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NSW) Maritime Community, As It Emerged During the Period 1821-1850, Was a Lively, Dynamic Organism

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NSW) Maritime Community, As It Emerged During the Period 1821-1850, Was a Lively, Dynamic Organism INTRODUCTION The New South Wales (NSW) maritime community, as it emerged during the period 1821-1850, was a lively, dynamic organism. This community consisted of mariners and merchants, shipowners and shipbuilders, shipping agents and marine insurers, seamen and labourers and a host of others engaged in service industries or as government officials regulating and monitoring the industry.1 It provided a cosmopolitan vibrancy to what may otherwise have remained a small, sombre convict settlement in the remote reaches of the world. Even in the mid-nineteenth century the arrival of a ship was the cause for excitement, bringing fresh news, new settlers or precious cargo. The community also attracted some of the most sophisticated and daring businessmen of the British Empire. What unique opportunities attracted such a lively and dynamic group of men and their families to a small, remote colony, offering few of the facilities and comforts available in their homelands? How did they adapt to their new surroundings, and the challenges it imposed? Frank Broeze, examining Australian maritime history up to 1989, suggested that the maritime community “remained concealed” from the “mainstream of historiography”.2 He concluded that “shipowners and their business management and political activities” were among those neglected aspects of Australian maritime history.3 This thesis discusses the development of the commercial maritime industry in NSW between 1820 and 1850. It examines the strengths and weaknesses of the industry, and the range of business strategies utilised to take advantage of opportunities while minimising business risks. It specifically focuses on shipbuilders and investors in the local shipping industry. In this sense it is as much a business and social history as it is a maritime history. 1 Throughout this thesis the terms “mariner” will be used to refer to the class of ship’s officer (including Shipmaster, Commander, or Captain) and ranked Officers (from Chief to Third of Fourth Mate), while the term “seaman” will be used to describe all other members of the ship’s crew (including Able and Ordinary Seamen, Boys, Apprentices and others), unless more specifically identified. 2 Frank Broeze, ‘From the Periphery to the Mainstream: The Challenge of Australia’s Maritime History’, The Great Circle, Vol. 11, 1989, p.2. 3 Ibid p.2. 1 Inspiration for this thesis arose from my personal research into family history. This research was heavily dependent on archival records. Thus my introduction to maritime history came through examining early NSW births, deaths and marriage records, official shipping records (maintained by the Naval Office and later by NSW Customs), Muster and Census rolls, the NSW Colonial Secretary’s Correspondence and “Blue Books,” and NSW Legislative Council Votes and Proceedings.4 Additional sources included limited additions of calendars and street directories, old parish maps, and a number of ship journals and logbooks, and most of all a very time-consuming but fascinating perusal of newspaper archives.5 I quickly developed an appreciation for both the value and limitations of this material. Prior to the mid-1970s Australia’s maritime history was not extensively explored.6 A few historians, namely Ian Nicholson and J.S. Cumpston, had begun to compile lists of shipping arrivals and departures, but had hardly attempted to analyse this data.7 Over the next two decades similar lists have been added to the collection, filling the gaps in times and locations.8 While these lists may be useful as directories or indexes, they are little more than suggestive of the volume of shipping activity, and provide few clues as to their purpose and value. As Rhys Richards and Jocelyn Chisholm 4 For details of the above-mentioned sources refer to the appropriate sections of the bibliography. 5 Ibid. 6 Rare exceptions are J.H. Watson, ‘The Mercantile Marine: Its Contribution to Australian History’, Australian Historical Journal and Proceedings, Part VI, Vol 3, 1910, pp.227-257; T. Dunbabin, Sailing the World’s Edge, London, 1931; and Robert McNab, The Old Whaling Days,(originally published 1913), New Zealand 1975; Robert McNab, Muri hikui: A History of the South Island of New Zealand and the Islands Adjacent and Lying to the South, from 1642 to 1835, Wellington, 1909. 7 J.S. Cumpston, Shipping Arrivals and Departures, Sydney 1788-1825, Roebuck, Canberra 1964; I. Nicholson (comp), Shipping Arrival and Departures, Sydney. Vol. II (1826-1840), Canberra, 1977. 8 G. Bloxam & I. Nicholson (Comps), Shipping Arrivals and Departures Vol. III 1841-1844, Canberra, 1988; A.G.E. Jones, Ships Employed in the South Sea Trade 1775-1861, Vols. I & II, (Parts 1-3), Canberra 1986; I. Nicholson, Shipping Arrivals and Departures Tasmania 1834-1842 (Vol 2) and Gazetteer of Tasmanian Shipping 1803-1842, Canberra 1985; I. Nicholson, Log of Logs, Vols. 1-3, Australian Association of Maritime History, No. 41, (no date); PA Pemberton, Pure Merinos and Others: The “Shipping Lists” of the Australian Agricultural Company. Australian National University Archives of Business and Labour, Canberra, 1986; Rhys Richards, ‘Pacific Whaling 1820-1840: Port Visits, “Shipping Arrivals and Departures” Comparisons, and Sources’, The Great Circle, Vol. 24, No. 1, 2002, pp. 25-39; Rhys Richards & J. Chisholm, Bay of Islands Arrivals and Departures 1803-1840, Wellington, N.Z. 1992; Marten A.Symes, Shipping Arrivals to Victorian Ports: 1798-1845 Vol. I, Canberra, 1985; Marten A.Symes, Shipping Arrivals to Victorian Ports, 1846-1855, Vol. II, Canberra,1987. Rhys Richard and Jocelyn Chisholm provided a much needed evaluation of the value of such lists in ‘The SAD Truth about Bay of Islands Shipping 1803-1840. The Value of Shipping Arrivals and Departures Lists to the Study of Economic History’, The Great Circle, Vol. 15, No. 1, 1993, pp. 30-35. 2 suggested, the lists are essentially “dry and intimidating, with a cast of thousands and no plot, as indigestible as a telephone book”.9 Allan Bax, in an address to the Royal Australian Historical Society in 1952, made a brief exploration of Australia’s merchant shipping between 1788-1849.10 His address, touching on maritime legislation, government regulation, the development of the overseas trade, coastal and Pacific shipping, as well as steam navigation, represented a brave but necessarily brief foray into Australia’s maritime history. It scarcely made a ripple in the smooth ocean of Australia’s historical research, whose traditional themes centred on convict settlement, pastoral activity, federation and military history. In the same year, K.M. Dallas challenged the traditional view that NSW was solely founded as a penal colony.11 He suggested that Britain’s loss of its American colonies had created an economic crisis as well as the logistical dilemma of what to do with its surplus convict population. The United States had begun to pose a threat to Britain’s economic future as a “rival mercantilist state”, trading with India, China and in northwest America. Botany Bay, he proposed, was established as a “trading post” and port from which both the China trade and the northwest American fur trade could be more readily exploited.12 Dallas’ initial address went almost unnoticed, until it resurfaced in 1958 and 1962 thanks to Michael Roe and Geoffrey Blainey.13 Their claims for a re-examination of the importance of Australian maritime history met with a great deal of (sometimes acrimonious) debate about the reasons for settlement of 9 Rhys Richards & Jocelyn Chisholm (1993), ibid., p. 30. 10 AE Bax, ‘Australian Merchant Shipping 1788-1849’, Royal Australian Historical Society Journal, Vol. 38, Part VI, 1952. 11 KM Dallas, ‘The First Settlements in Australia: considered in relation to sea-power in world politics’, address to the Tasmanian Historical Research Association, 28 May 1952, No. 3, published in Ged Martin (ed.), The Founding of Australia. The Argument about Australia’s Beginnings, Sydney, Hale & Iremonger, 1978, pp. 39-49; KM Dallas, Trading Posts or Penal Colonies: The Commercial Significance of Cook’s New Holland Route to the Pacific. Devonport, Tasmania, 1999. 12 This claim received credible support from Margaret Steven in Trade, Tactics and Territory. Britain in the South Pacific, 1783-1823, Melbourne, 1983, and in Robert J. King’s article: ‘“A Regular and reciprocal System of Commerce”, Botany Bay, Nootka Sound and the Isles of Japan’, The Great Circle, Vol .19, No. 1, 1997, pp. 1-29. 13 Michael Roe, ‘Australia’s Place in ‘the Swing to the East’, 1788-1810’, Historical Studies: Australia and New Zealand, Vol. 18, No.30, May 1958, p. 202; G.Blainey, The Tyranny of Distance: How Distance Shaped Australia’s History, Melbourne 1966. 3 Botany Bay.14 While that foundation debate is not of immediate relevance to this thesis, it did provide the impetus for a much closer examination of the commercial opportunities of the region from a maritime perspective. These included flax and timber for British naval yards and Australia’s proximity to the East Indies, the Far East and South America. In 1976, J. Bach, in a more extensive study of Australia’s maritime history, argued that Australia always lacked a strong local maritime industry, relying instead on overseas shipping.15 Bach, at least, acknowledged the local development of “ancillary industries” such as shipbuilding, chandlery and provisioning, in response to the demands of overseas shipping, but failed to explore the value of these ancillary activities to the economy.16 The major drawback
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