edn, Consulting Psychologists Press, Paolo Alto, CA. publishers apologize for any errors or omissions in the above list Figure 20.6 © Getty Images. and would be grateful if notified of any corrections that should Figure 20.7 © Ariel Skelley/CORBIS. be incorporated in future reprints or editions of this book. PSY_D04.qxd 1/2/05 4:00 pm Page 534

Author Index

Abelson, R. 251, 376 Andreasen, N.C. 322 Baker, R. 108, 111 Abraham, L.M. 436 Andrews, D.A. 466, 470 Ball, R.A. 462 Abramowitz, J.S. 357 Andrich, D. 204 Baltes, M.M. 216, 217, 218 Abrams, D. 392, 403 Andriukaitis, S. 340 Baltes, P.B. 216, 217, 218 Abramson, L.Y. 306, 307, 308, 324, 373 Angleitner, A. 304 Banaji, M.R. 380, 404 Ackerman, S. 214 Anisfield, M. 194 Bandura, A. 8, 196, 293, 309, 319, 346, 386 Adams, C.D. 81 Antonio, J.D. 372 Barclay, J.R. 235 Adams, M.J. 225, 233 Antonucci, T.C. 218 Barer, B.M. 218 Adorno, T.W. 403 Antonuccio, D.O. 357 Bargh, J.A. 379 Aggleton, J.P. 103 Archer, J. 199 Barlow, D.H. 130, 327 Ahissar, M. 177 Arguin, M. 176 Barnes, G.C. 463 Ahrens, C. 380 Argyle, M. 306 Barnes-Farrell, J.L. 442 Ainsworth, M.D.S. 128, 188 Arieti, S. 322 Barnett, W.S. 274 Ainsworth, P.B. 461 Arkes, H.R. 227 Baron, R.S. 386, 407 Ajzen, I. 365, 367, 414 Armitage, C.J. 367 Baron-Cohen, S. 194, 282 Akhtar, N. 464 Arnkoff, D.B. 349 Barrett, M. 186, 194 Alade, M.O. 184 Arnold, J. 430 Barth, J.M. 196 Alasker, F.D. 204 Arnold, M.B. 121 Bartlett, F.C. 228, 238 Alba, J.W. 238 Aron, A. 404 Bartol, A.M. 454 Albert, R.S. 288 Arterberry, M. 184 Bartol, C.R. 454 Albus, K.E. 317 Arthur, W.J. 431 Barton, J.J.S. 154 Alden, L. 349 Arvey, R.D. 436 Barton, S.B. 252 Aldridge, M.A. 186 Asbury, K. 305 Bashore, T.R. 216 Alexander, J.F. 353 Asch, S.E. 38, 395–6, 459 Bass, B.M. 394, 433, 434 Alexander, S.G. 238 Ashbridge, E. 176 Basseches, M.A. 209, 210 Allaz, A.-F. 213 Asher, S.R. 196 Bates, T. 273 Allen, V.L. 396 Ashton, D. 433 Bateson, G. 351 Alloy, L.B. 306 Aslin, R.N. 182 Batson, C.D. 386, 387, 388, 404 Allport, F.H. 386 Asnis, G.M. 324 Bauer, R.M. 51 Allport, G.W. 293, 294, 299, 302, 404 Atkinson, J. 150 Baum, J.D. 418 Altemeyer, B. 403 Atkinson, R.C. 231, 232, 233 Baumeister, R.F. 302, 388 Altmann, G.T.M. 267 Augoustinos, M. 374, 380, 382 Baumrind, D. 7, 389 Amabile, T.M. 371 Austin, J.T. 41 Bavelas, A. 393 American Psychiatric Association (APA) 316, Averill, J.R. 126, 127 Bayley, N. 204 333 Avis, N.E. 213 Baylis, L.L. 102, 103 American Psychological Association Task Avolio, B.J. 434 Beach, S.R.H. 23, 324 Force on Intelligence 275, 286 Ax, A.F. 120 Bear, M.F. 70 Amsel, A. 117 Axel, R. 152 Beard, B.L. 175 Anand, B.K. 98 Ayres, T.J. 234 Beauchamp, G.K. 184 Anastasio, P.A. 404 Beck, A.T. 319, 324, 328, 347–8 Andersen, P. 64 Bachman, B.A. 404 Beck, J. 164 Andersen, S.M. 376 Back, K. 391 Becker, D. 213 Anderson, C.A. 8 Baddeley, A.D. 230, 232, 233, 234, 246 Becker, M.H. 413 Anderson, E. 354 Baer, L. 338 Beech, A. 457 Anderson, H.R. 418 Bahrick, H.P. 243 Bekerian, D.A. 461 Anderson, J.R. 230 Bailey, A. 285 Bell, D.W. 363 Anderson, M.C. 241, 276, 278, 279–80, 281, Baker, K.H. 422 Bell, S.M. 188 282, 290 Baker, L. 330 Bellack, A.S. 347 PSY_D04.qxd 1/2/05 4:00 pm Page 535

Author Index 535

Bellezza, F.S. 243 Borke, H. 191 Buck, R. 122 Bellis, M. 108, 111 Borkovec, T.D. 328 Buck, S. 237 Belluardo, P. 356 Bouchard, T.J. 280, 284, 436 Buckhout, R. 228 Bellugi, U. 195 Bourgeois, M. 398 Buckley, J.P. 458 Belmont, J.M. 281 Bourne, E.J. 374 Bucknall, C.A. 418 Belsky, J. 188, 215 Bower, G.H. 237, 238, 239, 240, 244 Buckner, R.L. 231 Bem, D.J. 365 Bower, N.J. 187 Bucy, P.C. 103 Benack, S. 209 Bower, T.G.R. 186, 187 Buerkley, D.K. 436 Bennett, P. 427 Bowlby, J. 128, 129, 130, 188, 211, 317 Bull, N.C. 35 Benson, H. 342 Bowling, A. 427 Bull, R. 459, 460 Bergin, A.E. 353, 354 Boyd, S.K. 196 Bundy, R.P. 402 Berkman, L. 424 BPS Code of Conduct, Ethical Principles & Burack, J. 280 Berkowitz, L. 364, 388 Guidelines 40 Burgess, A.W. 461 Berman, J.S. 354 Bradbury, T.N. 391 Burke, D. 257 Bernard, J.M. 416 Braddick, O.J. 150, 164 Burke, D.M. 236 Bernstein, D.A. 358 Bradley, C. 411 Burke, E. 433 Bernstein, M. 213 Bradley, E.J. 464 Burke, M.J. 341 Berscheid, E. 391 Bradley, S.J. 199 Burn, P. 99 Beumont, P. 330 Braine, M.D.S. 194, 195 Burns, H.J. 241, 242 Beyth, R. 7 Brannan, S.L. 325 Burns, N. 276, 280 Bialystock, E. 198 Bransford, J.D. 228, 235, 238 Burns, R.B. 273 Bierhoff, H.-W. 388, 407 Brant, L. 213 Burrell, G. 447 Billig, M.G. 402 Brauer, M. 399 Burton, M.J. 100 Binet, A. 272, 454 Brawley, L.R. 392 Bush, P.J. 208 Bishop, E.G. 285 Bray, R.M. 399 Bushnell, I. 186 Bishop, G.D. 416 Breggin, P. 339 Buss, A.H. 302, 310 Bisiach, E. 57 Bretherton, I. 128 Buss, D.M. 108 Bjork, E.L. 241, 242 Brewer, M.B. 376, 377, 401, 404, 407 Bussey, K. 196 Bjork, R.A. 229, 241, 242–3 Brewin, C.R. 308 Butow, P. 330 Black, J.B. 240 Breytspraak, L.M. 35 Butter, C.M. 102 Blackburn, I.M. 348 Bridges, K.M.B. 128 Butterfield, E.C. 281 Blackburn, R. 7, 454, 464, 470 Brief, A.P. 435, 450 Butzlaff, R.L. 322 Blades, M. 193, 201 Brief, D.E. 389 Buunk, A.P. 392 Blake, R. 155, 179 Briner, R.B. 438 Buunk, B.P. 389, 391 Blakemore, C. 150 Brobeck, J.R. 98 Byosiere, P. 437 Blakesee, S. 70, 153 Broca, P. 56 Byrne, D. 391 Blanchard-Fields, F. 214 Brody, L.R. 125 Byrnes 205, 206 Blane, H. 335 Brody, N. 273, 278 Blank, M. 191 Brogden, W.J. 76 Cacciari, C. 257 Blanton, H. 208 Brooks, S.M. 446 Cacioppo, J.T. 364, 370 Blass, E.M. 184 Brooks-Gunn, J. 204 Cadoret, R.J. 333 Blass, T. 389 Brown, A. 257 Cahill, A. 377 Blaxton, T.A. 231 Brown, B.B. 206 Cairns, E. 404 Bleeker, M.L. 237 Brown, C.R. 184, 206 Calabrese, J.R. 341 Blehar, M. 188 Brown, G.W. 322, 324 Caldwell, C.B. 320 Bliss, T.V.P. 64 Brown, J. 196 Cameron, K. 444 Block, J. 332 Brown, R.J. 194, 195, 257, 380, 401, 403, 404, Campbell, D.T. 40, 365, 367, 395 Block, N. 286 407 Campbell, F.A. 274 Bodenhausen, G.V. 378 Brown, T.A. 263 Campbell, J.B. 304 Boehm, L. 227 Brown, V. 145, 146 Campbell, M.C.W. 213, 216 Bohner, G. 382 Bruce, V. 155, 179 Campfield, L.A. 98, 99 Bolla, K.I. 237 Bruch, H. 330 Caniglia, K. 238 Bolton, P. 280 Bruck, M. 242 Cannon, T.D. 321 Bonaccorsy, C. 237 Bruner, J.S. 368 Cannon, W.B. 118, 420 Bond, C.F., Jr 386 Bry, R.H. 332 Canter, D. 462 Bonta, J. 466, 470 Bryant, P.E. 191 Cantor, N. 310–11, 375 Bookin, H. 253 Bryman, A. 394 Caplan, R.D. 437 Booth, D.A. 98 Buchan, H. 339 Cardon, L.R. 285 Booth, R.J. 422 Buchanan, G.M. 307 Carlson, M. 388 Bootzin, R.R. 229 Buchanan, M. 233 Carlson, N.R. 49, 108, 110, 111 PSY_D04.qxd 1/2/05 4:00 pm Page 536

536 Author Index

Carlsmith, J.M. 366 Commonwealth of Australia 105 Davies, D.R. 304 Carroll, J.B. 275 Conger, J.J. 332 Davila, J. 324 Carron, A.V. 392 Conger, R. 204 Davis, J.H. 398 Carter, G.W. 436 Conner, M. 367 Davis, J.M. 340 Carver, C.S. 310, 312 Connolly, T. 401 Davis, K.E. 369–71 Caryl, P.G. 276, 280 Connor, M. 427 Davis, K.L. 322, 323 Caspi, A. 304 Connors, B.W. 70 Davison, G.C. 358 Cassidy, J. 129 Conrad, R. 232 Dawkins, R. 108, 111, 386, 388 Cate, R.M. 392 Conti, S. 356 de Gelder, B. 154 Cattell, J.M. 454 Converse, S.A. 416 De Haan, E.H. 51 Cattell, R.B. 275, 293, 299–300 Conway, M.A. 230 de Kemp, R. 208 Cavanaugh, J.C. 215, 221 Cook, J. 435 De Meuse, K.P. 440 Ceci, S.J. 242 Cook, N. 243 De Raad, B. 302 Cervone, D. 309 Cooper, C.L. 430 Deary, I.J. 276, 279, 280, 290 Chaiken, S. 369 Cooper, H. 468 Deaux, K. 374 Chambless, D.L. 345 Cooper, J. 364, 365, 366 DeBeurs, E. 357 Chandler, C.C. 242 Cordray, D.S. 468 Deci, E.L. 309 Chapman, J.W. 198 Corkin, S. 236 DeFries, J.C. 304, 306, 312 Chasin, J. 186 Corley, R. 304 Delbecq, A.L. 401 Chaudhuri, A. 178 Corr, P.J. 308 Dempster, F.N. 243 Chesner, S.P. 388 Cosgrove, G.R. 338 DeNelsky, G.Y. 357 Child, I.L. 294 Cosmides, L. 261, 264 Den Exter Blokland, E. 208 Chomsky, N. 195 Costa, P.T. 302 Denney, N.W. 214, 216 Chorney, M.J. 285 Côté, J.E. 212 Dennis, A.R. 401 Christal, R.E. 301 Cotton, J.L. 120 Department of Health 338 Christensen, A. 353 Cottone, R.R. 350, 351 Descartes, R. 10 Chrousos, G.P. 324 Cottrell, N.B. 386 Detterman, D.K. 279, 281, 283 Church, R.M. 81, 82 Cowan, R. 283 Deutsch, M. 395 Church, T.A. 302 Cowey, A. 53 Devine, P.G. 379, 380, 456 Cialdini, R.B. 388 Cowie, H. 193, 201 Devos, R. 99 Cicchetti, D. 320, 324 Cox, T. 437 Diab, L. 402 Cicirelli, V.G. 218 Coyne, J.C. 324 Dickinson, A. 91 Clare, A.W. 355 Craik, F.I.M. 233, 234, 235, 242 Dickson, W.J. 439, 440 Clark, C.L. 211 Crampton, S.M. 436 DiClemente, C.C.D. 412, 413 Clark, D.C. 323 Crassini, B. 184 Diehl, M. 215, 399–401, 442 Clark, D.M. 328 Creps, C. 196 Digman, J.M. 301 Clark, J.M. 99 Crick, N.R. 464 Dillon, K.M. 422 Clark, R.D.III 388 Crocker, J. 375, 378, 404 Dodd, B. 198 Clark, H.H. 254 Crockett, L.J. 206 Dodge, K.A. 464 Clark, M.C. 238, 239, 244 Cronshaw, S.F. 431 Doll, R. 410 Clark, N.K. 459 Crook, C.K. 184 Domjan, M. 91 Clarkin, J.F. 335 Csapo, B. 205 Donaldson, M. 193 Cleland, F.E. 197 Cullen, F.T. 462 Donaldson, R.M. 424 Clifford, B.R. 456 Cummins, R.C. 438 Doress-Waters, P.B. 215 Coffey, P.J. 66 Cunningham, W.A. 404 Dosher, B.A. 177 Cohen, C.E. 378 Cunningham, W.R. 213 Douglas, J.E. 461 Cohen, F. 420 Cutler, B.L. 456 Dovidio, J.F. 388, 404 Cohen, G. 228, 230, 236, 237, 246 Cutshall, J.L. 456, 457 Dowdney, L. 197 Cohen, J. 40 Downing, L.L. 401 Cohen, N.J. 236 Daft, R.L. 443, 450 Dozier, M. 317 Cohen, S. 391, 412 Dalgliesh, T. 120, 133 Druckman, D. 229 Coie, J. 196 Damon, W. 200 du Bois-Reymond, M. 206 Colbert, K.K. 217 Daniel, W.W. 448 Dueck, A. 237 Cole, J.O. 44 Danton, W.G. 357 Dull, V. 376, 377 Cole-Detke, H. 330 Darley, J.M. 9, 387, 388 Duncan, B.L. 374 Collins, B.E. 389 Darwin, C. 13, 125 Duncan, E.M. 115, 323 Collins, R.L. 332 Dattilio, F.M. 358 Duncker, K. 259 Collins, W.A. 206 Davidson, B. 399 Dunlosky, J. 244 Colwill, R.M. 83, 84 Davidson, J.E. 267 Dunn, J.F. 193, 196, 305 PSY_D04.qxd 1/2/05 4:00 pm Page 537

Author Index 537

Dunnett, S.B. 66 Faulkner, D. 236, 237, 297 Frith, U. 194, 281, 282, 283 Durkin, K. 186, 195, 196, 197, 198, 201, 204, Fava, G.A. 356 Fritz, C.O. 236, 237, 243, 246 206, 212 Fazio, R.H. 362, 364, 365, 366, 367, 368 Fruzzetti, A. 242 Dusser de Barenne, J.G. 119 Fechner, G. 11 Fryer, D. 448 Dyer, L.M. 378 Feeney, J.A. 213 Fulker, D.W. 304, 306 Dymond, R.F. 298 Felleman, D.J. 169 Fuller, T.L. 215 Felstead, A. 433 Furnham, A. 23, 303, 308 Eagle, M. 227 Fenigstein, A. 310 Fusilier, M.R. 438 Eagly, A.H. 368, 448 Ferguson, C.P. 330 Futrell, D. 440 Ebbesen, E.B. 457 Ferris, G.R. 436 Ebbinghaus, H.E. 17, 228, 236–7, 243, Ferster, C.B. 80 Gabrenya, W.K. 398 454–5 Festinger, L. 365, 366, 389, 391, 392 Gaertner, S.L. 388, 404 Eber, H.W. 300 Fiedler, F.E. 394, 433 Gaffan, D. 102, 103 Edelman, S. 174 Field, P.M. 66 Gage, F.H. 68 Edmondson, A.C. 441 Fincham, F.D. 23, 215, 324, 351, 391 Gallahue, D.L. 197 Edwards, H. 198 Findlay, J.M. 145, 146 Galton, F. 18, 270–1 Egeth, H.E. 455 Finnie, V. 196 Gangestad, S. 310 Ekman, P. 119, 123–4, 125, 460 Fischer, A.H. 126 Garcia, J.E. 86, 87, 394 Elder, G.H., Jr 204 Fischhoff, B. 7, 262, 263 Gardiner, J.M. 231 Elkin, I. 357 Fishbein, M. 365, 367 Gardner, H. 277–8, 283, 290 Elkins, R.L. 346 Fisher, L.J. 68 Garfield, S.L. 353 Elliot, F.A. 7 Fisher, R.P. 242, 460 Garnham, A. 254 Ellis, A.W. 236, 237, 281, 348–9 Fisher, S. 343 Garrod, S.C. 253, 254, 267 Ellison, A. 176 Fiske, D.W. 301 Garrow, J.S. 104 Ellsworth, P.C. 122, 123, 125 Fiske, S.T. 371, 372, 375–6, 378, 379 Garton, A.F. 186 Emerson, P.E. 187, 188 Fitzpatrick, M.A. 391 Gazzaniga, M. 155 Emerson, S.B. 196 Flament, C. 402 Ge, X. 204 Emery, G. 328, 348 Flaum, M. 322 Geiselman, R.E. 460 Emmelkamp, P.M.G. 359 Flavell, J.H. 20, 194 Gelade, G. 166, 167 Endler, N.S. 302 Fletcher, B.C. 438 Gelles, R.J. 392 Engel, G.L. 409 Fletcher, G.J.O. 116, 373, 407 Georgeson, M.A. 155, 179 Engeland, H.V. 357 Flynn, J.R. 288 Gerard, H.B. 395 Engels, R.C.M.E. 208 Fodor, J.A. 251, 279 Gernsbacher, M.A. 253 Epstein, R. 52, 54 Folkman, S. 307, 438 Gerrard, M. 208 Equal Opportunities Commission 447 Forsterling, F. 373, 382 Gershon, E.S. 326 Erdelyi, M.H. 344 Forsyth, D.R. 7 Gheorghiu, V.A. 459 Erickson, T.A. 252 Foster, T. 297, 355 Gibbons, F.X. 208 Erikson, E.H. 210, 211, 214, 217, 221 Fozard, J.L. 213 Gibbs, J.C. 97, 464, 465, 466 Erikson, J.M. 210, 221 Fraley, R.C. 215 Gibbs, R. 253 Erikson, M. 457 Framo, J. 351 Gick, M.L. 259 Eriksson, P.S. 68 Francis, K.L. 216 Gigerenzer, G. 261, 264–5, 267 Erwin, P. 196, 200 Francis, S. 110 Gilchrist, I.D. 145, 146, 166 Esplin, P.W. 461 Franks, J.J. 235 Gildea, P. 253 Esser, J.K. 399, 400 Fraser, C. 195 Ginsburg, H.P. 20 Esses, V.M. 363 Frazier, L. 250 Giorgi, A. 115 Evans, R.I. 23 Freiberg, K. 184 Glaser, R. 422 Everitt, B.J. 104 French, D.C. 200 Glass, C.R. 349 Eysenck, H.J. 130, 276, 293, 300–1, 302, 303, French, J.R.P., Jr 437, 447 Glass, G.V. 355 304, 354 Frenkel-Brunswik, E. 403 Glasser, A. 213, 216 Eysenck, M.W. 130, 303, 304 Freud, S. 19, 130, 294–7, 454 Gleitman, H. 50, 59 Eysenck, S.B. 301 Fridlund, A.J. 50, 59 Glenmullen, J. 340 Fried, Y. 436 Glick, B. 464, 466 Fagerstrom, K.O. 412 Friedman, M. 425–6 Glucksberg, S. 253, 257 Fagot, B.I. 197 Friedman, R. 342 Goebel-Fabbri, A.E. 323 Fahle, M. 174, 175, 177 Friendship, C. 457 Gold, P.W. 324 Fals-Stewart, W. 352 Friesen, W.V. 123, 124, 125 Goldberg, L.R. 301 Fantz, R.L. 184 Frijda, N.H. 117 Goldfield, B.A. 194 Farr, J.R. 431 Frisby, J.P. 164 Golding, G. 218 Farrington, D.P. 462, 463 Friston, K.J. 177 Goldman, R. 370 PSY_D04.qxd 1/2/05 4:00 pm Page 538

538 Author Index

Goldstein, A.P. 464, 466 Haier, R.J. 276 Higgins, E.T. 310, 375 Goldstein, D. 227 Halberstadt, L.J. 307, 324 Higuchi, S. 332 Goldstein, E.B. 179 Halbreich, U. 324 Hill, A.L. 282 Goldstein, I.L. 432, 450 Hale, M. 454 Hill, M.E. 374 Goldstein, J.H. 217 Hall, G. 78 Hirschfeld, D.R. 328 Goldston, R.B. 115 Hall, J.A. 124 Hitch, G. 233 Gollin, E.S. 67 Hall, R.H. 444, 445 Hoberman, H.M. 391 Goodale, M.A. 146, 170 Halligan, P.W. 171 Hobson, P. 281 Goodman, G.S. 455 Hamilton, D.L. 375, 376 Hochstein, S. 177 Goodman, J.F. 280 Hamilton, W.D. 108 Hodapp, R. 280 Goodwin, D.W. 331 Hammen, C.L. 324, 335 Hodgson, R.J. 84 Goodwin, F.K. 324, 326 Hampson, P.J. 244 Hoff, E. 194, 198, 201 Gormican, S. 166 Happé, F. 281 Hoffman, L. 352 Goswami, U. 201 Harkins, S.G. 397, 398, 442 Hoffrage, U. 264, 265 Gottesman, I.I. 320, 321 Harlaar, N. 273 Hogan, J.D. 218, 431 Gottfredson, L. 273, 278 Harlow, H.F. 90 Hogg, M.A. 392, 394, 399, 403, 406 Gould, R.A. 357 Harmon-Jones, E. 364 Hollander, E.P. 394, 442 Gould, S.J. 285 Harré, R. 133 Hollin, C.R. 456, 462, 464, 465, 470 Gouldner, A.W. 388 Harris, J. 179 Hollon, S.D. 353, 357 Graber, J.A. 204 Harris, M. 186 Holmes, T.H. 420 Granberg, D. 263 Harris, P.L. 128, 193 Holtzworth-Munroe, A. 353 Grandi, S. 356 Harris, T.O. 324 Holyoak, K.J. 259 Grasso, R. 189 Harris, V.A. 371 Hood, B. 186 Gray, C.M. 69 Hart, D. 206 Hooley, J.M. 322 Gray, J.A. 130, 308, 328 Hartley, J.F. 448 Hooper, F.H. 217 Gray, J.D. 392 Hartman, K.A. 416 Hooper, J.O. 217 Green, P.R. 155, 179 Hartmann, H. 468 Hopkins, N. 378 Greenberg, D. 97 Hartup, W.W. 196, 200 Horn, J.L. 275 Greenberg, M.T. 317 Harvey, O.J. 401 Hornsey, M.J. 406 Greenberg, R.P. 343 Hasemann, D.M. 463, 464 Hornykiewicz, O. 66 Greenfield, S.A. 70 Hasher, L. 227, 238 Horwitz, R.I. 282, 424 Greenwald, A. 404 Haslam, S.A. 30, 41, 380 Horwitz, S.M. 424 Greenwald, S. 332 Hastie, R. 378 House, B.J. 281 Gregory, R.L. 155, 160, 171, 172, 173, 177, Hatano, G. 186 House, J.S. 217 179 Haviland, J.M. 115, 133 House, R.J. 433 Greve, K.W. 51 Haviland, S. 254 Houston, D. 308, 309 Grossman, K.E. 188 Haward, L.R.C. 454 Hovland, C.I. 368 Groves, P.M. 88 Hawley, C.W. 304 Howard, K.I. 354 Gruneberg, M.M. 228, 239, 240, 244, Hay, D.C. 236, 237 Howe, M.J.A. 274, 276 246 Hazan, C. 215 Howell, D.C. 41 Gudjonsson, G.H. 454, 458, 459 Heard, P. 179 Howell, J.M. 433, 434 Guerin, B. 386 Hedderman, C. 466 Hsee, C.K. 129 Guerra, N.G. 464 Hedges, L.V. 468 Hubel, D.H. 168, 169 Guilford, J.P. 279 Heider, F. 362, 411 Huffcutt, A.I. 431 Guisez, Y. 99 Heingartner, A. 386 Hug, K. 261 Gumbhir, A.K. 35 Helson, R. 214 Hull, A.J. 232 Gump, B.B. 389 Heninger, G.R. 341 Humphreys, G.W. 166 Guralnik, J.M. 218 Herbert, M. 427 Hunter, J.A. 374 Gurman, A.S. 353 Heritage, R. 462 Hunter, J.E. 286, 287, 431 Gustafson, D.H. 401 Herman, E.M. 386 Hunter, R.F. 431 Gutek, B.A. 447 Hermelin, B. 282 Hunziker, J. 128 Guzzo, R.A. 440, 442 Hernandez, T.M. 186 Hurowitz, G.I. 339, 341 Herrmann, D.J. 228 Huston, T.L. 388 Haberlandt, K. 246 Herrnstein, R.J. 285, 286 Hutt, C. 196 Hackett, C. 227 Hettema, J.M. 328 Hackman, J.R. 435, 436, 442, 450 Hewstone, M. 8, 374, 375, 377, 378, 379, 386, Iaffaldano, M.T. 436 Hadjikhani, N. 154 387, 388, 389, 391, 393, 395, 396, 397, Iannotti, R.J. 208 Hadley, S.W. 355 398, 401, 402, 404 Inagaki, K. 186 Hagell, P. 66 Higbee, K.L. 237, 243, 246 Inbau, F.E. 458 PSY_D04.qxd 1/2/05 4:00 pm Page 539

Author Index 539

Ingram, R.E. 359 Kagan, J. 328 Klute, C. 206 Inhelder, B. 192, 205 Kahn, R.L. 437 Kluver, H. 103 Innes, J.M. 372, 380 Kahneman, D. 261–2, 378 Knight, R.G. 213 Iqbal, H.M. 205 Kamin, L. 86, 285 Knurek, D. 364 Irving, B. 458 Kamman, R. 288 Kobak, R. 330 Isen, A.M. 388 Kandel, E.R. 70, 88 Kobasa, S.C. 438 Isenberg, D.J. 399 Kapardis, A. 454, 470 Kochanska, G. 333 Ivry, B. 155 Karasek, R.A. 425, 438 Koehnken, G. 455 Izard, C.E. 120, 123, 126, 128 Karau, S.J. 398 Koelling, R.A. 86, 87 Karlin, M.B. 237 Koerner, K. 353 Jackson, C.N. 438 Karniol, R. 207 Kohlberg, L. 196 Jackson, J.L. 398, 461 Kashima, Y. 373 Kohler, W. 17 Jacobs, K.C. 395 Kasl, S.V. 219–20 Kohn, M.L. 432 Jacobson, N.J. 353 Kassin, S.M. 458, 459, 460 Kohut, H. 317 Jacoby, L.L. 226, 227, 230, 231 Kastner, S. 177 Kolin, E.A. 304 Jaggi, V. 374 Katchadourian, H. 206 Konecni, V.J. 457 Jahoda, M. 448 Katz, D. 368 Konorski, J. 79 James, J.B. 215 Kavanaugh, R.D. 193 Koriat, A. 257 James, W. 13, 118 Kaye, K. 186 Kornack, D.R. 68 Jameson, P.B. 353 Kaye, M.G. 66 Kornhaber, M.L. 278, 290 Jamison, K.R. 326, 335 Kazdin, A.E. 358 Korte, C. 388 Janis, I.L. 364, 368, 399, 442 Keating, D.P. 206 Koski, K.J. 215 Jarvis, M. 456 Keenan, J.P. 154 Koss, M.P. 456 Java, R.I. 231 Keil, F.C. 186 Kosslyn, S.M. 177 Jellinek, E.M. 331 Kelley, C. 226 Kowalski, R.M. 442 Jenkins, J.M. 130, 133 Kelley, H.H. 368, 371, 374, 391 Kraaimat, F. 347 Jensen, A.R. 273, 275, 276, 285, 290 Kellman, P.J. 184 Krafka, C. 456 Jensen, M.A.C. 392 Kelly, G.A. 293 Kramer, D.A. 209, 210, 214, 341 Jerabek, P. 325 Kempermann, G. 68 Kramer, G.P. 358 Jerison, H.J. 55 Kendler, K.S. 318, 328 Kranzler, J.H. 276 Jessel, T.M. 70 Kerig, P. 218 Krombholtz, H. 197 Jessor, R. 332 Kernberg, O.F. 317 Krug, E.G. 463 Jessor, S.L. 332 Kerr, N.L. 398, 399, 407 Kruger, A. 215 Jimerson, D.C. 330 Kessler, R.C. 211, 316, 318, 320 Kuchemann, D.E. 205 Johnson, B.T. 448 Ketcham, K. 242 Kuhn, H.G. 68 Johnson, C.L. 217, 218 Kety, S.S. 321 Kulik, J.A. 389 Johnson, J.H. 421 Keysar, B. 253 Kumka, D. 432 Johnson, M.H. 184 Kiecolt-Glaser, J.K. 422 Kunda, Z. 375, 382 Johnson, M.K. 238, 240, 241, 257, 258 Kiesler, C.A. 364 Kune, G.A. 422 Johnson, R.D. 401 Kihlstrom, J.F. 229 Kunkel, S.R. 219–20 Johnson, S.L. 326 Killian, L.M. 401 Kwan, J. 397 Johnson, S.P. 182, 184 Kilstrom, J.F. 310 Johnson-Laird, P.N. 258, 260, 267 Kinder, A. 430 Labouvie-Vief, G. 214 Johnsrude, I.S. 52, 54 King, B.T. 364 Lacey, B.C. 118 Johnston, L. 379 King, J.B. 411 Lacey, J.I. 118 Johnston, M.K. 200 King, M. 32 Lachman, M.E. 215 Johnstone, L. 339 Kingston, L. 462 LaFreniere, P.J. 196 Jones, B. 103 Kintsch, W. 253 Lakoff, G. 257–8, 376 Jones, C.J. 215 Kirkpatrick, A.G. 198 Lally, M. 277 Jones, E.E. 369–71, 372 Kirkpatrick, L.A. 215 Lamb, M.E. 460 Jones, J.R. 436 Kirsch, I. 343 Lambert, M. 354 Jones, M.C. 204 Klaczysnki, P.A. 205 Lambert, S. 463 Jones, S. 244 Klatzky, R.L. 376 Lamm, H. 399, 442 Jongeward, R.J., Jr 242 Klein, D.F. 328 Lamme, V.A.F. 177 Jongmans, M.J. 197 Klienginna, A.M. 115 Landauer, T.K. 242–3 Jost, J.T. 380 Kleinginna, P.R., Jr 115 Landrum, R.E. 5 Judd, C.M. 399 Kleinke, C. 310 Landy, F.J. 431 Julesz, B. 164 Klimoski, R.J. 430 Lang, F.R. 218 Jung, C.G. 297 Klinnert, M. 389 Lang, P.J. 14 PSY_D04.qxd 1/2/05 4:00 pm Page 540

540 Author Index

Lange, C.G. 118 Little, B.R. 306 McKoon, G. 254 Lange, J.E. 375 Livingstone, M.S. 168, 169 Maclean, P.D. 119 LaPiere, R.T. 365 Lloyd, M. 32 MacLeod, C. 380 Laplante, D.P. 183 Lloyd, S.A. 392 MacLeod, M.D. 241, 242 Latané, B. 9, 23, 387, 388, 397, 398, 442 Locke, J. 10 McLeod, P. 166 Lau, R. 416 Locke, V. 380 McLoughlin-Volpe, T. 404 Launier, R. 419, 438 Lockhart, R.S. 234 McMillan, D. 378 Laursen, B. 200, 206 Loehlin, J.C. 304 McNaughton, N. 130 Lazarsfeld, P.F. 448 Loftus, E.F. 241, 242, 456 McNeil, B.J. 418 Lazarus, R.S. 122, 307, 419, 420, 421, 438 Loftus, G.R. 241, 242, 456 McNeill, D. 257 Le Bihan, D. 177 Lømo, T. 64 McQuaid, J.R. 347 Le Doux, J.E. 50, 119 Longstreth, M. 392 McQuaide, S. 215 Leavitt, H.J. 393 Loop, M.S. 168 Macrae, C.N. 375, 377, 378 LeBon, G. 401 Loosen, P. 357 McWeeny, K.H. 236, 237 Lee, C. 213 Lord, R.G. 393 Madden, T.J. 414 Lee, D.K. 177 Lorence, J. 432 Maddi, S.R. 438 Lee, T.S. 177 Lorente de Nó, R. 58 Maes, S. 426 Leery, M.R. 442 Lösel, F. 465 Maffei, L. 164 Leff, J.P. 322 Louis, T.A. 468 Magai, C.Z. 128, 133 Leiblum, S.R. 213 Low, J. 198 Magnusson, D. 302, 463 Leinbach, M.D. 197 Lowe, C.A. 442 Maguire, E.A. 68 Leiter, E. 227 Lu, Z.-L. 177 Maher, K.J. 393 Lennie, P. 169, 170 Lubin, B. 35 Maheswaran, D. 369 Lenze, E.J. 218 Lui, L. 376, 377 Mai, N. 147 Lenzenweger, M.F. 335 Lund, R.D. 66 Maier, N.R.F. 443 Leonard, K.E. 335 Lundberg, C. 66 Maier, S.F. 312 Leong, T.L. 41 Luzzatti, C. 57 Maio, G.R. 363, 368 Lepore, L. 380 Lykken, D.T. 119 Major, B. 374, 404 Lerner, R.M. 212 Lynam, D.R. 463, 464 Malatesta, C.Z. 128 Lesage, A.D. 355 Lythgoe, J. 149 Malik, S.D. 431 Lesgold, A.M. 238, 239 Malpass, R.S. 455, 456 Leslie, A.M. 194, 280, 282, 283 McArthur, L.A. 371 Mangun, G.R. 52, 155 Levenson, H. 344 McArthur, L.Z. 372 Mann, L. 364 Leventhal, H. 120, 415–16, 417 McCallum, D.M. 421 Manners, J. 212 Levin, B.E. 98 McCarthy, R.A. 51, 67 Manning, M.R. 438 Levine, J.M. 392, 396 McCauley, M.R. 460 Manstead, A.S.R. 386 Levinson, D.C. 210–11, 214–15, 217 McClearn, G.E. 312 Maranon, G. 120 Levinson, D.J. 403 McClelland, D. 447 March, J.G. 442 Levy, B.A. 233 McClelland, J.L. 251 Marcus, B.H. 413 Levy, B.R. 219–20 McCloskey, M. 455, 456 Marcus, S.L. 260 Levy, G.D. 198 Maccoby, E.E. 196 Markiewicz, L. 443 Lewinsohn, P.M. 323, 330 McConahay, J.G. 404 Markowitz, J.C. 344 Lewis, M. 127, 128, 129, 133 McCrae, R.R. 302 Markus, H. 375, 386 Lewis, T. 184 McDermott, K.B. 231, 242 Marlatt, G.A. 332 Lewontin, R.C. 285 McDonald, J.A. 102 Marlier, L. 184 Leyens, J.-P. 380 McDonald, P. 445 Marshall-Goodell, B.S. 364 Lezak, M. 286 McFadden, S.H. 128, 133 Marsiske, M. 218 Liberman, A. 368 McFarlane, W.R. 322 Marteau, T.M. 418 Lichtenstein, S. 262 McFarlin, D.B. 436 Martin, C.L. 197 Lichtman, R.R. 417 McGarty, C. 30, 41 Martin, G.N. 255 Light, R.J. 468 McGhee, D. 404 Martin, J. 445 Lightfoot, C. 206 McGinnis, S. 325 Martin, L.L. 124 Lilly, J.R. 462 McGue, M. 285 Martin, R. 397 Lindenberger, U. 216 McGuffin, P. 323 Martínez, A. 177 Lindgren, K.N. 237 McGuire, J. 368, 465 Martinson, R. 467, 468 Lindoerfer, J.S. 399, 400 MacKeith, J.A.C. 459 Massaro, D.W. 23 Liotti, M. 325 McKeon, P. 332 Masse, L. 274 Lipsey, M.W. 465, 468 McKeown, T. 410 Matarazzo, J.D. 5 Lipton, D.S. 466, 467 Mackintosh, N.J. 91, 290 Mather, G. 158 PSY_D04.qxd 1/2/05 4:00 pm Page 541

Author Index 541

Matison, R. 257 Moffit, T.E. 462 Nicholls, J. 304 Mattson, M.E. 252 Moilanen, K.L. 206 Nicholson, R.A. 354 Maurer, D. 184 Mollon, J.D. 138 Nickerson, R.S. 225, 233 Mayberg, H.S. 325 Montgomery, M.J. 212 Nida, S. 387 Mayer, J.D. 129 Montgomery, S.A. 341 Nietzel, M.T. 358, 463, 464 Mayer, K.U. 218 Moore, B.C.J. 137, 139, 151, 155 Nisbett, R.E. 372, 373 Mayhew, J.E.W. 164 Moore, D.G. 281 Noble, C.E. 236 Mechanic, D. 417 Mora, F. 100, 102 Noller, P. 213, 391 Meertens, R. 404 More, T.A. 127 Nolte, J. 55 Mei, N. 97 Moreland, R.L. 392 Norem, J.K. 311 Meichenbaum, D. 346 Morgan, B.L. 199 Norman, D.A. 379 Meins, E. 188 Morgan, G. 447, 450 Norman, P. 411, 427 Melamed, B.G. 14 Morris, C.D. 235 Norris, J.E. 218, 221 Melamed, S. 436 Morris, G.K. 418 Norris, M.P. 217 Memon, A. 459 Morris, K. 197 Notman, M.T. 213 Mennella, J.A. 184 Morris, P.E. 225, 228, 233, 236, 237, 239, 240, Novaco, R.W. 464 Menustik, C.E. 346 241, 243, 244, 246 Nugent, B. 197 Meredith, M.C. 193 Morris, R.G.M. 64, 65, 89 NWHB Report 355 Meredith, W. 215 Mortimer, J.T. 432 Mero, R.P. 217 Morton, J. 184, 251 O’Connor, D.H. 177 Mesquita, B. 117 Moscovici, S. 374, 397 O’Connor, M. 154 Messer, D. 201 Moskowitz, D.S. 214 O’Connor, N. 282, 283 Messo, J. 456 Mosteller, F. 468 O’Donohue, W. 92 Metalsky, G.I. 306, 307, 324 Motowildo, S.J. 435 O’Farrell, T.J. 322, 352 Metcalfe, J. 244 Mounts, N.S. 208 O’Keefe, J. 53 Metzger, E.D. 330 Mowrer, O.H. 130 O’Leary, A. 309 Meyer, D.E. 251, 415 Muchinsky, P.M. 436 O’Sullivan, M. 460 Meyerson, D.E. 446 Mueller, E.W. 227 Oakes, P.J. 380 Mickelson, K.D. 211, 212 Mugny, G. 397 Oatley, K. 115, 130, 133 Miklowitz, D.J. 326 Muir, D. 201 Odbert, H.S. 299 Miles, E. 256 Mullin, J.T. 186 Ogawa, J.R. 200 Miles, T.R. 256 Münsterberg, H. 458 Ogden, J. 413, 414, 415, 416, 421, 423, Milgram, S. 6, 7, 389, 390, 459 Murphy, K.M. 66 427 Milich, R. 358 Murray, C.A. 285, 286 Oldham, G.R. 435, 436 Millat, S. 201 Murray, C.J. 424 Olfson, M. 340, 343 Millenson, J.R. 117 Murray, E.A. 103 Olson, I. 177 Miller, A.G. 389 Myers, D.G. 399, 442 Olson, J.M. 368 Miller, C.E. 398 Oltmanns, T.F. 358 Miller, D.J. 241, 242 Nadel, L. 53 Oppenheimer, R. 6 Miller, D.T. 373 Naranjo, C. 350 Opper, S. 20 Miller, J.G. 374 Narby, D.J. 456 Orbuch, T.L. 217 Miller, K.L. 281 Nasar, S. 335 Orr, R.R. 183 Miller, N. 388, 404 Naveh-Benjamin, M. 234 Osherow, N. 433 Miller, T.I. 354 Neale, J.M. 358 Osorio, D. 139 Miller-Johnson, S. 274 Neimark, E.D. 205 Ostroff, C. 436 Mills, J. 364 Neisser, U. 21, 228, 232 Ostrove, J.M. 214 Milne, A.B. 378 Nelson, C. 6 Ouellette, J.A. 367 Milne, R. 460 Nelson, T.O. 244 Over, R. 218 Milner, A.D. 146, 170 Nemeth, C. 397 Overton, A.E. 129 Milner, B. 67 Nerenz, D. 415 Owen, A.M. 52, 54 Minchoff, B. 422 Nesselroade, C.S. 217 Owens, J. 240 Minuchin, S. 330 Nettelbeck, T. 273, 276, 277, 280, 282 Mischel, W. 293, 302, 306, 309, 310, 312, Neuberg, S.L. 376, 379 Paavola, M. 208 375 Neville, K.E. 183 Paikoff, R.L. 204 Mishkin, M. 103, 177 Newcombe, F. 170 Palmer, A.M. 214 Mitchell, D.E. 66 Newell, A. 258, 259 Palmer, E.J. 464 Mitchell, J.R.A. 418 Newman, J.P. 464 Palmer, J.C. 456 Mitchell, K.J. 241 Newman, L.S. 310, 365, 367 Pandina, R.J. 332 Mitchell, S.A. 317 Newton, P.M. 211 Panksepp, J. 119 PSY_D04.qxd 1/2/05 4:00 pm Page 542

542 Author Index

Paolino, S. 404 Polletsek, A. 255, 267 Reichers, A.E. 431 Paradiso, M.A. 70 Popper, K. 297 Reid, J.E. 458 Parasuraman, R. 304 Porter, R.H. 187 Reid, R.L. 243 Park, B. 378 Post, D.L. 372 Reis, H.T. 391 Park, C.L. 212 Postman, L. 232 Reisberg, D. 50, 59 Parke, R.D. 196 Poulton, B.C. 440 Reisel, D. 65 Parker, J.G. 196 Powell, D. 216, 217 Reisenzein, R. 120 Parkin, A.J. 236, 246 Powell, G. 448 Rescorla, R.A. 83, 84 Parraga, C.A. 148 Power, M. 120, 133 Resnick, R. 340 Pascarella, E.T. 212 Pratt, M.W. 218, 221 Ressler, R.K. 461 Pasmore, W.A. 444 Pratto, F. 403 Reynolds, S. 438 Passingham, R.E. 103 Preacher, K.J. 404 Reznick, J.S. 194 Patrick, B.C. 391 Preskorn, S.H. 341 Rice, J.L. 217 Patterson, M.G. 436 Press, D.Z. 154 Ridley, M. 107, 108, 111 Patty, J. 213 Price, C.J. 177 Riegel, K.F. 209 Paul, G.L. 355 Price, L. 304 Riemann, R. 304 Pavelchak, M. 378 Price, T. 273 Righard, L. 184 Pavlov, I.P. 75, 319 Price-Bonham, S. 392 Rinck, C.M. 35 Paykel, E.S. 356 Prior, M. 462 Rindderinkof, K.R. 216 Payne, R.L. 438 Pritchard, R.D. 440 Rips, L.J. 260 Pearce, J.M. 92 Prochaska, J.O. 412, 413 Robbins, T.W. 104, 234 Pearce, K.A. 214 Pugh, D.S. 443, 444 Roberts, B.W. 431 Pearlin, L.I. 218 Pugh, M.J.V. 206 Roberts, J.E. 326 Pearson, K. 39 Pungello, E. 274 Roberts, P. 211 Pennebaker, J.W. 130, 131, 422 Puska, P. 208 Robertson, I. 430 Penninx, B.W.J. 218 Robertson, I.H. 171 Penny, G. 427 Quereshi, M.Y. 5 Robertson, I.T. 450 Penrod, S.D. 456 Quinn, R.E. 184, 444 Robinson, R.J. 130 Perls, F.S. 349, 350 Rock, I. 177 Perner, J. 193–4 Raag, T. 198 Rodin, J. 330, 387 Pervin, L.A. 312 Rabbitt, P. 216 Roediger, H.L. 17, 231, 242 Peterson, C. 306, 308, 312 Rachman, S.J. 84, 335 Roelfsema, P.R. 177 Peterson, T.R. 310 Rafaeli, A. 430 Roethlisberger, F.J. 439, 440 Peto, R. 410 Rafanelli, C. 356 Rogelberg, S.G. 442 Petrie, K.J. 422 Raffaelli, M. 206 Rogers, C.R. 293, 298, 350, 351 Pettigrew, T.F. 373, 403, 404 Rahe, R.H. 420 Rogers, R.W. 414 Petty, R.E. 364, 369, 370 Raine, A. 333 Rogosch, F.A. 320 Pfeffer, J. 433, 447 Raisman, G. 66 Rohraugh, J. 444 Phelps, E.A. 21, 243 Rakic, P. 68 Rolls, B.J. 106, 107 Phelps, L.H. 215 Rakowski, W. 413 Rolls, E.T. 96, 97, 98, 99, 100, 101, 102, 103, Phillips, L.W. 232 Ramachandran, V.S. 70, 153, 172 104, 106, 107, 108, 111, 177 Piaget, J. 190, 191, 192, 205 Ramey, C.T. 274 Ronald, A. 273 Piatelli-Palmarini, M. 264 Ramón y Cajal, S. 58 Ropp, S.A. 404 Pickering, M.J. 267 Ramsay, D.J. 106 Rosch, E. 376 Pickles, A. 197 Ransohoff, D.F. 424 Rose, D. 179 Pigott, T.A. 330 Rapoport, J.L. 328 Rose, S. 191, 285 Pike, A. 305 Raskin, D.C. 461 Rosman, B.L. 330 Pike, K.M. 330 Raskin, N.J. 351 Rosen, T.J. 411 Piliavin, J.A. 388 Ratcliff, R. 254 Rosenberg, S. 6 Pilkonis, P.A. 364 Raven, B.H. 447 Rosener, J.B. 448 Pincus, H. 340 Ravesloot, J. 206 Rosenman, R.H. 425 Pine, D.S. 323 Rawlins, J.N.P. 53, 66 Rosenstock, I.M. 413 Platt, J.J. 464 Ray, J. 68 Ross, D.F. 455 Ploghaus, A. 54 Raye, C.L. 240 Ross, L. 371, 372 Plomin, R. 273, 284, 285, 293, 304, 305, 306, Rayner, K. 255, 267 Ross, M. 262, 373 312 Rayner, R. 15, 77, 78, 128 Rossi, J.S. 413 Plutchik, R. 120 Read, J.D. 455 Rothbard, J.C. 213 Polka, L. 186 Reed, T.E. 276 Rothbart, M. 379 Pollock, V. 331 Reicher, S.D. 401 Rothbaum, B.O. 345 PSY_D04.qxd 1/2/05 4:00 pm Page 543

Author Index 543

Rouget, P. 213 Schuckit, M.A. 332 Silver, J.M. 339, 341 Routh, D.A. 378 Schulman, P. 308 Silver, R.C. 392 Rovner, B.W. 218 Schultz, D.P. 23 Simon, H.A. 258, 259, 264, 442 Royal College of Psychiatrists 339 Schultz, S.E. 23 Simon, T. 272 Rubin, K.H. 196 Schvaneveldt, R. 251 Simonoff, E. 280 Rubin, M. 401 Schwartz, J.H. 70, 404 Simonsick, E.M. 218 Ruble, D.N. 197 Schwartz, S.H. 168, 367 Sinclair-de-Zwart, H. 195 Rumelhart, D.E. 251, 379 Scott, J. 456 Sindelar, J. 424 Rusbult, C.E. 392 Scott, S.K. 50 Singer, J. 120, 121 Rush, A.J. 348 Scoville, W.B. 67 Sinnott, J.D. 209 Rushton, J.P. 285 Seagal, J.D. 131 Skaff, M.M. 218 Russell, A. 196 Searle, J. 250, 253 Skinner, B.F. 15, 16, 79, 80, 116, 195, 222, Russell, J. 123 Searleman, A. 228 293, 319 Rust, M.C. 404 Seely, J.R. 330 Skuse, D. 197 Rutledge, T.R. 310 Segal, N.L. 436 Slaby, R.G. 464 Rutter, D.R. 186 Sekuler, R. 155, 179 Slade, M.D. 219–20 Rutter, M. 280, 312 Selfridge, O. 169 Slater, A. 182, 184, 201 Ryan, R. 309 Seligman, M.E.P. 127, 306, 307, 308, 312, Slaven, L. 213 Ryle, G. 230 324, 353 Sloboda, J.A. 282 Selye, H. 420, 421 Slonim, N. 198 Sabshin, M. 340 Semin, G.R. 386 Slovic, P.A. 261, 262, 263 Sachs, J.S. 232 Semlitsch, R.D. 187 Smith, A.G. 66 Sacks, O. 170 Senders, P.S. 388 Smith, A.P. 436 Sadovsky, A.L. 198 Shadish, W.R. 354 Smith, C.A. 121 Safran, J. 349 Shallice, T. 233 Smith, E.R. 376 Sagi, A. 188 Shalom, D.B. 282 Smith, F.J. 98, 99 Sai, F. 186 Shanks, D.R. 92 Smith, G.M. 332 Salgado, J.F. 431 Shapiro, D.A. 308, 355 Smith, G.P. 97 Salovey, P. 129 Shaver, P.R. 129, 211, 212, 213, 215, 389 Smith, M.B. 368 Samella, K. 283 Shaw, B.F. 348 Smith, M.L. 354, 355, 450 Sanders, G.S. 386 Shayer, M. 205 Smith, N. 282, 283 Sanford, A.J. 252, 253, 254 Shea, G.P. 440, 442 Smith, P.K. 193, 201, 218 Sanford, R.M. 403 Shedler, J. 332 Snidman, N. 328 Sanna, L.J. 374 Sheehan, D.V. 341 Snyder, C.R. 359 Sapirstein, G. 343 Shek, D.T.L. 215 Snyder, D.K. 217 Sapolsky, R. 422 Sheldon, W.H. 299 Snyder, D.R. 102 Sartorius, N. 315, 316, 322 Shelton, R. 357 Snyder, M. 310, 340 Saunders, J. 241, 242 Shepard, R.N. 227 Sokolov, E.N. 88 Sajwaj, T. 14 Shepherd, G.M. 70 Soldz, S. 215 Saxe, L. 119 Sherif, C.W. 394 Solso, R.L. 23 Scarr, S. 285 Sherif, M. 394–5, 401–2 Son, L. 244 Schaal, B. 184 Sherman, J.W. 375, 376 Soussignan, R. 184 Schacter, D.L. 229, 230, 244 Shettleworth, S.J. 92 Sowden, P.T. 177 Schachter, S. 104, 120, 121, 389, 391 Shields, S.A. 124 Spangler, W.D. 433 Schadron, G. 380 Shieles, A. 273 Sparling, J. 274 Schaffer, H.R. 186, 187, 188, 196 Shiffrin, R.M. 231, 232, 233 Spearman, C. 271 Schaie, K.W. 210, 213, 217, 222 Shimokochi, M. 110 Spector, P.E. 436 Schaller, M. 388 Shimura, T. 110 Sperling, G. 231, 232 Schank, R. 251, 376 Shindledecker, R. 324 Sperry, R.W. 56 Scheier, M.F. 310, 312 Shipley, R.H. 411 Spillman, L. 454 Schein, E.H. 432, 445, 450 Shmuely-Dulitzki, Y. 218 Spillmann, J. 454 Scherer, K.R. 116 Shoda, Y. 293, 306, 309 Spinath, F. 273, 285 Scheuffgen, K. 276, 282 Shure, M.B. 464 Spirduso, W.W. 216 Schlenker, B.R. 7, 365, 442 Shweder, R.A. 374 Spitz, H.H. 274, 280, 281 Schmidt, F.L. 286, 287 Sicoly, F. 262 Spivack, G. 464 Schmidt, H. 167 Sidanius, J. 403 Sporer, S.L. 455 Scholte, R.H. 208 Sienkiewicz, Z.J. 100, 101 Spreitzer, G.M. 444 Schooler, C. 432 Siever, L.J. 323 Squire, L.R. 177, 236 Schroeder, C.E. 177 Sigelman, L. 288 Sroufe, L.A. 188, 196 PSY_D04.qxd 1/2/05 4:00 pm Page 544

544 Author Index

Staats, A.W. 195 Turner, T.J. 240 Stangor, C. 375, 377, 378 Tajfel, H. 380, 392, 402–3 Turvey, B.E. 461 Stanley, J.C. 40 Tannenbaum, S.I. 432 Tversky, A. 261–2, 378 Stark, H.A. 230 Tanner, J.M. 204 Tweedy, M. 239, 240 Stasser, G. 398, 399, 442 Tassinary, L.G. 364 Tyler, C.W. 170 Stattin, H. 463 Tastuoka, M.M. 300 Tzeng, O.J.L. 233 Stauffer, H.-P. 187 Taylor, D.M. 374 Stayton, D.J. 188 Taylor, S.E. 371, 372, 375, 378, 417, 427 Undeutsch, U. 461 Steele, C.M. 365, 404 Teasdale, J.D. 306, 324 Ungerleider, L.G. 177 Steinberg, L. 208, 215 Tees, R.C. 186 Ungerstedt, U. 66 Steiner, I.D. 397 Telch, C.F. 330 Üstün, T.B. 315, 316, 322 Steinmetz, J.L. 371 Terenzini, P.T. 212 Stelmack, R.M. 304 Terrell, C. 198 Valachich, J.S. 401 Stephenson, G.M. 454 Thais, I. 282 Valentine, E. 244 Stephenson, W. 298 Tharan, M. 456 Vaillant, G.E. 215, 306 Stepper, S. 124 Tharenous, P. 433 Van Dam-Baggen, R. 347 Sterling, J. 56 Thase, M.E. 342 van de Ven, A.H. 401 Stern, W. 272, 454 Thelen, E. 189 van den Broek, Y. 426 Sternberg, R.J. 267, 273, 278 Theorell, T. 425, 438 van der Molen, M.W. 216 Stevens, R.A. 244 Thibaut, J. 391 van Elderen, T. 426 Stewart, A.J. 214 Thingstrom, P.J. 184 van Essen, D.C. 169 Stewart, D.D. 442 Thomas, P. 218 van Ijzendoorn, M.H. 188 Stone, A.A. 422 Thompson, R.A. 129 Van Lange, P.A.M. 392 Storms, M.D. 372 Thompson, R.F. 88 Van Maanen, J. 432, 446 Stough, C. 279 Thompson, S.K. 197 Van Yperen, N.W. 391 Stovall, K.C. 317 Thomson, D.M. 227 Vartiainen, E. 208 Strack, F. 124 Thomson, N. 233 Vaughan, M.E. 222 Strange, P.G. 70 Thorndike, E.L. 13–14, 78, 79, 80 Vaughan, S.I. 442 Strelau, J. 304 Thornton, D. 457 Venables, P.H. 333 Streppa, M.L. 184 Thurstone, L.L. 275, 276 Vennard, J. 459, 466 Striegel-Moore, R.H. 330 Tice, D.M. 302, 388 Vervaeke, G.A.C. 359 Stringer, M. 374 Tienari, P. 321 Vigliocco, G. 257 Strober, M. 329 Titchener, E. 12 Viscoli, C.M. 424 Stroebe, M.S. 389, 391, 392 Titov, N. 213 Vitaro, F. 208 Stroebe, W. 8, 386, 387, 388, 389, 391, 392, Titus, L.J. 386 Vivekananthan, P.S. 6 393, 395, 396, 398, 399–401, 402, 427, Tjosvold, D. 443 Voci, A. 404 442 Toglia, M.P. 455 von Cramon, D. 147 Strongman, K.T. 118, 129, 130, 132, 133 Tolhurst, D.J. 148 von Hofsten, C. 182 Stroufe, L.A. 188 Tomkins, S.S. 124 Von Rosenstiel, L. 432 Strube, M.J. 394 Tooby, J. 264 Vookles, J. 310 Strupp, H.H. 344, 355 Toppino, T. 227 Vorkapich, L. 183 Styles, I. 204 Toth, S.L. 320 Vorobyev, M. 139 Suess, G.J. 188 Touyz, S.W. 330 Vrij, A. 460, 461 Sugg, D. 466 Trayhurn, P. 104 Summerfield, A.B. 116 Treisman, A. 166, 167 Wade, N.J. 179 Summers, K. 196 Treves, A. 100, 104, 111 Wagner, J.A.III 436 Sumner, P. 138 Triandis, H. 373 Wake, W.K. 278, 290 Sundstrom, E. 440 Triplett, N.D. 386 Walker, I. 380, 382 Surra, C.A. 392 Tromp, S. 456 Walkley, J. 458 Svendsen, C.N. 66 Troscianko, T. 148, 149, 170 Wall, E. 188 Swaffer, T. 464 Troseth, G.L. 198 Wall, T. 435 Swanston, M.T. 179 Tsimpli, I. 282, 283 Wallbott, H.G. 116 Swanwick, G.R.J. 355 Tually, K. 184 Wallston, B.S. 411 Sweeney, P.D. 436 Tuckman, B.W. 392 Wallston, K.A. 411 Swim, J.K. 374 Tulving, E. 227, 229, 230, 231, 234, 235 Walsh, V. 53, 176, 177 Swinney, D.A. 252, 256 Tunmer, W.E. 198 Walster, E. 391 Sykes, R.N. 228 Tupes, E.C. 301 Walster, G.W. 391 Szkrybalo, J. 197 Turner, J.C. 380, 392, 394, 399, 403, 407 Walters, E.E. 318 Szymanski, K. 398 Turner, R.H. 401 Walton, G.E. 187 PSY_D04.qxd 1/2/05 4:00 pm Page 545

Author Index 545

Wang, Y. 398 Widstrom, A.M. 184 Wright, J.H. 348 Wänke, M. 382 Wiebe, D.J. 421 Wright, S.C. 404 Wanous, J.P. 431 Wielgos, C.M. 213 Wrightsman, L.S. 454, 458, 461, 470 Ward, C. 373 Wiens, A.N. 346 Wundt, W. 11, 12, 13 Ward, E. 32 Wiesel, T.N. 168 Wurf, E. 375 Warr, P.B. 435, 448 Wiesner, W.H. 431 Wylam, H. 205 Warrington, E.K. 51, 67, 230, 233 Wigmore, J.H. 454 Wynn, K. 186 Waskel, S.A. 215 Wilder, D.A. 396, 405 Watkins, M.J. 227, 233, 242 Wilding, J. 244 Yarbus, A.L. 145, 146 Watson, J.B. 14, 77, 78, 128, 182 Wiley, J.W. 446 Yaxley, S. 100, 101 Watson, R.P. 374 Wiley, T.L. 213 Yeung, P.P. 332 Weber, M. 446 Wilks, J. 467 Yoshiuchi, Z. 420 Weber, R. 378 Willatts, P. 186 Young, A.W. 50, 236, 237 Webster, P.S. 217 Williams, K.D. 104, 397, 442 Young, R.L. 282 Wegner, D.M. 227, 379 Williams, M. 333 Youngblade, L.M. 188 Weigel, R.H. 365, 367 Willis, H. 401 Yudofsky, S.C. 339, 341 Weiner, B. 7, 373 Willis, S.L. 217 Yuille, J.C. 456, 457 Weinfurt, K.P. 208 Wilson, D.B. 465 Yukl, G. 393, 432 Weinstein, N. 411–13 Wilson, F.A.W. 100 Yzerbyt, V. 380 Weiskrantz, L. 170, 230 Wilson, W. 288 Weiss, B. 281 Wimmer, H. 193–4 Zaccaro, S.J. 398 Weissman, M.M. 344 Winter, D.G. 442 Zajonc, R.B. 122, 227, 386 Weisz, J.R. 354 Winzenz, D. 238, 239 Zanna, M.P. 364, 365 Weller, S.S. 416 Wiser, S. 330 Zaragoza, M.S. 456 Welsh, W.N. 464 Wolf, S. 117–18 Zarate, M.A. 376 Werker, J.F. 186 Wolfe, B.E. 330 Zeaman, D. 281 Wernicke, K. 56 Wolfe, H.G. 117–18 Zechmeister, E.B. 5 West, D.J. 463 Wolfe, J.M. 166 Zechmeister, J.S. 5 West, M.A. 436, 440, 442, 443, 449, 450 Woloshyn, V. 226 Zeisel, H. 448 Westen, D. 317 Wolpe, J. 345 Zeiss, A.M. 323 Westermeyer, J. 332 Wood, C. 198 Zeki, S. 70, 170, 179 Wethington, E. 215 Wood, J.M. 229 Zigler, E. 280, 281 Whitbourne, S.K. 209, 213, 215, 216, 222 Wood, J.V. 417 Zihl, J. 147, 170 White, B.J. 401 Wood, R.J. 104 Zimbardo, P.G. 393, 401 White, M. 280 Wood, W. 367, 397 Zola, S.M. 177 White, R.W. 368 Woodman, R.W. 444 Zoob, I. 304 Whitehead, A.N. 6 World Health Organization 316 Zucker, K.J. 199 Wicker, A.W. 365 Woycke, J. 433 Zuckerman, M. 35, 304, 335 Wicklund, R.A. 386 Woyshville, M.J. 341 Zurif, E. 256 Widmeyer, W.N. 392 Wright, D.F. 14 Zuroff, D.C. 214 PSY_D05.qxd 1/2/05 4:01 pm Page 546

Subject Index

The page on which a key term’s definition appears is printed in bold type (definitions also appear in the glossary). The page on which a pioneer’s biography appears is printed in italic type.

ability, and attitudes 368–9 late 215–20 alcoholism 331–2 abnormal psychology 4, 314–16, 334–5 cognitive development 216–17 and expressed emotion 322 anxiety 326–8 physical development 215–16 therapy 346, 357 causes 316–17 social and emotional development Alzheimer’s disease, and cognitive attachment and security 317 217–20 neuroscience 22 biology and genetics 317, 318 middle 213–15 amblyopia 150 distorted thinking 319 cognitive development 213–14 American Psychological Society, ethical code integrative models 319–20 physical development 213 39 learned behaviour 319 social and emotional development amnesia 67, 68, 230, 236 parent–child relationship 317 214–15 amphetamine 62 eating disorders 329–30 advertising 227, 363, 364, 368–9 amplitude 149 meaning of 316 affects, personality 309 amygdala 50 mood disorders 322–6 affiliation 389–92 and eating 103 personality disorders 332–3 after-effects 158–60, 159, 162–4 and emotion 120 schizophrenia 320–2 channels, existence and properties of 162 and sexual behaviour 109, 110 substance use disorders 331–2 cortical pathways 168 anagrams 258 absolutist 209 localization and inter-ocular transfer 164 anal stage of development 296 abstinence violation effect 332 tilt 162–3 analytical psychology 297 acetylcholine 61, 62 age-related macular degeneration 144 Anderson, M. 279–80, 281–2, 283 achromatopsia, cerebral 170 aggression 126 Andrews, Don A. 466 acoustic nerve 150 causes 8–10 Angell, James 13 acquired dyslexia 256 gender differences in expression of 126 anger 126 action potentials 59–60, 141 predictive factors 462 development 128 action readiness 117 see also violent offenders duration 116 actor–observer effect 372–3 Aggression Replacement Training (ART) gastric effects 118 acuity 138 466 gender differences in expression of 123, adaptation 161 ageing 125, 126 ‘addictive’ personality 332 and intellectual capacity 216–17 metaphors 257–8 adherence 411 perceptions of 219–20 sham rage 119 adiposity 99 preoccupation with 214 skin temperature effects 118 adipsia 104 successful 218–20 and violent offenders 464, 465 adolescence 202–4, 220–2 agonists 62 anger control training 466 cognitive development 204–6 agoraphobia 327, 345 anhedonia 323 physical development 204 agreeableness, five factor model of animal psychology social development 206–8 personality 302 behaviourism 13–4 adrenal gland 50 Ainsworth, Mary D. Salter 188, 189 emotion 116–17 adrenaline (epinephrine), link between Ajzen, Icek 367 ethical issues 39 arousal and cognition 120–1 akinesia 104 learning 73–4 Adrian, Lord 60 akinetopsia 147, 170 association formation 85–6, 87 adulthood 202–3, 220–2 Al-Haytham, Abu-’Ali Al-Hasan Ibn (Al classical conditioning 74–7 early 208–13 Hazen) 141 instrumental learning 78–84 cognitive development 208–9 alcohol non-associative learning 88–90 physical development 208 and babies’ taste preferences 184 motivation social and emotional development illness-induced aversion learning 78 hunger and food intake control 96–103, 209–13 as inhibitory neurotransmitter 63 104 PSY_D05.qxd 1/2/05 4:01 pm Page 547

Subject Index 547

sexual behaviour 107–8, 109, 110 astrocytes 45 and eating 103–4 thirst 106 asymptote phenomenon 85, 86 and sexual behaviour 110 anomia 257 attachment 128–9, 187 basilar membrane 149 anorexia nervosa 329–30 abnormal psychology 317 Beck, Aaron T. 348 antagonists 62 and eating disorders 330 cognitive therapy 347–8, 349, 356 anticonvulsants 341 and emotional intelligence 130 beginnings of modern psychology 10–12 antidepressants 341, 342 and intimate relationships in adulthood philosophical influences 10–11 antimanics 341 211, 212–13, 215 physiological influences 11–12 antipsychotics 340 relationship model 188 behaviour antisocial personality disorder 333 attention 178 and attitudes 362–3, 365–8 anxiety 126 attention deficit hyperactivity disorder 323, complexity 7–8 Freud’s theory 296 357 effects on attitudes 364–5 gastric effects 118 attitude function 368 emotion as 114, 116–17 interpersonal behaviour 389 attitude object 361 explaining 8–10 Kelly’s theory 298 attitudes 360–2, 380–2 inferring memory from 226–8 neurotic, theories of 130–2 accessible vs. inaccessible 367–8 measures 28 panic attacks 130 components 362–5 predicting 367 and performance 304 forming and changing 368–9 and stress 420–1 psychosomatic disorders 130 influence on behaviour 365–8 behaviour genetics 4 separation 323 measuring 362 behaviour therapy 344–7 see also fear; generalized anxiety disorder attraction 389–92 aversion therapy 346 anxiety disorders 326–8 attribution 360–2, 361, 380–2, 411 effectiveness 347 anxiolytics 341–2 bias, effects of 371–4 exposure techniques 345 causes, and factors affecting course 328 cultural differences 374 modelling 346 symptoms and course 326–8 early theories 369–71 operant techniques 345–6 therapy 347, 357 attributional style 306–7, 308 social skills 347 anxiolytics 341–2 attribution theory 411 behavioural inhibition 328 aphagia 103–4 atypical antipsychotics 340 behavioural intentions 367 aphasia 56, 255–6 auditory cortex 150 behavioural medicine 5 apoptosis 65 auditory system see hearing behaviourism 14–16 applied behaviour analysis 17 authoritarian personality 403 infancy 182 appraisal 121–2, 417 authority, influence of 389 radical 15–16 illness behaviour model 417–18 autism 194, 281–2 beliefs, and attitudes 362–4 and stress 420, 421 autobiographical memory 230 benzodiazepines 63, 341 approval 297–8 autokinetic effect 395 between-subjects design 29 arithmetic ability 186 automatic processing 379–80 bias arousal 117, 303–4 automatic thoughts 347 and attributions 371, 373 and cognition, linking 120–1 autonomic nervous system (ANS) 47 self-serving 373 emotion as 117–20 arousal patterns 117 Big Five see five factor model of personality lie detector 119 psychosomatic disorders 130 Binet, Alfred 18, 272 limbic system 119 autoreceptors 63 intelligence 271–3 theories of emotion 118–19 autoshaping 75–6 binocularity 150 variation in patterns of 117–18 availability 261–2 biochemical imbalance 317 arousal theory 303 average (central tendency) 34 biodata 430 articulatory suppression 233 average error 11 biological factors, abnormal psychology 317 ascending reticular activating system (ARAS) aversion learning, illness-induced 78 anxiety disorders 328 303–4 aversion therapy 346 bipolar disorder 326 Asch, Solomon E. 396 aversive conditioning, selectivity in 87 depression 323–4 assertiveness training 347 avoidance 79 eating disorders 329–30 assessment centres 430 instrumental learning 80, 82 personality disorders 333 association 74, 90 axon 45 schizophrenia 321–2 discriminative learning 90 substance use disorders 331–2 formation 85–6 Band Aid movement 397 biological theories of personality 303–6 contiguity and predictiveness 85–6 Barbarians rugby team 406 genetics vs. environment 304–6 principles 85–6 barbiturates, as inhibitory neurotransmitters inhibition and arousal 303–4 selective 86 63 biopsychosocial 409 associative analysis 76–7 Barlow, David 327 bipolar disorder 324–6 conditioned response, reason for and Barlow, Horace 169 causes, and factors affecting course 326 mechanism of 76–7 Bartlett, Sir Frederick C. 238 course 325 sensory preconditioning 76 basal ganglia 50 and expressed emotion 322 PSY_D05.qxd 1/2/05 4:01 pm Page 548

548 Subject Index

bipolar disorder (continued) Burt, Sir Cyril 284 language and communication 198 prevalence 320 buspirone 341 perceptual and motor development 197 symptoms 324–5 Buss, David 109 social and emotional development therapy 341, 357 bystander intervention 8–9, 386–8, 387 198–200 birth order, and self-guides 310 see also adolescence; infancy bivariate 37 Cambridge Study in Delinquent chlorpromazine 340 blindsight 170 Development 462–3 cholecystokinin (CKK) 64 Bliss, Tim 64 Campbell, Donald Thomas 30 cholinesterase inhibitors 62 blocking 85–6 Canon–Bard theory of emotion 118 Chomsky, Noam 195, 254, 255 blood plasma 105, 106 Cannon’s ‘fight or flight’ model 420 chromatic opponency 147–8 body language 122–5 carbamazepine 341 chronic illness 423–4 infants 186 cardiac receptors, and hypovolaemia 106 behavioural risk factors 425 lies, detecting 460 Carter, Jimmy 258 rehabilitation programmes 425–6 body weight and fat, long-term regulation of cartesian dualism 10 cigarette smoking 208, 412 98, 99 case study method 29, 30 cingulotomy 338 book-keeping model 379 castration anxiety 296 classical conditioning 74–8 borderline personality disorder 333 catecholamine system 304 abnormal psychology 319 botulinus toxin 62 categorization 376–7 associative analysis 76–7 bounded rationality 264 hierarchical 376–7 attitudes 364 Bowlby, John 188, 189, 211 social 376 aversion therapy 346 brain category-based processing 379 ethical issues 90 abnormal psychology 317, 325 Cattell, Raymond, trait dimensions 299–300 examples 75–6 aphasia 255–6 caudate-putamen, and neural grafting 66 importance 77–8 arousal theory 303–4 causation vs. correlation 38 and motivational control 82 basic functions 49 cell staining 58 Pavlov’s dogs 74–5 cognitive revolution 21 central executive 233, 234 clear thinking, and emotion 214 cortex 50–1 central nervous system 44–5, 46, 47–9 client-centred therapy 298, 349–51 late evolution 54 emotion 118, 119–20 clinical psychology 4, 199 damage, and repair 66–8 growth close relationships 389–92 and eating 98–9, 102–4 damaged brains, and repair 66–8 clozapine 340 emotion 50, 130 modular processing 68–9 cochlea 149 food intake 97, 100 neonatal 65–6 coerced confessions 458, 459 frontal lobe development in adolescence see also brain cognition 206 central processes 279–80 and arousal, linking 120–1 hemi-neglect 56–7 central tendency 34 and emotion, relationship between 114, hemispheric differences 55–6 centralization 444 120–2, 132 memory 50, 236 centration 191 anxiety 130 neonatal development 65–6 cerebellum 47, 55 cognitive–affective units in the personality prosopagnosia 51 cerebral achromatopsia 170 system 306 psychosurgery 338 cerebrovascular accidents 255 cognitive appraisal 307 regeneration 66–8 Challenger space shuttle disaster 399, 400 cognitive components 278 regions 49–54 channels 162 cognitive development sensory communication and motivation charismatic (transformational) leadership adolescence 204–6 49–50 433, 434 early adulthood 209 sexual behaviour 108–10 cheats, detecting 260–1 infancy 184–6 size 54–5 chemical senses 140 late adulthood 216–17 split 56 see also smell; taste middle adulthood 213–14 structure 47–9, 54–7 chemosensors 97 preschool years 189–94 study and manipulation 52–4 chemotherapy, and anticipatory school years 197–8 visual processing and other specialized nausea/vomiting 78 cognitive dissonance theory 365, 366 functions 50 childhood 180–2, 200–1 coerced false confessions 459 brain stem 49 preschool years 189–97 cognitive distortions 324, 464–5 brainstorming 399–401 cognitive development 189–94 cognitive interview 459–60 British Household Panel Survey 448 language and communication 194–5 cognitive map 89 British Psychological Society, ethical code 39 perceptual and motor development 189 cognitive miser 375 Broadbent, Donald 21 social and emotional development cognitive neuroscience 4, 21–2 Broca’s aphasia 56, 255–6 195–7 cognitive revolution 20–1 Broca’s area 56, 255–6 school years 197–200 cognitive psychology 4 bulimia nervosa 329–30 cognitive development 197–8 cognitive scripts see event schemas PSY_D05.qxd 1/2/05 4:01 pm Page 549

Subject Index 549

cognitive therapy 347–9 association formation 85–6 correspondent inferences 369–71 Beck’s 347–8 examples 75–6 cortex 47, 50–1 effectiveness 349 importance 77–8 arousal theory 303–4 rational emotive therapy 348–9 reasons for and mechanism of 76–7 emotion 118, 119 cohesion markers 254 sensory preconditioning 76–7 late evolution 54 collaborative empiricism 347–8 conditioned stimulus (CS) 75 perception collective behaviour 401 association formation 85–6, 87 parallel processing model 169–70 see also group processes; intergroup associative analysis 76–7 serial model 160–1, 169 relations conditioning cortical pathways in perception 168–9 colonies, couples in 107–8 aversive 87 cortisol 323–4 colour classical see classical conditioning counselling psychology 5 after-effects 159, 160 emotional 78 counter-attitudinal advocacy 364 awareness 170 operant see instrumental learning countertransference 344 benefits 138–9 conditions of worth 297, 349 couples therapy 351, 352–3 cones 138, 142, 146–8 conduction aphasia 256 effectiveness 353 illusions 158, 159 cones 138, 142–3, 146–8, 161 covert sensitization 346 parvo cells 168 confessions 458–9 cowbirds 66–8 seeing in 146–9 coerced 458, 459 Craik, F.I.M. 235 Columbia space shuttle disaster 400 interrogational tactics 458–9 crime, measurement 457 column 168 voluntary 458 see also forensic psychology common sense 6–10 confirming the antecedent 260 crime scene, profiling criminals from the emotion theories 116, 122, 125 conformity 395–6, 432 461 explaining human behaviour 7–9 confound 33 criminological psychology 5, 454, 462 testing 6–8 conjunction search 166 Cambridge Study 462–3 commitment in interpersonal relationships connectionist approach 21 violent offenders 463–5 391–2 conscience 296 working with offenders 465–8 communication conscientiousness, five factor model of criterion validity 430–1 development personality 302 cross-cultural psychology 5 infancy 186–7 consciousness crowds 401 preschool years 194–5 functionalism 13 see also group processes; intergroup school years 198 stream of 13 relations networks 393 consent, informed 39 crystallized intelligence (Gc) 275 with sound 140 conservation 191 cue 226, 235 see also language of liquid 20, 191, 193, 197 cue overload principle 227 community psychology 5 constructive alternatism 298 cued recall 227 comparison groups 229 constructivist 186, 228 cultural issues comparative psychology 5 consumer psychology 5 attributions 374 competencies, and personality 309–11 contact hypothesis 404 emotion 125–6 competition between groups 401–2 contiguity see principle of contiguity body language 123 compliance contingency management 345–6 prejudice 403 coerced 459 contingency theory 394 culture, organizational 445–6 see also adherence continuum model of processing 379 cumulative research 27 compulsions 327 contrast illusions 158–60 curare 62 computerized axial tomography (CAT) scan control group 29 52 control theory of human functioning 310 Darwin, Charles 13, 18, 125 computers controlled processing 379–80 data-based processing 379 as metaphor for mental functioning 21 conversion 397 data-driven tasks 231 as research tool 21, 22 conversion model 379 Dawkins, Richard 108 Comte, Auguste 10 cooperation between groups 401–2 decategorization 404–6 concept-driven tasks 231 coping processes 122, 307 deceit, detecting 460–1 concordance rates 321 coping stage, illness behaviour model 417 decision making within groups 398–9 concrete operations period 197–8, 204–5 coronary heart disease (CHD) 423–6 at work 442–3 condition 29 corpus callosum 56 declarative knowledge 230 conditional learning, and stimulus control correlation 18, 38–9, 271 deep dyslexia 256 82–3 vs. causation 38 defence mechanisms 296 conditional reasoning 260–1 measurement 38–9 defensive pessimists 311 conditioned appetite and satiety 98 positive and negative 37 dehydration, cellular 105–6 conditioned emotional response 75, 117 correlation coefficient 38 deindividuation 401 conditioned response (CR) 75 correlational method see survey method delinquency, predicting 462–3 PSY_D05.qxd 1/2/05 4:01 pm Page 550

550 Subject Index

delusions 321 discriminative stimulus 82 Ekman, Paul 124 dendrites 45 disgust 126, 128 elaboration likelihood model 369, 370 dependent variable 29 dishabituation 88 elaborative rehearsal 242 depolarization of cells 59–60, 61 disorganized vs. organized offenders 461 elation see happiness depression 322–4 dispersion 34–5 elderly people see adulthood, late and anxiety, relationship between 130 displacement 296 Electra complex 296 and attributions 373 distorted thinking 319 electrical activity 58 causes, and factors affecting course 232–4 distressed vs. happy relationships 391 action potential 59–60, 141 genetic and environmental factors 318 divorce 392 resting potential 58–9 course 323 domain-specific models of cognitive electroconvulsive therapy (ECT) 338–9 definitions 316 development 205 electroencephalography (EEG) 52 and expressed emotion 322 Donaldson, Margaret 193 electromagnetic spectrum 136–7 hopelessness model 307, 308 dopaminergic pathway 66 Ellis, Albert 348–9 neural factors 325 dorsal stream, and perception 170–1 emotion 112–15, 132–3 prevalence 320 double-blind procedure 342 as arousal 117–20 in children 323 double recessive 99 as behaviour 116–17 symptoms 322–3 downsizing 445, 448 and brain 50 treatment Dream 211 and cognition, relationship between 122 antidepressants 341 drinking 104–7 cognitive approach 120–2 Beck’s cognitive therapy 347–8 droodles and memory 236–8 development 127–30 ECT 338–9 drug abuse see substance use disorders attachment 128–9 interpersonal therapy 344 dualism 10 early adulthood 210–13 neurotransmitter deactivation, dyslexia 256 early theories 127–8 prevention of 62–3 cognitive neuroscience 22 emotional intelligence 129–30 psychotropic drugs and psychotherapy dysthymia 130–2 infancy 187–9 combined 356, 357 late adulthood 217–20 therapy, effectiveness of 32 eardrum 149 middle adulthood 214–15 see also bipolar disorder ears see hearing preschool years 195–7 Descartes, René 10, 269 eating 96–104 recent theories 128 descriptive statistics 34 brain control of 98–9 school years 198–200 desensitization, systematic 345 control signals 97–8 as feeling 115–16 Detterman, D.K. 279, 281 disorders see eating disorders malfunctions 130–2 developmental dyslexia 256 flavour 102 neurotic anxiety, theories of 130–2 developmental psychology 4, 5, 185 functions involved in 102–4 panic attacks 130 cognitive development in infancy 184, obesity, possible factors 104, 105 psychosomatic disorders 130 185–6 peripheral factors 96–7 middle adulthood 214 gender identity disorder 199 smell 102 perspectives 114–26 university students 212 taste 99–102 social approach 122–6 developmental psychopathology 5, 319, 320 eating disorders 329–30 sociocultural influences 125 emotion 114, 117–20 causes, and factors affecting course specific 126–7 Dewey, John 13 329–30 emotional conditioning 78 Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental course 329 emotional intelligence 129–30 Disorders – 4th edition (DSM-IV) prevalence 320 emotionality 116 316 symptoms 329 empathy, in client-centred therapy 350–1 dialectical 209 Ebbinghaus, Hermann 17–18, 236, 238, empiricism 5, 10–11 dialectical behaviour therapy (DBT) 333 454–5 encoding specificity principle 235, 460 dialectical operations stage (postformal echoes and echolocation 139–40 encodings 306–7 reasoning) 209 echoic memory 232 endocrine system see hormones diaries of emotions 115 ecological validity 264 endomorphs 299 diathesis–stress model 319–20 ectomorphs 299 engineering psychology 5 depression 324 educational psychology 5 environmental factors schizophrenia 321, 322 effect, law of see law of effect depression 318 differentiation perspective, organizational effect sizes 354 IQ 283–4 culture 446 ego 295, 296 personality 304–6 directional sensitivity 138 ego ideal 296 environmental psychology 5 discomfort, sensing 140–1 egocentrism 189 envy 127 discourse 253–4 group decision making 442 epilepsy discrimination 403–4, 405 preschool children 189, 191, 192 anticonvulsants 341 discriminative learning 89–90 unrealistic optimism 413 inhibitory neurotransmitters 63 PSY_D05.qxd 1/2/05 4:01 pm Page 551

Subject Index 551

Jackson’s research 51 face recognition by eyewitnesses 456 hindsight bias 7 split brain 56 facial expressions see body language investigations 459–62 epinephrine (adrenaline), link between facial feedback hypothesis 124 cognitive interview 459–60 arousal and cognition 120–1 facial perception 170 lies and deceit, detecting 460–1 episodic buffer 233, 234 infancy 184, 186, 187 offender profiling 461–2 episodic memory 229–30, 236 prosopagnosia 153–4, 170 legal psychology, origins of 454 equity theory 391 factor analysis 275, 299 meaning of 454 ergonomic psychology 5 fallacy of ignoring base-rate 262 forgetting curve 17 Erikson, Erik 211 false memories 242, 459 formal operations period 204–5 Eros 295 familial transmission 317 formalization 444 ethical issues familiarity 227 four-card problem 260–1 in lie detection 119 family psychology 5 fovea 144, 146 in research 7, 31, 39 eating disorders 330 fragmentation perspective, organizational interpersonal behaviour 388–9, 390 preschool years 195–6 culture 446 learning research 90 school years 198 free association 344 eugenics 273 family therapy 351–2 free recall 226 event schemas 375, 376 effectiveness 353 frequency 139 evolutionary cognition 264 Farrington, David P. 463 frequency selectivity 151 evolutional psychology 5 fear 126 Freud, Sigmund 295 exercise psychology 5 and amygdala 50 abnormal psychology 317 expectancies 307–9 development 128 forensic psychology 454 experience as a modifier 64–5 duration 116 models of the mind 294–6 experiential therapy see humanistic therapy gender differences in expression of 125, psychogenetic model 294, 296 experimental analysis of behaviour 15 126 structural model 294, 295–6 experimental control 29 skin temperature effects 118 topographic model 294–5 experimental design 28–33 of strangers 187–8 psychoanalysis 18–19, 297, 343–4 experiment vs. survey 30–1 see also anxiety friendships manipulation decisions 31 feature detector 167 adolescence 206–8 measurement decisions 31–2 feature integration theory 167 late adulthood 218 measurement methods 32–3 feature search 176 preschool years 196 measurement options 28 Fechner, Gustav 11, 236 school years 200 methodology decisions 31 feelings frustration effect 117 research methods, rundown of 28–30 and attitudes 362–3, 364 functional neuro-imaging 52–4, 236 trustworthy results, producing 33 emotion as 114, 115–16 functionalism 12–13 experimental group 29 ‘fight or flight’ model 420 fundamental attribution error (FAE) 369, experimental method 28, 29, 37 Fishbein, Martin 367 371–2, 374 and surveys, difference between 30–1 Fiske, Susan 371 fusiform gyrus, and facial perception 154 expert witness, role 455 five factor model of personality 301–2 explicit memory 230–1 fixed ratio schedule 80 GABA (gamma-amino-butyric acid) 63, 328, exposure techniques 345 flavour 102 341 expressed emotion (EE) 322 flavour aversion learning 75 Galton, Francis 18, 270–1, 273 external memories 240 flooding 345 ganglion 45 external validity 33 fluid intelligence (Gf ) 275 gap junction 60–1 extraversion 300 fluoxetine (Prozac) 63, 341 ‘garden path’ 250 Eysenck’s supertraits 300, 301 Flynn effect 288 Gardner’s theory of multiple intelligences five factor model of personality 302 Fodor, J.A. 279, 280 276–8 inhibition and arousal 303–4 food intake see eating gastric distension 97 eye-tracking 255 forensic psychology 5, 452–3, 469–70 Geldof, Bob 397 eyes 142–5 confessions 458–9 gender see also sight coerced false 459 and emotion 123, 125–6 eyewitness memory 454–8 interrogational tactics 458–9 growth spurt 204 cognitive interview 460 voluntary false 458 identity 199 early model 454–6 criminological psychology 462–8 interpersonal relationships 392 misinformation effect 241, 242 Cambridge Study 462–3 learning about, in infancy 196–7 strength and validity 456–8 violent offenders 463–5 management/leadership styles 447–8 eyewitness testimony 455 working with offenders 465–8 role development, in school years 198–9 Eysenck, Hans J. 300–1, 354 eyewitness memory 454–8 and sexual behaviour 107–9, 110 Eysenck Personality Questionnaire (EPQ) early model 454–6 and sexual development, in adolescence 301 strength and validity 456–8 206 PSY_D05.qxd 1/2/05 4:01 pm Page 552

552 Subject Index

gender identity disorder (GID) 199 minority influence 396–7 hearing 149–51 general adaptation syndrome 420 norms 394–5 development in infancy 184 generalization 34, 35–6 polarization of groups 399, 442 direction of sound, deducing 151 generalized anxiety disorder 328 pressure and conformity 38 early adulthood 209 prevalence in children 323 roles within group 393 late adulthood 216 therapy 341, 348, 357 social loafing 397–8 middle adulthood 213 generativity 214, 215 taking our place in the group 392–4 volume, pitch and timbre 151 genetic epistemology 18, 19 at work 438–43 see also sound Piaget 19–20 see also intergroup relations; interpersonal heart disease 423–6 genetic predisposition 317 behaviour hedonic tone 304 genetics grouping and segmentation 164–5 Heider, F. 369, 372 abnormal psychology 317 groupthink 399, 400, 442, 443 Helmholtz, Hermann von 11, 144 anxiety disorders 328 growth spurt 204 helping, motivation for 388–9 bipolar disorder 326 guilt 299 hemi-neglect 56–7 depression 318, 323 gustation see taste heritability 283 eating disorders 329 gustatory pathways 101 intelligence 284, 285, 286 job satisfaction 436 gyrus 54 see also genetics personality disorders 333 Hermann Grid illusion 145 schizophrenia 321 habits 82 heroin users, and family therapy 352 substance use disorders 331 habituation 86–8 heuristic reasoning 261–2 IQ 283–8 Hackman, J. Richard 436 availability 261–2 personality 303–6 hair cells 149 representativeness 262 genetics vs. environment 304–6 hallucinations, and perceptions 171 heuristic–systematic model 369 inhibition and arousal 303–4 haloperidol 62, 340 hidden profile 442, 443 genital stage of development 296 Hamilton, W.D. 108 hierarchical retrieval schemes 238–9 genotype 283 handwriting analysis 430 hierarchical theories of perception 169 Genovese, Kitty 8, 387 happiness 126–7 hindsight bias 7–8, 263 Gestalt psychologists 165 development 128 hippocampus 50 Gestalt psychology 16–17, 165 duration of 116 long-term potentiation 64, 65 Gestalt therapy 349, 351 happy vs. distressed relationships 391 memory and learning 53, 55, 66–8, 236 glial cells 43, 45, 66 Harris, Paul L. 193 perceptual learning 177 global aphasia 256 Haward, L.R.C. 454 neurogenesis in adult mammals 68 glucostasis 97 Hawthorne effect 439–40 Hippocrates 294 glucostatic hypothesis 97–8 health behaviours 410 historical figures, profiling 461 glutamate 45 and mortality 410–11 Hitler, Adolf 433 goals, and personality 309 planned behaviour, theory of 414–15 hormones 50, 64 Golgi, Camillo 58 protection motivation theory 414 adolescence 204, 206 Goodwin, Frederick K. 326 health beliefs 411 and stress 422 ‘grandmother cells’ 169 model 413–14 Horney, Karen 297 grandmother challenge see common sense planned behaviour, theory of 414–15 Hovland, Carl 372 grandparent role 218 protection motivation theory 414 Hubel, David 168 graphology 430 role 411–13 human factors psychology 5 grasping reflex 184 health locus of control 411 human information-processing approach great-grandparent role 218 health professionals’ beliefs 418 21 Gregory, Richard 173 health psychology 5, 408–10, 426–7 human relations movement 439 grey matter 49 chronic illness 423–6 humanistic personality theories 297–9 grief 126 profile of an illness 423 drive to fulfil potential 297–8 group polarization 399, 442 psychology’s role 423–6 understanding our own psychological group processes 384–5, 406–7 early adulthood 209 world 298–9 brainstorming 399–401 health beliefs and behaviours 410–15 humanistic therapy 349–51 conformity 395–6 behaviour and mortality 410–11 client-centred therapy 349–51 decision making 398–9, 442–3 integrated models 413–15 effectiveness 351 development of groups 392–3 role of health beliefs 411–13 Gestalt therapy 349 groupthink 399, 400, 442, 443 illness beliefs 415–18 Hume, David 11 how groups get things done 397–401 dimensions 415–16 hunger see eating how groups influence their members health professionals’ beliefs 418 hypermetropia 150 394–7 model of illness behaviour 416–18 hyperopia 150 joining groups 392 stress–illness link 419–21 hyperphagia 50, 98 leadership of groups 393–4 models 420 hyperpolarization 59, 63 PSY_D05.qxd 1/2/05 4:01 pm Page 553

Subject Index 553

hypothalamic-pituitary-adrenocortical (HPA) inferential statistics 35–6, 37 multiple 276–8, 277 system 421–2 information-processing approach 249 as predictor of job performance 431 hypothalamus 49, 50 information-processing metaphor for racial factors 285–8 eating 98–9, 100, 103 memory 231–3 raising 274 eating disorders 329–30 information-processing modules 280 social 310–11 sexual behaviour 109, 110 savant syndrome 283 tests 272, 286–7 stress 421–2 information-processing speed 275 intelligence quotient (IQ) 272–3 hypothesis 28 as intelligence measure 275–6, 277 genetics 283–8 hypovolaemia 106 informational influence 395 inter-ocular transfer 164 informed consent 39 interactionism, person–situation debate ‘ice pick’ lobotomy 338 infra-red (IR) radiation 136–7 302 iconic memory 232 inhibition 303–4 interactive view 251 id 295, 296 inhibitory neurotransmitters 63 intergroup contact 404 identity initiation rituals 364, 365, 393 intergroup relations 384–5, 401, 406–7 social 402–3 insecure attachment 128 cooperation and competition 401–2 social identity theory 394 insight 343 deindividuation, collective behaviour and society and 403 insomnia 341 the crowd 401 idiographic 302 inspection time (IT) 275, 280 prejudice and discrimination 403–4, 405 idiosyncrasy credits 394 and autism 282 social categories and social identity idiots savants see savant syndrome as intelligence measure 275–6, 277 402–3 illness behaviour, model 416–18 instrumental learning (operant conditioning) social harmony, building 404–6 illness beliefs 415 15–16, 78–85, 79 see also group processes; interpersonal dimensions 415–16 abnormal psychology 319 behaviour health professionals’ beliefs 418 aversion therapy 346 internal senses 153 measuring 416 hierarchical structure 83–4 internal validity 33 model 416–18 importance 84–5 internal working model 188 illness-induced aversion learning 78 law of effect 80–2 internalization, coerced 459 Illness Perception Questionnaire (IPQ) 416 performance, control of 82–4 International Classification of Diseases – 10th illusions 157–64 Skinner box 79–80 edition (ICD-10) 316 after-effects 158–60 Thorndike’s cats 78–9 interneurons 45 contrast 158–60 instrumental response see operant response interpersonal behaviour 384–5, 406–7 Hermann Grid 145 integration perspective, organizational affiliation, attraction and close Moses 252 culture 445 relationships 389–92 spotting the cat in the grass 161 integrative models of abnormal psychology authority, influence of 389 when seeing goes wrong 157–60 319–20 being in the presence of other people illusory conjunctions 167 developmental psychopathology 320 386–9 imagery mnemonics 237, 243–4 diathesis–stress model 319–20 see also group processes; intergroup imagined vs. real memories 240–2 intellectual capacity, and ageing 216–17 relations imipramine 342 intellectualization 296 interpersonal therapy 344 impairment 316 intelligence 268–70, 288–90 interpretation stage, illness behaviour model implicit memory 230–1 Binet and developmental changes 271–3 417 imprinting 88 current issues 278–83 interrogative suggestibility 459 independent variable 29 Detterman 279 interrogational tactics 458–9 indirect agonists 62 retardation 280–3 interstitial fluid 104, 106 indirect speech acts 251, 253 savant syndrome 282–3 interval measures 33 individual differences 18 two routes to knowledge 279–80 interviews intelligence 270–1 early adulthood 210 cognitive 459–60 see also personality emotional see emotional intelligence job selection 430, 431 infancy 180–2, 200–1 Galton and individual differences 270–1 intimacy brain development 65–6 general 273–8 early adulthood 210, 211–13 cognitive development 184–6 information-processing speed as happy vs. distressed relationships 391 emotional development 127–8 measure of 275–6 secure, anxious and avoidant 211–13 language and communication, beginnings non-unitary theories 276–8 intracellular fluid 104, 106 of 186–7 structure of intellect 273–5 introspection 12 physical and sensory development 182–4 as general mental facility 273 introversion 300, 301, 303–4 social and emotional development 187–9 genetic factors 283–8 inhibition and arousal 303 visual defects 150 hierarchical structure 278 intuition 262–3 see also childhood landscape 273 hindsight bias 263 inferences vs. scenarios 254 measurement 210, 271, 272, 286–7 problem-to-model mapping 262–3 PSY_D05.qxd 1/2/05 4:01 pm Page 554

554 Subject Index

investigations, criminal law of effect 14, 80 limbic system 50, 119, 328 cognitive interview 459–60 instrumental learning 80–2 Linehan, Marsha 333 lies and deceit, detecting 460–1 law of large numbers 36 Linkword system 244 offender profiling 461–2 Lazarus, Richard 421 literature reviews 27 investment model 391–2 leadership 393–4 lithium 341 invisible forces 152–3 gender factors 447–8 Livingstone, Margaret 168 ion channels 59–60 styles 433–5 lobotomy 338 IQ see intelligence quotient transactional 434 localization 164 Izard, Carroll 123 transformational 433, 434 loci, method of 243 leading questions 456 Locke, John 11 Jackson, John Hughlings 51 learned behaviour, and abnormal psychology logical reasoning 259–61 James, William 13–14, 454 319 Lømo, Terje 64 James–Lange theory of emotion 118 learning 72–4, 90–2 long-term depression (LTD) 64 Jamison, Kay Redfield 326 association formation, principles of 85–6 long-term memory store 231, 232 jealousy 127 contiguity and predictiveness 85–6 long-term potentiation (LTP) 64 Jensen, Arthur 275, 276, 285 selective association formation 86 NMDA receptor 65 job analysis 430 classical conditioning 74–8 longitudinal research 462 job characteristics model 436 associative analysis 76–7 Lorente de Nó, Rafael 58 job redesign 438 examples 75–6 luminance 138 job satisfaction 435–6 importance 77–8 after-effect 159, 160 components 435–6 Pavlov’s dogs 74–5 contrast effect 158, 159 consequences 436 conditional 82–3 Lythgoe, John 149 Johnson-Laird, Phillip 260 discriminative 89–90 Jones, Reverend Jim 433 failure 85–6 macular degeneration, age-related 144 joy see happiness as habit 81–2 magnetic resonance imaging (MRI) 52, 236 Jung, Carl 297 hippocampus 53 magnetoencephalography (MEG) 52 just noticeable difference ( JND) 11 instrumental see instrumental learning magno (M) cells 167–8, 169–70 and memory 242–4 maintenance rehearsal 242 Kahneman, Daniel 261 non-associative see non-associative mania 324–5 kangaroos 65 learning see also bipolar disorder Kanizsa figure 171 perceptual see perceptual learning manic depression see bipolar disorder Kelley, Harold 369, 371 reflecting on our own 244 manipulation 29 Kelly, George 298–9 sleep learning experiment 229 manipulation check 31 Kluver–Bucy syndrome 103 strategies 242–4 materialism 11 knowledge see also knowledge mathematical psychology 5 effects on memory 238–40 learning-set procedure 90 mean 34, 36 routes to 279–80 legal psychology 454 meaning, importance in memory 236–8 see also learning origins 454 median 34 Kohler, Wolfgang 17 lenses 141 medical psychology 5 Konorski, J. 79 leptin 98, 99 ‘medical students’ disease’ 417 Kraepelin, Emil 326 lesion method 52–3 medulla 49 Kramer’s three stages 209–10 leucotomy see lobotomy memory 224–5, 244–6 Level of Service Inventory 466 and brain 50, 53, 66–8, 236 language 248–50, 265–7 levels of processing 234–5 constructing the past 228 development Leventhal, Howard 415 Ebbinghaus 17–18 infancy 186–7 lexical criterion of importance 299 ECT 339 preschool years 194–5 lie detectors 119 eyewitness see eyewitness memory school years 198 lies, detecting 119, 460–1 false 242, 459 discourse 253–4 life events inferring from behaviour 226–8 disorders 255–7 and IQ 284–5 learning strategies 242–4 innate nature of 195 theory 420 meaning, importance of 236–8 metaphor, power of 257–8 life skills, middle adulthood 214 models 229–35 reading process 254–5 light 136–9 Baddley’s working memory 233–4 syntax, semantics and pragmatics 250–1 colour, benefits of 138–9 explicit and implicit memory 230–1 understanding 251–3 infra-red radiation 136–7 information-processing metaphor see also communication tricks of the 172–3 231–3 large numbers, law of 36 ultra-violet radiation 136 kinds of remembering 229–30 latency stage of development 296 visible 137–8 processing, levels of 234–5 laterate geniculate nuclei (LGN) 168, 177 see also sight study and test, link between 235 PSY_D05.qxd 1/2/05 4:01 pm Page 555

Subject Index 555

nature of 226–8 antidepressants and antimanics 341 components 44–57 previous knowledge, effects of 238–40 see also bipolar disorder; depression brain regions 49–54 real vs. imagined 240–2 mood stabilizers 341 brain structure 54–7 savant syndrome 282–3 moral reasoning 464–5 central nervous system 46, 47–9 schemas as facilitator 378 training 466 neurons, support and structure of 45 studying 228–9 Moro reflex 184 peripheral nervous system 45–7 observation vs. inference 228 morphology 58 connectionist approach 21 overcoming the problem 228–9 mortality, and health behaviour 410–11 eating 102–4 tip-of-the-tongue phenomenon 257 Moses illusion 252 neural interaction 58–65 and touch 140 motion awareness 147, 168, 170 disruptions 62–3 memory span 233 illusions 158 electrical activity 58–60 menopause 213 motion blindness 147, 170 experience as modifier 64–5 menstrual cycle, and sexual behaviour 110 motivated tactician 379 inhibitory neurotransmission 63 mental age (MA) 272 motivation 94–6, 110–11 intricacies 63–4 mental models 260 and attitudes 369 neurons, appearance of 58 mental operations, genetic epistemology brain 50 neurons as integrators 61–2 20 classical conditioning and 82 neurotransmission 60–1 mental retardation 279, 280 in groups 397–8 speed 276 Anderson’s theory 281–2 for helping 388–9 see also brain; central nervous system Detterman’s theory 281 hunger, and food intake control 96–104 neural grafting 66 development debate 280–1 brain control of eating 98–9 neural network approach (connectionist savant syndrome 282–3 control signals 97–8 approach) 21 mesencephalon 49 eating, functions involved in 102–4 neural regeneration, capacity for 65–6 mesomorphs 299 obesity, possible factors 104, 105 neurocrine 64 meta-analysis 27, 354, 465 peripheral factors 96–7 neurogenesis in adult mammals 68 working with offenders 465–6 taste 99–102 neuroleptics 340 meta-cognition 257 taste + smell = flavour 102 neuromodulators 64 metalinguistic awareness 198 sexual behaviour 107–10 neurons 43, 44, 47 metamemory 244 brain control 108–10 appearance 58 metaphor 251, 253, 257–8 sociobiological behaviour and 107–8 components 45, 47 method of loci 243 thirst, and drinking control 104–7 fat-sensitive 102 methodology 24–6, 39–41 cellular dehydration 105–6 as integrators 61–2 ethics 39 extracellular thirst stimuli 106 optic nerve 143 experimental design see experimental normal drinking, control of 107 support and structure 45 design motor development neuropsychology 5 fundamentals 26–8 infancy 184 neuroscience 325 quality research, carrying out 27 preschool years 189, 190 neurotic anxiety, theories of 130–2 research methods and statistics 26–7 school years 197 neuroticism 300 theory, role in psychology 28 motor homunculus 51, 153 Eysenck’s supertraits 300, 301 statistics see statistics multiple-act criterion 365 five factor model of personality 302 midbrain, and sexual behaviour 110 Multiple Affect Adjective Check List and performance 304 ‘mid-life crisis’ 214–15 (Revised) (MAACL-R) 35 neurotransmission 60–1 middle age see adulthood, middle multiple intelligences 276–8, 277 agonists 62 Milgram experiments 6–7, 389, 390 Münsterberg, Hugo 454 antagonists 62 minimal cognitive architecture 279 chemical 61 minimal group paradigm 403 Name Game 237 deactivation prevention 62–3 minority influence within groups 396–7 names, remembering 236, 237 disruptions 62–3 misinformation effect 241, 242 naming explosion 194 gap junctions, limitations 60–1 mnemonics 237, 243–4 NASA 399, 400 inhibitory 63 mode 34 National Identification System (NIS) 457 see also nervous system, neural interaction modelling 346 Necker cube 171–2 neurotransmitters 58 modular processing 68–9 negative emotions, humanistic theories bipolar disorder 326 modular view 251 298–9 depression 323–4 modules 280 negative symptoms 321 inhibitory 63 Moniz, Antonio Egas 388, 339 Neisser, Ulrich 21 Newell, Alan 264 monoamine oxidase inhibitors (MAOIs) 62, NEO-PI questionnaire 302 Newton, Sir Isaac 27 340, 341 neocortex 50, 54 nicotine 62 monogamous 107 neonatal development see infancy nigrostriatal 62 mood disorders 322 nervous system 42–4, 69–70 NMDA receptor 65 PSY_D05.qxd 1/2/05 4:01 pm Page 556

556 Subject Index

nominal measures 33 matching the person to the job 430–1 penis envy 296 nomothetic 302 personality profiling 303 Pennbaker, Jamie 423 non-associative learning 86–90 stress 436–8 perception 156–7, 178–9 discrimination learning 89–90 training 432–3 and illusion 157–64 single stimulus, responding to 86–8 organizations at work 443–8 after-effects 158–60, 159, 162–4 spatial learning 88–9 organizational culture 445–6 spotting the cat in the grass 161 non-visual knowledge 173, 174 organizational design 443–5 when seeing goes wrong 157–60 nonliteral meaning 253 power and politics 446–8 learning see perceptual learning nonsense and memory 236–8 redundancy 448 making sense of the world 164–71 normal distribution 35, 36, 271 unemployment 488 grouping and segmentation 164–5 intelligence 271 organized vs. disorganized offenders 461 how do we know what we see? 167–70 normative influence 395 origins of psychology see beginnings of seeing without knowing 170–1 norms, group 394–5 modern psychology visual search 165–7 nucleus 45 oropharyngeal 97 seeing what we know 171–3 null hypothesis 37 orosensory 104 non-visual knowledge and perceptual osmosensors 97 set 173 OB protein 98, 99 osmosis, in cellular dehydration 105 perception or hallucination? 171 obedience, Milgram’s study of 6–7, 389, 390 tricks of the light 172–3 obesity 99, 104, 105 pain, sensing 140–1 visual ambiguity, resolving 171–2 object permanence 185, 186 panic attacks 130, 326, 327, 328 theories 160–1 observational learning 319 antidepressants 342 serial vs. parallel 169–70 obsessions 327 exposure techniques 345 perceptual development obsessive-compulsive disorder (OCD) 84–5, panic disorder 327, 328 preschool years 189 327, 328 therapy 357 school years 197 prevalence 320 anxiolytics 341 perceptual learning 88, 173–8 in children 323 Beck’s cognitive therapy 347 top-down mechanisms 177–8 therapy 357 paracrine 64 training, influence on performance 173–7 antidepressants 342 parallel processing 161, 169–70, 171 perceptual salience hypothesis, flooding 345 parallel search 165–6, 176, 177 actor–observer effect 372 Oedipus complex 296 paranoid delusions 321 perceptual set 173 offender profiling 461–2 parasympathetic nervous system 47, 48 performance Offenders Index (OI) 457 parent–child relationship control of 82–4 old age see adulthood, late abnormal psychology 317 classical conditioning and motivational olfactory pathways 102 in adolescence 208 control 82 and food intake 101, 102 attachment 128–9, 188 conditional learning and stimulus see also smell and intimate relationships in early control 82–3 openness, five factor model of personality adulthood 212–13 hierarchical structure of instrumental 302 personality 304–6 learning 83–4 operant conditioning see instrumental personality disorders 333 group 397–8 learning and preschool peer relations 196 and personality 304 operant response 95 Parkinson’s disease period of formal operations 204–5 operant techniques 345–6 antipsychotics 340 ‘periodic table’ of the mind 12 optic nerve 143, 149 substantia nigra 49, 51, 62 peripheral nervous system 45–7 optimism 311 neural grafting 66 regeneration 66 unrealistic 411–13 parsimonious research 27 Perls, Frederick ‘Fritz’ 349, 350 oral stage of development 296 parsing 250 person-centred (client-centred) therapy 298, orbitofrontal cortex 100 partial reinforcement 80–1 349–51 eating 102–3 partial report procedure 231 person schemas 375 sexual behaviour 109, 110 parvo (P) cell 168, 169–70 person–situation debate, trait theory 302 ordinal measures 33 Pavlov, Ivan P. 14, 74–5, 76 personal attributions 369 organizational culture 445–6 Pavlov’s dogs 14, 74–5, 76 personal construct 298 organizational psychology 5, 428–9, 449–50 Pearson, Karl 39 theory 298 groups at work 438–43 Pearson’s r 38–9 personality 5, 292–3, 311–12 decision making 442–3 peer pressure 206–8 ‘addictive’ 332 more than the sum of the parts 438–41 peer relations biological and genetic theories 303–6 individuals at work 430–8 adolescence 206–8 genetics vs. environment 304–6 fitting into the organization 431–2 preschool years 196 inhibition and arousal 303–4 job satisfaction 435–6 school years 198, 199–200 humanistic theories 297–9 leadership styles 433–5 pegword mnemonics 243–4 drive to fulfil potential 297–8 PSY_D05.qxd 1/2/05 4:01 pm Page 557

Subject Index 557

understanding our own psychological phrenology 26 prejudice 403–4, 405 world 298–9 physical development stereotypes 377, 380 nature of 294 adolescence 204 preoperational period 189–91 prejudiced 403 early adulthood 209 preoptic area, and sexual behaviour 108–9, profiling in the workplace 303 infancy 182–4 110 psychoanalytic theories 294–7 late adulthood 215–16 preparedness 86, 87 failings 297 middle adulthood 213 presbyopia 213 Freud 294–6 physiological measures 28 preschool years 189–97 Jung 297 physiological psychology 4, 10–12 cognitive development 189–94 social-cognitive theories 306–11 emotion 114, 117–20 language and communication 194–5 affects 309 first psychology textbook 11–12 perceptual and motor development 189 competencies and self-regulatory plans measuring mental processes 11 social and emotional development 309–11 stress 421–2 195–7 encodings 306–7 see also sensory processes primary activation 85 expectancies and self-efficacy 307–9 Piaget, Jean 18, 185 primary visual cortex 149 goals, values and rewards 309 challenges to 185–6, 191–3, 205–6 priming stress at work 438 concrete operations period 197, 198, memory 227, 230 trait theories 299–303 204–5 word sense retrieval 251–3 Cattell’s 16 trait dimensions 299–300 conservation task 191, 193 principle of contiguity 85 debates 302 formal operations period 205 association formation 85–6, 87 Eysenck’s supertraits 300–1 genetic epistemology 19–20 principle of similarity 86 five factors model 301–2 intelligence 273 probability information 264–5 personality disorders 332–3 object permanence 185 problem solving 258–9 causes, and factors affecting course 333 preoperational period 189–91 common structure, looking for a 259 prevalence 320 sensorimotor period 185 search space 258–9 symptoms 332–3 three mountains experiment 192, 193 problem-to-model mapping 262–3 personality tests 431 pinhole cameras 141–2 procedural knowledge 230 personalized leaders 435 pinna 149 processing, levels of 234–5 phallic stage of development 296 pitch 151 production aphasia (Broca’s aphasia) 56, phantom limbs 153 pituitary gland 50 255–6 pharmacotherapy 340–2 placebo effect 342, 424 production blocking 400, 401, 442 antidepressants 341 planned behaviour, theory of 367, 414–15 projection 296 antimanics 341 Plato 10, 235 projection neurons 45 antipsychotics 340 pleasure principle 295 propaganda 227, 258 anxiolytics 341–2 Plomin, Robert 306 proprioception 44 phenomenological psychology, and emotion polarization, group 399 prosopagnosia 50, 51, 153–4, 170 115 political figures, profiling 461 protection motivation theory 414 phenomenological therapy see humanistic politics, organizational 446–8 proximity, grouping by 165 therapy polygamous 107 Prozac (fluoxetine) 63, 341 phenotype 283 polygraph 119 psyche 294 phi phenomenon 17 pons 49 psychogenetic model of the 294, 296 philosophical influences on modern populations 33–4 structural model of the 294, 295–6 psychology 9–10 positive manifold 273 topographic model of the 294–5 body and mind, relationship between positive psychology 126–7 psychoanalysis 18, 294 10 positive symptoms 321 classical 343–4 mind as collection of experiences 10 positive transfer 89–90 effectiveness 344 phobias 77 positivism 10, 11 Freud 18–19 acquisition of 77 positron emission tomography (PET) 52 psychoanalytic theories of personality antidepressants 342 post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) 327–8 294–7 exposure techniques 345 anxiolytics 341 failings 297 modelling 346 exposure techniques 345 Freud 294–6 prevalence 320 posters, on adolescents’ bedroom walls 207 Horney 297 in children 323 postformal reasoning 209 Jung 297 symptoms and course 326–7 potential, drive to fulfil 297–8 psychodynamic theories 19, 317 phonemes 151 power, organizational 446–8 psychodynamic therapy 344 phonological dyslexia 256 pragmatics 250–1 psychogenetic model of development 294, phonological loop 233–4 predictive factors 462 296 photoreceptors 141, 143, 144 predictive power 86 psycholinguistics 250, 252 see also cones; rods predictiveness, association formation 85–6 see also language PSY_D05.qxd 1/2/05 4:01 pm Page 558

558 Subject Index

psychological safety in work teams 441 realistic conflict theory 402 role conflict 437 psychometric tests 430 reality, subjective nature of 298 role schemas 375–6 psychometrics 18, 273 reality monitoring 240–1 roles, within groups 393 psychoneuroimmunology (PNI) 422 reality principle 295 rooting reflex 184 psychopathology see abnormal psychology; reasoning 258 rostral 100 developmental psychopathology recall 226–7 rumination 14 psychopathy 333 recategorization 404–6 psychophysics 11 recency effect 232, 233 saccades 145, 255 psychosis 320 receptive fields 143–4, 145, 148, 164 sadness 126 psychosocial factors 322 receptor 45 duration of 116 anxiety disorders 328 reciprocal inhibition 345 gender differences in expression of 125, bipolar disorder 326 reciprocation (retaliation), distressed 126 depression 324 relationships 391 samples 33–4 eating disorders 330 recognition 227 satiety 97 personality disorders 333 recovered memories 242 and conditioned appetite 98 schizophrenia 322 recurrent processing 161 sensory-specific 97, 100–2 substance use disorders 332 perception theory 161 and taste 100–2 psychosomatic disorders 130 redundancy 448 satisficing 264, 442 psychosurgery 338 Reeve, Christopher 66 savant syndrome 279, 282 psychotherapy references, as selection procedure 430 memory explanation 282–3 assessing the effects of 353–5 reflectance 138 modular explanation 283 for depression 356 reflection, client-centred therapy 350–1 scatterplots 37 psychoticism 300 refractory depression 341 scenarios vs. inferences 254 psychotropic drugs 340 refractory period 59 Schacter, Dan 235 assessing the effects of 342–3 regression 296 Schachter, Stanley 121 for depression 356 rehabilitation, offender 467–8 Schaie, K. Warner 210 limits 343 rehearsal, role in learning 242 schedules of reinforcement 15, 16, 80 puberty 204 reinforcement, schedule of 15, 16, 80 Schein, Edgar H. 432 public research 27 reinforcer 81 schemas/schemata 238, 375, 377–9 Pugh, Derek 444 relationship model, forming a 188 effects on memory 238–9 punisher 95 relativist 209 memory facilitated by 378 punishment 79 reliability 27 nature of 377–9 instrumental learning 80, 90 renin–angiotensin system 106 social 375–6 paradigm 81 representativeness 262 schizophrenia 320–2 pyloric sphincter 97 representativeness heuristic 378 causes, and factors affecting course repressed memories, uncovering 344 321–2 qualitative research 30, 416 research see methodology course 321 quantitative psychology 5 respondent conditioning see classical family theories of 322, 351 quantitative research 416 conditioning prevalence 320 quantitative trait loci (QTL) 285 response cost 346 symptoms 320–1 quasi-experimental method 28, 29–30 response patterns 117 therapy 357 questionnaires about emotions 115–16 resting potential 58–9 ECT 338 retaliation, distressed relationships 391 treatment Rabbitt, Patrick 217 retardation see mental retardation antipsychotics 340 race, and intelligence 285–8 retina 142–5, 146 neurotransmitter antagonists 62 radical behaviourism 15–16 illusions 158 school psychology 5 Ramón y Cajal, Santiago 58 magno and parvo cells 167–8 school years random assignment 29 selective adaptation 161 cognitive development 197–8 random sample 34 transplantation 66 language and communication 198 randomized clinical trial (RCT) 342 retrieval-induced forgetting 241 perceptual and motor development 197 range 34 retrieval practice, expanding 242–3 social and emotional development ratio measures 33 reward 95 198–200 rational emotive therapy (RET) 348–9 and personality 309 see also adolescence reaction formation 296 Riegel’s postformal thought theory 209 schwann cells 66 reaction time (RT) 275 risperidone 340 science of psychology 2–4, 22–3 as intelligence measure 275–6 rods 142–3, 146, 161 beginnings of modern psychology late adulthood 216, 217 Rogers, Carl 297–8, 349–51, 350 9–12 reading process 254–5 role-playing 350, 364 philosophical influences 9–10 real vs. imagined memories 240–2 role ambiguity 437 physiological influences 10–12 PSY_D05.qxd 1/2/05 4:01 pm Page 559

Subject Index 559

and common sense 6–10 information gathering 136–41 situational information hypothesis, explaining human behaviour 7–9 chemical senses 140 actor–observer effect 372–3 testing common sense 6–8 light 136–9 Sixteen Personality Factors Questionnaire current psychology 12–21 somatosenses 140–1 (16PF) 300 behaviourism 13–16 sound 139–40 skillstreaming 466 cognitive revolution 20–1 sense organs 141–54 skin senses 153 functionalism 12–14 hearing 149–51 Skinner, Burrhus Fredrick 15–16, 80 Gestalt psychology 16–17 invisible forces and phantom limbs Skinner box 15, 79–80 independents 17–20 152–4 sleep learning experiment 229 structuralism 12 seeing 141–9, 150 smell 140, 151, 152, 153 pinning down psychology 4–6 tasting and smelling 151–2, 153 development scientific management 439 sensory-specific satiety 97, 100–2 infancy 184, 187 scientific method 27 separation anxiety 323 late adulthood 216 search space 258–9 serial model 161, 178 and taste 102 secondary activation 85 perception theory 160–1, 169–70 smoking 208, 412 secondary sexual characteristics, serial search 166, 176, 177 social adjustment function 368 development 204 serotonin, and eating disorders 330 social approach to emotion 114, 122–6 secure attachment 128 sexual behaviour 107–10 social categories 402–3 security, and abnormal psychology 317 brain control 108–10 social cognition 360–2, 380–2 seeing see sight and sociobiological behaviour 107–8 categorization and stereotyping segmentation and grouping 164–5 sexual development 376–7 selection procedures, jobs 430 adolescence 206, 207 schemas, how they work 377–9 selective adaptation 146, 161 and gender 206 social processing, recent research top-down mechanisms 177, 178 shame 127 379–80 selective serotonin reuptake inhibitors Sherif, Muzafer 395 social schemas 375–6 (SSRIs) 341 Sherrington, Sir Charles 60 stereotypes, power of 380 self-actualization 297–8, 349 Shockley, William 285 social-cognitive theories of personality self-awareness and emotional development short-term memory store 231, 232 306–11 128 sibling relationships 218 affects 309 self-conscious emotions 127, 128 sight 141–9 competencies and self-regulatory plans self-consciousness 310 as active process 145–6 309–11 self-efficacy 307–9 colour vision 146–9 encodings 306–7 self-enhancing bias 373 defects in infancy 150 expectancies and self-efficacy 307–9 self-guides 310 development in infancy 182–4 goals, values and rewards 309 self-monitoring 310 eye 142–5 social comparison 389 self-perception theory 365 how do we know what we see? 167–70 social comparison theory 392 self-protection bias 373 illusions 157–60 social decision schemes 398 self-regulatory plans 309–11 late adulthood 216 social development self-report measures 28 middle adulthood 213 adolescence 206–8 attitudes 362 occluded vision 66 early adulthood 210–13 self-serving bias 373 pinhole cameras and lenses 141–2 infancy 187–9 self schemas 375 seeing what we know 171–3 late adulthood 217–20 ‘selfish gene’ theory 108 non-visual knowledge and perceptual middle adulthood 214–15 Seligman, Martin 307 set 173 preschool years 195–7 Seligman Attributional Style Questionnaire perception or hallucination? 171 school years 198–200 (SASQ) 308 tricks of the light 172–3 social dominance orientation (SDO) 403 Selye’s general adaptation syndrome 420 visual ambiguity, resolving 171–2 social dominance theory 403 semantic-differential scales 362, 363 seeing without knowing 170–1 social exchange theory 391 semantic memory 229–30 see also light; perception; visual search social facilitation 386 semantics 250–1 significance testing 37 social harmony, building 404–6 semicircular canals 153 similarity social identity 402–3 sensation seeking 304 grouping by 165 social identity theory 392, 394, 403 sensorimotor stage 185 principle of 86 social information processing 464 sensory aphasia (Wernicke’s aphasia) 56, Simon, Herbert 264 social inhibition 386 255–6 Simon, Théodore 18, 272, 273 social intelligence 310–11 sensory memory 231–2 Simonides 243 social loafing 397–8, 442 sensory preconditioning 76 simultaneous contrast illusions 158, 159 social messages 417 sensory processes 134–6, 154–5 single-blind procedure 342, 354 social phobia 327, 342 development in infancy 182–4 situational attributions 369 social problem solving 464 PSY_D05.qxd 1/2/05 4:01 pm Page 560

560 Subject Index

social processing, recent research into stem cell transplantation 66 substantia nigra 49, 54, 62, 66 automatic vs. controlled processing stepladder technique 442–3 subtyping model 378–9 379–80 stepping reflex 184 successive contrast illusions 158–9, 160 continuum model 379 stereopsis 150, 171 sucking reflex 184 social psychology 5, 386 stereotypes 373 suicide 320 social skills, behaviour therapy 347 automatic vs. controlled processing bipolar disorder 341 social support 391 379–80 depression 323 importance 391 gender role expectations 196, 197, 198 antidepressants 341 stress at work 438 health professionals’ beliefs 418 personality disorders 333 socialization, and organizational psychology intergroup relations 402, 403, 405 risk factors 320 431–2 national 377 and therapy 341, 357 socialized leaders 433–5 power of 380 in young men 355 society, and identity 403 role schemas 375 sulcus 54 sociobiology, and sexual behaviour 107–8 schemas 378–9 superego 295–6 somatic nervous system 47 women at work 447 superordinate goals 402 somatosenses 140–1, 152–3 Stern, W. 272–3 supertraits 300–1 pain and discomfort, sensing 140–1 Sternberg, R.J. 278 surface dyslexia 256 touching, exploration through 140 Stevens, Stanley Smith 32, 33 survey method 28, 30, 37 sound 139–40 stimulus and experiments, difference between communication 140 control, conditional learning 82–3 30–1 direction, deducing 151 discriminative see discriminative stimulus syllogisms 259–60 mechanical nature 139 responding to a single 86–8 sympathetic nervous system 47, 48 object location by 139–40 stimulus substitution 77 stress 421 see also hearing strabismus 150 symptom perception 417 source monitoring 241 strangers, fear of 187–8 symptom substitution 347 space shuttle disasters 399, 400 stress 419 synapse 45 spaced study, benefits of 243 and behaviour 420–1 synaptic cleft 45, 61 spatial learning 88–9 and emotional disorder 132 syntax 250–1 spatial neglect 171 anxiety disorders 328 systematic desensitization 345 speak-aloud protocols 259 bipolar disorder 326 Spearman, Charles 271, 273, 275, 278, 279 depression 324 t-tests 39 specific serotonin reuptake inhibitors (SSRIs) hormones, role of 422 tabula rasa 10 63 and illness, link between 419–21 Tajfel, Henri 403 spectrogram 151, 152 models 420 tardive dyskinesia 340 speech see communication; language and obesity 104 taste 99–102, 140, 151–2 speed of information processing 275–6, 277 and personality 304 development sperm warfare 107 and physiology 421–2 infancy 184 spinal cord 47 psychoneuroimmunology 422 late adulthood 216 damage 66 social support 391 and smell 102 split brain 56 at work 436–8 taste buds 152 sport/exercise psychology 5 kinds of stress 437 Taylor, Shelley 371 squint 150 prevention 438 template 177 stability, emotional 300, 301 reactions 438 temporal lobe amnesia 67 stage model for personal development striatum 103–4 tension-reduction hypothesis 332 210–11 strokes 255 Terman, Lewis 273 stages of change model 413 structural family therapy 352 thalamus 49–50 stagnation 214 structural model of the psyche 294, 295–6 arousal theory 303 staining, cell 58 structuralism 12, 13 emotion 118, 120 standard deviation (SD) 34–5 structured interviews 431 memory 236 Stanford–Binet test 273 strychnine 63 Thanatos 295 Stanford Prison Study 393 subcortex 54, 119 theory 28 Statement Validity Assessment (SVA) 461 subjective nature of reality 298 of mind 193–4 statistics 26–7, 33–9 substance use disorders 331–2 role in psychology 28 correlation 38–9 causes, and factors affecting course 331–2 therapy 336–7, 357–9 generalization of results 35–6 course 331 biological treatments 337–43 numerical results, describing 34–5 family therapy 352 electroconvulsive therapy 337–9 related vs. unrelated variables 37–8 prevalence 320 pharmacotherapy 340–2 remarkable vs. unremarkable results 36–7 symptoms 331 vs. psychological treatments 355–7 samples and populations 33–4 see also alcoholism psychosurgery 337 PSY_D05.qxd 1/2/05 4:01 pm Page 561

Subject Index 561

psychotropic drugs, assessing effects of traits 299 development of violent behaviour 463–4 342–3 tranquillizers 341–2 moral reasoning 464–5 psychological treatments 343–57 transactional leadership 434 predictive factors 462 behaviour therapy 344–7 transcranial magnetic stimulation (TMS) psychological profile of violence 464 vs. biological treatments 355–7 53–4, 176–7 virtual reality 345 cognitive therapy 347–9 transduction 141 vision see sight family and couples therapy 351–3 transfer appropriate processing 235 visual ambiguity, resolving 171–2 humanistic therapy 349–51 transfer of training 433 visual cortex 168 psychoanalysis and psychodynamic transference 344 visual form dyslexia 256 therapy 343–4 transformational leader 394 visual processing 50–1 psychotherapy, assessing effects of transformational leadership 433, 434 visual processing modules of the brain 68–9 353–5 transplant procedures 66 visual search 165–7, 176–7 thirst 104–7 transtheoretical model of behaviour 413 conjunction and social search 166 cellular dehydration 105–6 treatment 29 feature integration theory 167 extracellular stimuli 106 treatment–etiology fallacy 357 parallel search 165–6 Thorndike, Edward L. 13–14, 78, 80 treatment variable see independent variable strategy modification 176 Thorndike’s cats 78–9 Treisman, Anne 167 visuo-spatial sketch pad 233, 234 thought 248–9, 258, 265–7 trepanning 338 voluntary confessions 458 heuristic reasoning 261–2 triangulation 31 false 458 intuition 262–3 tricyclic depressants 340, 341, 342 von Bekesy, Georg 150 logical and conditional reasoning 259–61 Tulving, Endel 235 problem solving 258–9 two-process theory 82 Wason, Peter 260 reasoning abilities of humans 264–5 type A behaviour 425–6 Wason Selection task 260–1 three-component model 363 type B behaviour 425 water, body 104–7 Three Cups Problem 262–3 types 299 waterfall illusion 158–9, 162 three mountains experiment 192, 193 Waterman, Ian 44 threshold potential 59 ultimate attribution error (UAE) 373–4 Watson, John Thurstone, L.L. 275 ultra-violet (UV) radiation 136 behaviourism 13, 14–15 tilt after-effect 159, 160, 162–3 unconditioned response (UR) 75 introspection 11, 12 tilt illusion 158, 159 associative analysis 76 weapon focus 456 timbre 151 unconditioned stimulus (US) 75 Weber, Ernst 11 time out 346 association formation 85–6, 87 Wechsler tests 286–7 tip-of-the-tongue (TOT) phenomenon 257 associative analysis 76 Wernicke’s aphasia 56, 255–6 Titchener, Edward 12 unconscious mental processes 294 Wernicke’s area 55, 255–6 token economies 345 unemployment 448 Wertheimer, Max 16–17 tolerance 331 unhappy vs. happy relationships 391 West, Donald 463 tomboy behaviour 199 univariate 37 What Works 465–6 top-down perceptual mechanisms 177–8 university students, development 212 white matter 45 topographic model of the psyche 294–5 Wiesel, Torsten 168 touch vagus nerve/vagotomy 97, 98–9 will to live 219–20 exploration through 140 validity 27 withdrawal 331 late adulthood 216 external 33 within-subjects design 29 and sexual behaviour 109, 110 internal 33 women, at work 447–8 tracers 58 quality research 27 see also gender training 432–3 valproate 341 word sense retrieval 251–3 and performance 173–7 values, and personality 309 work groups 438 late adulthood 217 variance 34 work-sample tests 430 transfer of 433 ventral stream, perception 170–1 working memory model 233–4 training needs assessment 433 vernier acuity 173–5 worth see conditions of worth trait theories of personality 299–303 vesicle 61 writing as therapy 131 Cattell’s 16 trait dimensions 299–300 vestibular system 153 Wundt, Wilhelm 11–12, 13, 454 debates 302 Vickers, Doug 275 Eysenck’s supertraits 300–1 violent offenders 463 Young, Thomas 144 five factor model 301–2 anger, role of 464 Young’s Modulus 144