Israel Numismatic Research Published by the Israel Numismatic Society

Volume 6 2011

Contents

3 Jarosław Bodzek: Tiarate Heads on Samarian Coins 21 Haim Gitler: The Earliest Coin of Judah 35 Alla Kushnir-Stein: Inscribed Hellenistic Weights of Palestine 61 Donald T. Ariel and Oliver D. Hoover: A New Coin of the Mint of Marisa 79 Rosa M. Motta: Zeus on Dora’s Coins 93 David Hendin, Craig Lundstrom, Zachary White and Nathan W. Bower: Preliminary Sequencing of Herod I’s Undated Coins Based on Alloy Changes over Time 105 Jean-Philippe Fontanille: Herod Philip: The First Jewish Portrait 121 Andrew M. Burnett: Wife, Sister, or Daughter? 127 Kenneth Miller: A First Jewish Revolt Prutah Overstrike 133 Shai Hendler and Lionel Holland: Three Small Coins (minimi) from Caesarea Maritima 135 Rami Arav and Carl Savage: A Rare Aureus of Antoninus Pius at Bethsaida 139 Nathan T. Elkins: A Mid-Fourth Century Purse Hoard from the Roman Auxiliary Fort at Yotvata 147 Ermanno A. Arslan: The L812 Trench Deposit inside the Synagogue and the Isolated Finds of Coins in Capernaum, Israel: A Comparison of the Two Groups 163 Gabriela Bijovsky: From Carthage to the Holy Land: The ‘Palm Tree’ Nummus 175 Nitzan Amitai-Preiss and L. Alexander Wolfe: Amuletic Bronze Rings from the Arab-Byzantine Transitional Period 187 Yoav Farhi: A Fāṭimid Coin Die from Israel 191 REVIEW: Oliver D. Hoover, Andrew Meadows and Ute Wartenberg-Kagan (eds.), Coin Hoards. Vol. X. Greek Hoards. New York, 2010. (François de Callataÿ) 197 Abbreviations Zeus on Dora’s Coins

Rosa M. Motta Christopher Newport University [email protected]

Abstract Dora’s religious coin iconography focuses mainly on two figures: a female figure whose characteristics make her easily recognizable as Tyche/Fortuna, and a male portrait whose identification is not as straightforward. The head shows the markings of a mature Olympian god who recalls the features of both Zeus and Poseidon but presents none of these two gods’ attributes. The god has conventionally been identified with ‘Doros, son of Poseidon;’ we suggest, however, that the now familiar longhaired, long-bearded man portrayed on Dora’s coins is Zeus and propose calling him ‘Zeus Doros,’ i.e., Zeus from Dora.

Gods were the symbols and guarantors of many aspects of life in ancient societies, and proper worship was therefore a matter of great importance for city authorities.1 Religious shrines and annual festivals marked the everyday lives of citizens, and mints depicted patron deities and their attributes on coins on a regular basis as a way to demonstrate religious piety (Klose 2005:125–133). In the Near East, where portraits of gods were regularly used on coins from the earliest introduction of coinage, coins with cult symbols were clearly utilized most often and continued to be so after the arrival of the Romans. The city of Dora, in fact, one of the first cities of the southern Levant to mint coins after the arrival of Pompey, issued cultic-type coins throughout its minting history from 64 BCE to 212 CE.2 The arrival of the Roman authorities in 63 BCE provided the impetus to initiate Dora’s new civic era marked on the city’s coins with ‘Year 1.’3 The city produced both semi-autonomous and imperial coins, with religious

1 I am deeply grateful to Arie Fichman for allowing me to use the coins of his collection and for his comments on some of the catalogue entries. Thanks also to Karl Majer for his technical assistance with the photographs, and to Donald T. Ariel and Haim Gitler. I also greatly appreciate the invaluable insights of Tyler Jo Smith and the assistance of Ayelet Gilboa and the Tel Dor staff. 2 For more on Dora’s Roman-period minting, see RPC I:660–661, Nos. 4752–4767; RPC II:295–296, Nos. 2088–2091. The Ptolemy V silver tetradrachm (205 BCE) allegedly minted at Dora under Ptolemy V (205 BCE) is the only evidence of any prior minting. The coin was analyzed in the author’s doctoral dissertation (Motta 2010:99–117). 3 For more on the early Roman-period issues of other mints in the area, see Gitler and Kushnir-Stein 2004; 2009.

INR 6 (2011): 79–92 79 80 ROSA M. MOTTA iconography constantly present on the obverse of the semi-autonomous issues or on the reverse of coins with imperial portraits.4 There is no denying that the imperial images on Dora’s coins must have had a religious connotation to the people of that city.5 Imperial images in the eastern provinces were part of a symbolic system that considered rulers to be god-inspired and to have divine rights; at Dora, just as in any eastern city, Roman emperors were likely to be placed on the same footing as Olympian gods.6 When analyzing the iconography of Dora’s religious pantheon, however, the imagery focuses on two deities: a female figure, depicted in portraits or in full length, and a mature male god whose bust only is depicted. While all representations of the female figure have characteristics that make it easily recognizable as Tyche/Fortuna — the turreted crown, the cornucopia, the rudder, etc. — the male portrait is not as simply identifiable. The head shows the usual markings of a mature Olympian god, with long hair hanging freely and a thick, long beard that recalls the features of both Zeus (Leventi and Machaira in Zeus, LIMC:349–350, Nos. 154b, 157, 160; Pls. 3:1–2; 5–8; 4:9–12) and Poseidon (Simon in Poseidon, LIMC:446–479: Nos. 42, 50, 54; Pls. 3:3–4; 4:14–17). None of the expected attributes of these two gods — an eagle, lightning bolt or scepter for Zeus; a trident or dolphin for Poseidon — are present, making the identification of the figure problematic. While the god has conventionally been identified with ‘Doros, son of Poseidon,’ we suggest here that the now familiar longhaired, long-bearded man portrayed on Dora’s coins is Zeus and propose to call him ‘Zeus Doros,’ i.e., Zeus from Dora. The convention of calling the figure ‘Doros’ began in 1910, when Hill, in hisCatalogue of Greek Coins of Phoenicia, wrote that “Doros, son of Poseidon and eponymous founder of the city, was probably intended by the Poseidon-like deity represented on some of the coins” (BMC Phoen.:lxxiv). In earlier studies, however, Dora’s male god was simply identified as ‘Zeus.’ Seguin (1684) and Eckhel (1794: vol.

4 The term ‘quasi-autonomous’ has been used by numismatists to indicate coins struck in the Roman period but without imperial portrait. However, the title is controversial, as it indicates that cities were granted coining rights — something that puts “too much emphasis on connecting numismatics with historical events” (Butcher 1988:30). 5 According to Price (1985:248), people in the eastern provinces used their traditional symbolic system to depict their emperor “in the familiar terms of divine power,” and emperors were “set on a straightforward, equal footing with the Olympian gods” (Smith 1987:136). Cities, including Dora, portrayed Roman emperors on their coins because they were responding to a new fundamental shift in civic perspective caused by new political circumstances of the Roman presence (Heuchert 2005:44). The emperors portrayed on Dora’s coins are Augustus, Vespasian, Titus, Trajan, Hadrian, Antoninus Pius, Septimius Severus, Geta and Caracalla. 6 Zanker 1983:21; Smith 1987:136. Although Smith’s study was based on the Sebasteion of Aphrodisias, where he found a “visual conception of the divine emperors,” one can only assume that the same is true of other cities of the Greek East. ZEUS ON DORA’S COINS 81

3, p. 362) referred to the coin image as “caput Jovis.”7 Rouvier (1901) also noted that the figure was the “tête laurée de Zeus,” (Rouvier 1901:125–131) following de Saulcy’s (1874) description as “tête laurée de Jupiter” and Sanclemente’s (1808) “caput Jovis laureatum” (de Saulcy 1874:142–148, 405). Rosenberger in 1975 and Meshorer in 1995 followed Hill’s convention of naming the figure ‘Doros’ (Rosenberger 1975:31–37; Meshorer 1995:335–365). The name has continued to be used for the classification of Dora’s coins in Roman Provincial Coinage and has been used for at least two archaeological finds at Tel Dor.8 Hill’s identification of the bearded figure on Dora’s coins with ‘Doros’ has no basis in any numismatic or archaeological sources. Literary mention of ‘Doros’ as son of Poseidon seem to have originated from Stephanus of Byzantium’s sixth century Ethnica, where Dora is said to have been founded by ‘Doros.’9 Eckhel also wrote in his Doctrina Numorum Veterum (1794) that Doros, son of Poseidon founded Dora (condita a Doro, Neptuni filio), but identified the image on Dora’s coins as Zeus (Eckhel 1794: vol. 3, p. 362). In another numismatic study of Dora’s coins, Sanclemente (1808) agreed that “Dora Phoeniciae erat urbs maritima, a Doro Neptuni filio condita,” but, as noted, wrote that the image on the obverse of Dora’s coin was “caput Jovis laureatum.”10 Hill’s cautious suggestion that the figure on Dora’s coins is “probably” intended as Doros, son of Poseidon was therefore a new approach to the interpretation of Dora’s male figure, mostly based on literary and not numismatic sources.

7 While describing the obverse of Trajan’s coins, Seguin (1684:309) wrote, “In aversa autem parte caput Iovis laureatum.” Eckhel (1794: vol. 3, pp. 362–363) identified the figure as “Typus: caput Jovis.” 8 RIC I:660–661; The identification of Zeus Doros on a glass pendant from Tel Dor (Stern 2006) is not secure, although the bearded old man’s features do in fact resemble those on Dora’s coins. For an identification of Zeus Doros on a clay fragment, see Stern 2000: 316 and Pl. IV. According to Stern, these ornaments followed the Persian and Hellenistic traditions of warding off evil spirits by being worn at the end of a chain and they replaced the image of the Egyptian god Bes during Roman times. 9 Stephanus of Byzantium cited Hecataeus (c. 550 BCE) who wrote, “Ancient Doros, now however called Dora” (FGrH: I, 17 n. 260). Both Schürer (1973:88 n. 136) and Dahl (1915:62–65) explained, however, that Hecataeus could have not known the name Dora, since the change from Doros to Dora occurred during Hellenistic times. According to Schürer, the form ‘Doros’ occurs in older authors, but is also preferred by Steph. Byz., while Dora is used afterwards.” Doros appears in fact in the fourth century BCE Periplus of Pseudo-Scylax (Schürer 1973:87 n. 133; see also Stern 1984:8–12, No. 558), and in three authors cited by Steph. Byz — Apollodorus (c. 140 BCE), Alexander Ephesius (c. first century BCE) and Charax — while ‘Dora’ appears in Artemidorus of Ephesus (103 BCE) and Claudius Jolaus — both cited in Steph. Byz. — in addition to Josephus and several later authors (Schürer 1973:87 n. 133). 10 Sanclemente 1808:181–182. In addition, he wrote that the image on the reverse is “mulier stolata et turrita,” confirming the presence of Tyche. 82 ROSA M. MOTTA

Like most eighteenth and nineteenth century scholars, Eckhel and Sanclemente considered Stephanus to be a reliable geographer and mythographer, accepting Stephanus’ version that Doros founded Dora.11 Modern assessment of Stephanus’ geographical or historian knowledge tends to be unfavorable, however, showing that Stephanus was often careless and unreliable. As Browning writes, “Stephanus was neither a geographer — he makes no direct use of Ptolemy [Claudius Ptolemaeus] — nor a historian — he puts down side by side information dating from different epochs — but a grammarian ... [whose] prime interest was the correct formation of ethnic adjectives” (Browning 1970:1012; see also Reid 1974:128– 132; Braun 2003:291). Since Stephanus’ criteria were morphological regularity and regional usage, one can only assume that he created the myth of ‘Doros’ to give the city a Greek founder. Stephanus himself was often sincere in stating that he was ‘generating’ his Ethnica by analogies of three kinds: morphological, regional and hypothetical, confirming that Doros might have been imposed on Dora retroactively, in Stephanus’ attempt to justify its Greek name. While the Greeks did not found Dora — it was a Phoenician city — they did Hellenize its name from the Semitic Dor to the Greek-sounding Doros or Dora, giving the city a founding time — the arrival of the Greeks, and a founding father — Doros. Dora’s culture was, however, an amalgam reflecting several layers. Unlike cities founded directly by Greeks, e.g., Taras in southern Italy, Dora’s Phoenician past remained strong throughout its history, and its Phoenician gods were assimilated to gods of the Greek pantheon, forming the religious syncretism characteristic of Hellenistic culture (Pakkanen 1996:87–88, 92; Rudhardt 1992:224; Clifford 1990:56–57).12 Other Phoenician cities have, in fact, Greek founding myths and religious syncretism, as is the case of Tyre where Melqart, founder of the city, evolved into Hellenistic Herakles (Malkin 2005:242; Moscati 1995:11), or Byblos where the seasonal cult of Hellenistic Adonis and Aphrodite had its roots in the

11 Smith (1859:904–906) wrote that according to the title, Ethnica, “the chief object of the work was to specify the gentile names derived from the several names of places and countries in the ancient world… thus the work was not merely what it professed to be, a lexicon of a special branch of technical grammar, but a valuable dictionary of geography.” Bunbury (1883, vol. 1, pp. 135–136) added, however, that Stephanus’ “geographical information” was not much “beyond the addition to each name of the country in which the city is situated, or the sea in which the island is found.” 12 While modern scholarship defines syncretism as “a reconciliation or fusion of differing systems of belief in religion” (Maroney 2006:6), Greek religious syncretism was separated from the notion of ‘fusion’ or ‘borrowing,’ being rather a process of interpretatio (Motte and Pirenne-Delforge 1994:21). That is to say, “the Greeks’ own understanding of the universalism of their pantheon” caused them to believe that all people worshipped Greek deities, although with different names and customs (Budin 2004:98). ZEUS ON DORA’S COINS 83 ritual background of Ba‘al and Ba‘alat (Bonnet and Xella 1995:323; Robertson 1982:324–328; 354–355). Hill’s Doros is, in my view, Zeus, a syncretic figure with roots in two preexisting cults — Hadad, the Bronze Age Semitic storm-god who reigned on a lofty mountain in the north, and Dagan, god of creation and the weather of the Syrian hinterland and northern Mesopotamia, who became Dagon in the Philistine pantheon (Albright 1942:319; Feliu and Watson 2003:241 and 304; Bonnet and Xella 1995:321–330; Montalbano 1951:396–397; Singer 1992:436; and Wyatt 1980:377). The older gods later merged into Ba‘al Hammon (Moscati 1995:11–13), the Iron Age Phoenician storm-god who, like the Greek Zeus, regulated people’s lives with his dominant environmental force and who eventually became the great adversary of Yahweh, god of the Hebrews.13 There is no doubt that with the arrival of Hellenism at Dora, Hadad/Dagon/Ba‘al also acquired some of the Greek characteristics of Poseidon; but unlike Tyche, his counterpart on many of Dora’s coins, the male god of Dora is never portrayed in any maritime environment, leaving us to conclude that the figure on Dora’s coins is neither Doros nor Poseidon but rather Zeus. Although Poseidon was the god par excellence of the eastern Mediterranean Sea, there were relatively few institutionalized cults of Poseidon in the Greek world.14 There are no personal names calqued on the god’s name in the epigraphic record of Syria collected in Inscriptions Greques et Latines de la Syrie although the marine Ba‘al of Berytus was Hellenized as Poseidon (Gordon 1998:661). Furthermore, images of clearly identifiable portraits of Poseidon either on statues (Simon in Poseidon,LIMC :355, Nos. 41, 42, 43; Pls. 3:3–4) or coins (Simon in Poseidon, LIMC:357, Nos. 50–63; Pls. 4:14–17) often show his hair brushed away from his brow and falling into a central parting — a style contrasts sharply to the hairstyle on Dora’s coins. The worship of Poseidon was fundamentally a votive religion for those who offered propitiatory sacrifices to that deity before sea travel (Hom., Od. 3:178– 179). In contrast, the presence of Zeus was very marked in the East, and its cult was especially widespread in Syria, Palestine and Phoenicia where the god was the Greek interpretation of Ba‘al (Teixidor 1977:27). During the Hellenistic age, Zeus even acquired some monotheistic aspects, as Hellenized Diaspora Jews

13 Green 2003:175. Further evidence that Ba‘al Hammon was assimilated with Zeus, father of Heracles/Melqart, is the fact that Hannibal’s oath of eternal enmity to Rome was taken before the altar of Zeus (Harden 1962:87). For more on the Phoenician religion, see also Moscati 1966:59–73. 14 The only known temples are those of Onchestus (Supplementum Epigraphicum Graecum 36:434), Helice (Paus., Gr. Descr. 7.24.5–6), the Isthmus of Corinth (Paus., Gr. Descr. 2.1.6–9), Sounion, Taernarum (Paus. 3:25.4; Inscriptiones Graecae V. 1, 1226–1236), Tenos (Inscriptiones Graecae XII.5, 812), and Mykale (Herodotus 1:148). See Gordon 1999:659–662. 84 ROSA M. MOTTA addressed their god as Theos Hypsistos — an epithet of Zeus since the fifth century.15 It has been suggested that more statues of Zeus existed than any other god, and that there were “hardly any cities without an image of the supreme god” (Zeus, LIMC:337; see also Simon 1985).16 Consequently, Zeus appeared in the state iconography of coinage, with his effigies often associated with specific statues present in the city. The earliest representation of Zeus on coins dates to around 480/70 BCE where the god is seated on a throne, holding a scepter and an eagle on his right hand (coins of the Arcadian League; Kremydi-Sicilianou 1997:370).17 This type of seated Zeus with scepter and eagle was chosen by Alexander III as a Pan-Hellenic type and during the Hellenistic period it continued to be struck by various mints into the first century BCE (Kremydi-Sicilianou in Zeus,LIMC :370).18 The numismatic representation of Zeus during the early Roman Empire seems to favor either these scenes or Zeus portrayed with additional attributes referring to local cults (Karanastassi 1997:355, Nos. 457, 471, 522, 524, 526). Heads of Zeus, bearded, with short hair and laurel wreath are found as obverse types of classical coins, e.g., Zeus Eleutherios (Zeus, LIMC:368, No. 542) or Zeus Hellenios (Zeus, LIMC:368, No. 543) on the coinage of Syracuse. A more mature version of bearded Zeus, with longer hair and laurel wreath appears on the coins of Metapontum in the earlier part of the fourth century BCE (Zeus, LIMC:368, No. 544), and in the third century BCE on coins of Akragas (Zeus, LIMC:368, No. 553) and again as Zeus Eleutherios on the coins of Syracuse (Zeus, LIMC:368, No. 552). During the imperial era, busts of bearded Zeus with either short or long hair and laurel wreaths appear on the reverse of imperial types, suggesting an identification between Zeus and the Roman emperor — the divine father and his earthly counterpart. In the Near East, these Zeus- type coins often bear inscriptions with epithets that aid in the identification of the god, as is the case, among others, of Zeus Strategos on the coins of Amastris in Bithynia (Pls. 3:5–6), Zeus Boulaios on the coins of Antioch ad Maeandrum (Pl. 3:7), Zeus Olympios on the coins of Maeonia (Pl. 3:8), Zeus Akraios on the coins of Smyrna (Pl. 4:9), and Zeus Troios on the coins of Hierapolis

15 Colpe 1967:1291–1292; see also Trebilco 1991:127–137. According to Josephus (Ant. 12:262–263), the Samaritans had Hellenized their god as Zeus Hellenios in order to please Antiochus IV. 16 The view is bolstered, according to Tiverios, by the large quantity of ancient literary texts that mention such statues (Zeus, LIMC:337). 17 Other examples of fifth-century coin representations of Zeus are: 1) Zeus Olympos on the coins of Elis, clearly predating the Pheidias statue; 2) Zeus Soter in Galaria, Sicily; and 3) Zeus Aitnaios on a coin of Katane, Sicily (Kremydi-Sicilianou 1997:370). For more on the Zeus Aitnaios coin, see de Callataÿ and Gitler 2004. 18 The representation of seated Ba‘al on the earlier Achaemenid coinage of Tarsos has given rise to the debate, according to Kremydi-Sicilianou, that Eastern Ba‘al might have been the prototype for the Greek Zeus (in Zeus, LIMC:371). ZEUS ON DORA’S COINS 85

(Pl. 4:10). Finally, the Zeus depicted on the reverse of Antoninus Pius on the coins of Alexandria (Pl. 4:11), although lacking inscriptions with his name, is easily identified from the radiate-head, the kalathos, and the ram’s horn. Another specimen of an Antoninus Pius bronze from Alexandria (Pl. 4:12) has a thunderbolt depicted on his right, an easily recognizable Zeus attribute. As mentioned earlier, no inscriptions and no identifying marks are present on Dora’s coins, making it necessary to base the analysis on the image itself or on possible archaeological parallels. Aside from the Roman glass pendant apparently representing the head of ‘Doros’, and the fragment of one clay bowl with his head (above), the only purported representations of Zeus Doros from Tel Dor are his portraits on the coins, always laureate and facing right. These are either found on the obverse of the autonomous coins (Pls. 3:1–5) or the reverse of the imperial coins: of Trajan (Pls. 3:6–7), Hadrian (Pls. 3:8; 4:9), Antoninus Pius (Pl. 4:10), Geta (Pl. 4:11) and Caracalla (Pl. 4:12). On the obverse of an autonomous coin (year 63/2 BCE, Pl. 3:1), he is portrayed as an adult male with a full head of curly hair, a beard composed of wild wavy locks, and a thick neck. His features are strong, while his short-cropped hair seems to represent a younger, vigorous Zeus Doros. The god does not reappear again until the issues of 64/5 CE. These obverses as well as those of the 66/7 CE issues present a new image, with more defined curls on the god’s beard, and a more pronounced, stronger profile (Pls. 3:2–3) that approximates the features on the statues of Zeus at the British Museum (Zeus, LIMC:283, Nos. 154b, 157, 160; Pl. 3:1) and the Vienna Kunsthistoriches Museum (Zeus, LIMC:283 n.160; Pl. 3:2). The obverse of the 67/8 CE issues depicts a rather robust Zeus Doros, laureate and facing right (Pl. 3:4). The fuller face and the narrow forehead give the impression of a younger man, perhaps a tribute to Nero’s youth. The obverse of coin of Pl. 3:5 with its large neck, the short-cropped hair, and the overall robust appearance recall the physiognomy of Emperor Titus on his portraits of Dora. The reverses of these semi-autonomous coins portray Tyche in a sea environment, denoting Zeus Doros’ parallel and joint rule over the harbor city. However, the god’s appearance changes on the reverse of imperial coins, where he looks older and more authoritative (Pls. 3:6–8; 4:9–10). On Dora’s final imperial coins, on the reverses of Geta’s (Pl. 4:11) and Caracalla’s (Pl. 4:12) coins, his hair is long enough to cover the back of his neck. The iconographical resemblance of the male figure on Dora’s coins to those figures of coins that clearly identify Zeus by legends (Pls. 3:5–8; 4:9–10) or attributes (Pls. 4:11–12) is further evidence that the figure on Dora’s coins is Zeus, and that a more appropriate name for the divinity is Zeus Doros, i.e., Zeus from Dora.19 Additionally, the presence of Zeus and Tyche in jugate portraits on

19 The name is in partial accordance with the numismatic studies that preceded Hill: Seguin (1684:309), Eckhel (1794: vol. 3, pp. 362–363), Sanclemente (1808:181– 182), de Saulcy (1874:142–148, 405) and Rouvier (1901:125–131). 86 ROSA M. MOTTA the coins of Sidon (77 BCE; Pl. 4:13) — a city with a Phoenician heritage similar to Dora — attests that Zeus and Tyche were paired on coins. If the two gods shared Sidon’s patronage, then it is likely that Dora revered the same pair.20 The male figure portrayed on Dora’s coins is depicted as a mature god. Such a representation is not appropriate for a younger and minor deity, such as Doros, son of Poseidon. Sons of Poseidon whether divine or mortal were usually depicted in full-length settings, and seldom as mature gods and in portrait style. Taras, for instance, son of Poseidon and eponymous founder of Tarentum, is represented on that city’s coins as a young male god, riding a dolphin and with a trident in his proximity (Pl. 4:18). The characteristics of the male figure on Dora’s coins are more compatible with those of an older Olympian god, such as Zeus or Poseidon. As discussed above, however, Zeus, rather than Poseidon, was more likely to have had a cult at Dora, perhaps also a statue, and, as a consequence, a portrait on the city’s coinage.

CATALOGUE (Pl. 5) 1. 64/3 BCE (LA=Year 1); Fichman coll. Obv. Bearded, laureate bust of Zeus Doros, r. Rev. Tyche standing to l., holding palm branch in r. hand and caduceus in l.; in l. field LA/ΔΩΡI/TΩΝ

Æ, 0, 10.00 g, 24 mm. Meshorer 1995:356, No. 2.

2. 64/5 CE (LPKH=Year 128); Fichman coll.

Obv. Bearded, laureate bust of Zeus Doros, r. Rev. Tyche standing to front, looking r., holding standard with r. hand and cornucopia with l hand; in fields:LPKH–ΔΩΡITΩΝ

Æ, 0, 11.28 g, 22 mm. Meshorer 1995:356, No. 16; RPC I:661, No. 4757.

3. 66/7 CE (ΛΡ= year 130); Fichman coll. Obv. Bearded, laureate bust of Zeus Doros, r.

20 In Iron Age Phoenicia, each city’s pantheon consisted of a pair of gods — a male and a female. In Sidon, for instance, Astarte was paired with Eshmun (Aubet 1993:125– 128), and the gods are portrayed as Zeus and Tyche on the Hellenistic/Roman coins. ZEUS ON DORA’S COINS 87

Rev. Tyche standing to front, looking r., holding a standard with r. hand and cornucopia with l. hand; in fields:ΛΡ–ΔΩΡITΩΝ and murex shell.

Æ, 0, 12.48 g, 21 mm. Meshorer 1995:357, No. 19b; RPC I:661, No. 4758.

4. 67/8 CE (AΛP= year 131); Fichman coll. Obv. Bearded, laureate bust of Zeus Doros, r. Rev. Tyche standing to front, looking l., holding standard with r. hand and cornucopia with l. hand; in l. field:ΑΛΡ ; in r. field; ΔΩPITΩΝ

Æ, 0, 9.48 g, 21 mm. Meshorer 1995:357, No. 23; RPC I:661, No. 4759.

5. 75/6 CE (ΘΛΡ= year 139); Fichman coll. Obv. Bearded, laureate bust of Zeus Doros, r.; in r. field, aphlaston. Rev. Tyche standing to front, looking r., supporting standard with r. hand and holding cornucopia in l. hand; in l. field:ΘΛ–Ρ ; in r. field; ΔΩPITΩΝ

Æ, 0, 12.60 g, 24 mm. Cf. Meshorer 1995:357, No. 28.

6. 111/2 CE (POE= year 175); IAA 51203. Obv. AYTOK KAICAP TPAIANOC CEB ΓEPM ΔAK Laureate bust of Trajan, r.; in r. field, star. Rev. POE ΔΩΡ IΕΡ ΑCYΛ ΑΥTΟΝ ΝΑΥΑΡ Bearded, laureate bust of Zeus Doros, r.; in r. field, aphlaston.

Æ, 0, 12.58 g, 26 mm. Meshorer 1995:357, No. 33.

7. Same as No. 6; Fichman coll. Obv. AYTOK KAICAP TPAIANOC CEB ΓEPM ΔAK Laureate bust of Trajan, r.; in r. field, star. Rev. POE ΔΩΡ IΕΡ ΑCYΛ ΑΥTΟΝ ΝΑΥΑΡ Bearded (longer and curlier), laureate bust of Zeus Doros, r.

Æ, 0, 14.70 g, 26 mm. Meshorer 1995:357, No. 33.

8. 117/8 CE (ΠΡ= year 180); Fichman coll. Obv. AYTO TRA.AΔPIANΩ KAIC Laureate and cuirassed bust of Hadrian, r. 88 ROSA M. MOTTA

Rev. ΔΩΡ IΕΡ ΑCYΛ ΑΥT NAYAP ΠΡ Bearded, laureate bust of Zeus Doros, r.

Æ, 0, 12.88 g, 25 mm. Meshorer 1995:358, No. 37.

9. Same as No. 8; Israel Museum coll. 35. Obv. AYTO TRA.AΔPIANΩ KAIC Laureate bust of Hadrian, r. Rev. ΔΩΡ IΕΡ ΑCYΛ ΑΥT NAYAP ΠΡ Bearded, laureate bust of Zeus Doros, r.

Æ, 0, 11.81 g, 23.5 mm. Meshorer 1995:358, No. 38.

10. 143/4 CE (CZ= year 207); Fichman coll. Obv. AYT KAI ANTΩNEINOC CEBE Laureate and draped bust of Antoninus Pius, r.; in r. field; Y and small star. Rev. ΔΩΡ IΕΡ ΑC ΑYT NAYAPXIC L CZ Bearded, laureate bust of Zeus Doros, r.

Æ, 0, 12.57 g, 26 mm. Meshorer 1995:358, No. 41.

11. 201/2 CE (ΕΞC=year 265); Fichman coll. Obv. P CΕΠ ΓΕΤΑ Κ Bust of young Geta, r.21 Rev. ΔΩΡΑ IΕΡΑ ΕΞC Bearded, laureate bust of Zeus Doros, r.; in r. field, aphlaston.

Æ, 0, 9.28 g, 23 mm. Meshorer 1995:358, No. 47.

12. 210/1 CE (ΔΟC=year 274); Fichman coll. Obv. M AYP ANTΩNEI CEB Laureate bust of Caracalla, r. Rev. Bearded, laureate bust of Zeus Doros, r.; in l. field, upward: ΔΩPA IEP ACY ΔOC; in r. field, aphlaston.

Æ, 0, 11.64 g, 24 mm. Meshorer 1995:358, No. 51.

21 The first letter of the legend appears to be arho rather than a pi, possibly an engraver’s error. ZEUS ON DORA’S COINS 89

Description of Pls. 3–4 1. Marble bust of Zeus; c. 150–200 CE; London, British Museum 1515. 2. Bronze head of Zeus; first c. CE; Vienna, Kunsthistorisches Museum, I25865. 3. Marble Head of Poseidon. first c. BCE (Roman copy of a third c. BCE original); Rome, Musei Vaticani, Chiaramonti No. 1270. Simon in Poseidon, LIMC:355, No. 42. 4. Bronze Head of Poseidon; 227–221 BCE; Museum of Fine Arts, Houston. 5. Obv. ΖΕΥΣ ΣΤΡΑΤΗΓΟΣ Head of Zeus Strategos, r. (Amastris, 101 CE; RPC Online, Temp. No. 4899; http://rpc.ashmus.ox.ac.uk/coins/4899/). 6. Obv. ΖΕΥΣ ΣΤΡΑΤΗΓΟΣ Head of Zeus Strategos, r. (Amastris, 101 CE; RPC Online, Temp. No. 4897; http://rpc.ashmus.ox.ac.uk/coins/4897/). 7. Obv. ΖΕΥΣ ΒΟΥΛΑIΟΣ Head of Zeus Boulaios, l. (Antioch ad Maeandrum, 101–150 CE; RPC Online, Temp. No. 963; http://rpc.ashmus.ox.ac.uk/ coins/963/). 8. Obv. ΖΕΥΣ ΟΛΥΜΠIΟΣ Head of Zeus Olympios, l. (Maeonia, 138–141 CE; RPC Online,Temp. No. 1312; http://rpc.ashmus.ox.ac.uk/coins/1312/). 9. Obv. ΖΕΥΣ ΑΚΡΑIΟΣ Head of Zeus Akraios, r (Smyrna, 161–169 CE; RPC Online, Temp. No. 269; http://rpc.ashmus.ox.ac.uk/coins/269/). 10. Obv. ΖΕΥΣ ΤPΩIΟΣ Head of Zeus Troios, r. (Hierapolis, 101–225 CE; RPC Online, Temp. No. 2046; http://rpc.ashmus.ox.ac.uk/coins/2046/). 11. Rev. Radiate, draped bust of Zeus-Helios-Ammon-Sarapis, r. (Alexandria, 161–162 CE; RPC Online, Temp. No. 13953; http://rpc.ashmus.ox.ac.uk/ coins/13953/). 12. Rev. Draped bust of Zeus, r., wearing taenia; in r. field, thunderbolt (Alexandria, 158–159 CE; RPC Online, Temp. No. 14346; http://rpc.ashmus.ox.ac.uk/ coins/14346/). 13. Obv. Jugate heads of Tyche and Zeus, r. (Sidon, 78/7 BCE; BMC Phoen.:164, No. 137). Photo courtesy of Classical Numismatic Group. 14. Obv. Head of Poseidon, r. (Macedonia tetradrachm, c. 229–221 BCE; SNG Ashmolean: Pl.XLVII:3266). 15. Rev. ΠOΣEIΔΩN IΣΘMIOΣ Head of Isthmian Poseidon, r., trident over shoulder. (Alexandria, 65/6 CE; RPC I:709, No. 5300). 16. Rev. Draped bust of Poseidon, r., trident over shoulder (Alexandria, 155/6 CE; RPC Online, Temp. No. 14950; http://rpc.ashmus.ox.ac.uk/coins/14950/). 17. Rev. Draped bust of Poseidon, r., trident over shoulder (Alexandria, 155/6 CE; RPC Online, Temp. No. 15208; http://rpc.ashmus.ox.ac.uk/coins/15208/). 18. Rev. TAPA–S Taras riding dolphin, l., holding trident over r. shoulder (Tarentum, c. 272–235 BCE; Vlasto:54, Pl. 15:442. Photo courtesy of Classical Numismatic Group. 90 ROSA M. MOTTA

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Klose D. 2005. Festivals and Games in the Cities of the East during the Roman Empire. In C. Howgego, V. Heuchert and A. Burnett eds. Coinage and Identity in the Roman Provinces. Oxford-New York. Pp. 125–133. Malkin I. 2005. Herakles and Melqart: Greeks and Phoenician in the Middle Ground. In E. Gruen ed. Cultural Borrowings and Ethnic Appropriations in Antiquity. Stuttgart. Pp. 238–257. Maroney E. 2006. Religious Syncretism. London. Meadows A. and Bagwell Purefoy P. 2002. Historia Numorum — Italy. London. Meshorer Y. 1995. The Coins of the Mint of Dora. In E. Stern. Excavations at Dor, Final Report, Volume I A. Areas A and C: Introduction and Stratigraphy (Qedem Reports 1). Jerusalem 1995. Pp. 355–365. Montalbano F. 1951. Canaanite Dagan: Origin, Nature. Catholic Biblical Quarterly 13:381– 397. Moscati S. 1966. Il Mondo dei Fenici. Milan. Moscati S. 1995. Introduction. In V. Krings ed. La Civilisation Phénicienne et Punique–– Manuel de Recherche (Handbuch der Orientalistik. Erste Abteilung. Der Nahe und Mittlere Osten, 20). Leiden-New York. Pp. 1–15. Motta R.M. 2010. Greek and Roman Coins of Tel Dor: A Study of Material Culture and Cultural Identity. Ph.D. diss., University of Virginia, Charlottesville, Va. Poseidon, LIMC: E. Simon and G. Bauchhenss. Poseidon. In H.C. Ackermann and J.-R. Gisler eds. Lexicon Iconographicum Mythologiae Classicae VII. Oidipous–Theseus. Zurich 1994. Pp. 355–378, 446–500. Price S. 1985. Rituals and Power: The Roman Imperial Cult in Asia Minor. Cambridge. Reid C. 1974. Ephoros Fragment 76 and Diodoros on the Cypriote War. Phoenix 28:123–143. Rosenberger M. 1975. City-Coins of Palestine (The Rosenberger Israel Collection) II: Caesarea, Diospolis, Dora, Eleutheropolis, Gaba, Gaza & Jaffa. Jerusalem. Rouvier J. 1901. Numismatique des Villes de la Phénicie. Paris. Sanclemente E. 1808. Musei Sanclementiani Numismata Selecta Regum Populorum et Urbium: Praecipue Imperatorum Romanorum Graeca Aegyptiaca et Coloniarum Illustrata. Rome. Schürer E. 1973. The History of the Jewish People in the Age of Jesus Christ, 1. Rev. and ed. by G. Vermes, F. Millar and M. Black. Edinburgh Seguin P. 1684. Selecta numismata antique. Paris. Simon E. 1985. Die Götter der Griechen. Munich. Singer I. 1992. Towards the Image of Dagon the God of the Philistines. Syria 69 (3/4): 431– 450. Smith R. 1987. The Imperial Relief from the Sebasteion at Aphrodisias. Journal of Roman Studies 77:88–138. 92 ROSA M. MOTTA

Smith W. ed. 1859. STEPHANUS. Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography and Mythology III. Boston. Stern M. 1984. Greek and Latin Authors on Jews and Judaism 3: Appendixes and Indexes. Jerusalem. Stern E. 2000. Dor, Ruler of the Seas: Nineteen Years of Excavations at the Israelite-Phoenician Harbor Town on the Carmel Coast. Jerusalem. Stern E. 2006. Goddesses and Cults at Tel Dor. In S. Gitin, J.E. Wright and J.P. Dessel eds. Confronting the Past: Archaeological and Historical Essays on Ancient Israel in honor of William G. Dever. Winona Lake, Ind. Pp. 177–180. Teixidor J. 1977. The Pagan God: Popular Religion in the Greco-Roman Near East. Princeton. Trebilco P. 1991. Jewish Communities in Asia Minor. Cambridge. Vlasto: O.E. Ravel. Descriptive Catalogue of the Collection of Tarentine Coins Formed by M.P. Vlasto. Chicago 1977. Reprint. Wyatt N. 1980. The Relationship of the Deities Dagan and Hadad. Ugarit-Forschungen 12:375–379. Zanker P. 1983. Provinzielle Kaiserporträts. Munich. Zeus, LIMC: M. Tiverios, E. Voutiras, I. Leventi, V. Machaira, P. Karanastassi, E. Ralli- Photopoulou and S. Kremydi-Sicilianou. Zeus. In H.C. Ackermann and J.-R. Gisler eds. Lexicon Iconographicum Mythologiae Classicae VIII. Thespiades–Zodiacus. Zurich 1997. Pp. 310–470. ABBREVIATIONS

ABBREVIATIONS

AJC Y. Meshorer Ancient Jewish Coinage. Dix Hills, NY 1982 AJN American Journal of Numismatics BMC e.g., BMC Arab.: G.F. Hill. Catalogue of the Greek Coins of Arabia, Mesopotamia, and Persia. London 1922 BMCO e.g., BMCO 1: S. Lane-Poole. The Coins of the Eastern Khaleefehs in the British Museum. Catalogue of the Oriental Coins in the British Museum 1. London 1875 CH Coin Hoards CIL Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum CNP e.g., L. Kadman. The Coins of Akko Ptolemais (Corpus Nummorum Palaestinensium IV). Jerusalem 1961 CRE e.g., H. Mattingly. The Coins of the Roman Empire in the British Museum I. Augustus to Vitellius. London 1923 DOC e.g., P. Grierson. Catalogue of the Byzantine Coins in the Dumbarton Oaks Collection and in the Whittemore Collection 3. Leo III to Nicephorus III 717–1081. Washington, D.C. 1973 IEJ Israel Exploration Journal IG Inscriptiones Graecae IGCH M. Thompson, O. Mørkholm and C.M. Kraay. An Inventory of Greek Coin Hoards. New York 1973 INJ Israel Numismatic Journal INR Israel Numismatic Research LA Studium Biblicum Franciscanum Liber Annuus LRBC e.g., P.V. Hill and J.P.C. Kent. Part 1: The Bronze Coinage of the House of Constantine, A.D. 324–46. In Late Roman Bronze Coinage (A.D. 324–498). London 1965. Pp. 4–40 MIB e.g., W. Hahn. Von Anastasius I. bis Justinianus I (491–565). Moneta Imperii Byzantini 1. Österreische Akademie der Wissenschaften Philosophisch-Historische Klasse Denkscriften 109. Veröffentlichungen der Numismatischen Kommission 1. Vienna 1973 MIBE W. Hahn. Money of the Incipient Byzantine Empire (Anastasius I–Justinian I, 491–565) (Veröffentlichungen des Instituts für Numismatik und Geldgeschichte der Universität Wien 6). Vienna 2000 MIBEC W. Hahn and M. Metlich. Money of the Incipient Byzantine Empire Continued (Justin II— Revolt of the Heraclii, 565–610). (Veröffentlichungen des Instituts für Numismatik und Geldgeschichte der Universität Wien 13). Vienna 2009 MN American Numismatic Society Museum Notes NC Numismatic Chronicle NCirc. Numismatic Circular NNM Numismatic Notes and Monographs NZ Numismatische Zeitschrift RRC M.H. Crawford. Roman Republican Coinage. Cambridge 1974 RIC e.g., C.H.V. Sutherland. The Roman Imperial Coinage I. From 31 BC to AD 69. London 1984 RN Revue Numismatique RPC e.g., A. Burnett, M. Amandry and I. Carradice. From Vespasian to Domitian (AD 69–96). Roman Provincial Coinage 2. London 1999 SC e.g., A. Houghton and C. Lorber. Seleucid Coins. A Comprehensive Catalogue. Part I. Seleucus I through Antiochus III. New York, Lancaster, PA and London 2002 SICA e.g., S. Album and T. Goodwin. Sylloge of Islamic Coins in the Ashmolean, Volume 1: The Pre-Reform Coinage of the Early Islamic Period. Oxford 2002 SNAT e.g., L. Ilisch. Sylloge Numorum Arabicorum Tübingen–Palästina IVa Bilād aš-Šām I. Tübingen 1993 SNG Sylloge Nummorum Graecorum (with suffix as necessary, e.g. SNG Cop.) SNR Schweizerische Numismatische Rundschau TINC Transactions of the International Numismatic Congress TJC Y. Meshorer. A Treasury of Jewish Coins from the Persian Period to Bar Kochba. Jerusalem and Nyack 2001 ZfN Zeitschrift für Numismatik

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