Reflections on Election Fraud and Its Persistence in Modern Democracy
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Crime at Work Increasing the Risk for Offenders Volume II
Crime at Work Increasing the Risk for Offenders Volume II Edited by Martin Gill © Perpetuity Press Ltd 1998 Except chapter 12 by Sheridan Morris which is © Crown copyright 1997. Reproduced with the permission of the Controller of Her Majesty's Stationery Office. The views expressed are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views or policy of Her Majesty's Stationery Office, the Home Office or any other government department. * All rights reserved. No reproduction, copy or transmission of this publication may be made without written permission. No paragraph of this publication may be reproduced, copied or transmitted save with written permission or in accordance with the provisions of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988, or under the terms of any licence permitting limited copying issued by the Copyright Licensing Agency, 90 Totten ham Court Road, London W1T 4LP. Any person who does any unauthorised act in relation to this publication may be liable to criminal prosecution and civil claims for damages. The author has asserted his right to be identified as the author of this work in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. First published in 1998 by Perpetuity Press Ltd Published by PALGRAVE MACMILLAN Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire RG21 6XS and 175 Fifth Avenue, New York, N.Y. 10010 Companies and representatives throughout the world PALGRAVE MACMILLAN is the global academic imprint of the Palgrave Macmillan division of St. Martin's Press, LLC and of Palgrave Macmillan Ltd. Macmillan® is a registered trademark in the United States, United Kingdom and other countries. -
Protecting Politics: Deterring the Influence Of
Protecting Politics Deterring the Influence of Organized Crime on Elections Protecting Politics: Deterring the Influence of Organized Crime on Elections Elections are essential elements of democratic systems. Unfortunately, abuse and manipulation (including voter intimidation, vote buying or ballot stuffing) can distort these processes. However, little attention has been paid to an intrinsic part of this threat: the conditions and opportunities for criminal interference in the electoral process. Most worrying, few scholars have examined the underlying conditions that make elections vulnerable to organized criminal involvement. This report addresses these gaps in knowledge by analysing the vulnerabilities of electoral processes to illicit interference (above all by organized crime). It suggests how national and international authorities might better protect these crucial and coveted elements of the democratic process. Case studies from Georgia, Mali and Mexico illustrate these challenges and provide insights into potential ways to prevent and mitigate the effects of organized crime on elections. International IDEA Clingendael Institute ISBN 978-91-7671-069-2 Strömsborg P.O. Box 93080 SE-103 34 Stockholm 2509 AB The Hague Sweden The Netherlands T +46 8 698 37 00 T +31 70 324 53 84 F +46 8 20 24 22 F +31 70 328 20 02 9 789176 710692 > [email protected] [email protected] www.idea.int www.clingendael.nl ISBN: 978-91-7671-069-2 Protecting Politics Deterring the Influence of Organized Crime on Elections Protecting Politics Deterring the Influence of Organized Crime on Elections Series editor: Catalina Uribe Burcher Lead authors: Ivan Briscoe and Diana Goff © 2016 International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance © 2016 Netherlands Institute of International Relations (Clingendael Institute) International IDEA Strömsborg SE-103 34 Stockholm Sweden Tel: +46 8 698 37 00, fax: +46 8 20 24 22 Email: [email protected], website: www.idea.int Clingendael Institute P.O. -
Disinformation in Democracies: Strengthening Digital Resilience in Latin America
Atlantic Council ADRIENNE ARSHT LATIN AMERICA CENTER Disinformation in Democracies: Strengthening Digital Resilience in Latin America The Adrienne Arsht Latin America Center broadens understanding of regional transformations through high-impact work that shapes the conversation among policymakers, the business community, and civil society. The Center focuses on Latin America’s strategic role in a global context with a priority on pressing political, economic, and social issues that will define the trajectory of the region now and in the years ahead. Select lines of programming include: Venezuela’s crisis; Mexico-US and global ties; China in Latin America; Colombia’s future; a changing Brazil; Central America’s trajectory; combatting disinformation; shifting trade patterns; and leveraging energy resources. Jason Marczak serves as Center Director. The Atlantic Council’s Digital Forensic Research Lab (DFRLab) is at the forefront of open-source reporting and tracking events related to security, democracy, technology, and where each intersect as they occur. A new model of expertise adapted for impact and real-world results, coupled with efforts to build a global community of #DigitalSherlocks and teach public skills to identify and expose attempts to pollute the information space, DFRLab has operationalized the study of disinformation to forge digital resilience as humans are more connected than at any point in history. For more information, please visit www.AtlanticCouncil.org. This report is written and published in accordance with the Atlantic Council Policy on Intellectual Independence. The authors are solely responsible for its analysis and recommendations. The Atlantic Council and its donors do not determine, nor do they necessarily endorse or advocate for, any of this report’s conclusions. -
Freedom in the World Report 2020
Brazil | Freedom House Page 1 of 19 BrazilFREEDOM IN THE WORLD 2020 75 FREE /100 Political Rights 31 Civil Liberties 44 75 Free Global freedom statuses are calculated on a weighted scale. See the methodology. Overview https://freedomhouse.org/country/brazil/freedom-world/2020 3/6/2020 Brazil | Freedom House Page 2 of 19 Brazil is a democracy that holds competitive elections, and the political arena is characterized by vibrant public debate. However, independent journalists and civil society activists risk harassment and violent attack, and the government has struggled to address high rates of violent crime and disproportionate violence against and economic exclusion of minorities. Corruption is endemic at top levels, contributing to widespread disillusionment with traditional political parties. Societal discrimination and violence against LGBT+ people remains a serious problem. Key Developments in 2019 • In June, revelations emerged that Justice Minister Sérgio Moro, when he had served as a judge, colluded with federal prosecutors by offered advice on how to handle the corruption case against former president Luiz Inácio “Lula” da Silva, who was convicted of those charges in 2017. The Supreme Court later ruled that defendants could only be imprisoned after all appeals to higher courts had been exhausted, paving the way for Lula’s release from detention in November. • The legislature’s approval of a major pension reform in the fall marked a victory for Brazil’s far-right president, Jair Bolsonaro, who was inaugurated in January after winning the 2018 election. It also signaled a return to the business of governing, following a period in which the executive and legislative branches were preoccupied with major corruption scandals and an impeachment process. -
Hidden in Plain Sight: Domestic Corruption, Fraud and the Integrity Deficit ‘Corruption Remains One of the Most Pressing Challenges of Our Time
Hidden in plain sight: domestic corruption, fraud and the integrity deficit ‘ Corruption remains one of the most pressing challenges of our time. It promotes mistrust in governments, public institutions, banks, corporations, politicians, political parties, democracies, you name it. It corrodes our social fabric.’ Angel Gurría, OECD secretary-general, 9th Annual Conference: International Forum on Business Ethical Conduct, 14 November 2018 Hidden in plain sight: domestic corruption, fraud and the integrity deficit Does the UK have a corruption problem? Officially, no. In reality, we just don’t know. The heavy emphasis placed on overseas corruption in recent years has taken our eye off the ball at home. The data are sketchy, the infrastructure non-existent, and no-one is in charge. And what about all of the everyday activity which, whilst not strictly illegal, undermines openness, integrity and fair dealing in politics, government and business? What if, when we do look more closely (and think more clearly), we are in for a nasty shock? 1 Defining corruption Corruption is hard to pin down. Domestic corruption all the more so. That’s why we have a Bribery Act, not one that tries to define the term and offence of ‘corruption’. Nor is there agreement on a working definition. The vastness of this hinterland of small The traditional one – ‘the abuse of public office for transgressions and marginal behaviours (things private gain’ – feels out-of-date in a world of that can easily pave the way for much bigger widespread public service provision by private things) is what makes corruption so hard to tackle sector companies. -
Voter Fraud and Voter Intimidation
U.S. COMMISSION ON CIVIL RIGHTS VOTER FRAUD VOTER INTIMIDATION BRIEFING REPORT U.S. COMMISSION ON CIVIL RIGHTS Washington, DC 20425 Official Business Penalty for Private Use $300 SEPTEMBER 2008 Visit us on the Web: www.usccr.gov Voter Fraud and Voter Intimidation A Briefing Before The United States Commission on Civil Rights Held in Washington, DC, October 13, 2006 Briefing Report U.S. Commission on Civil Rights The U.S. Commission on Civil Rights is an independent, bipartisan agency established by Congress in 1957. It is directed to: • Investigate complaints alleging that citizens are being deprived of their right to vote by reason of their race, color, religion, sex, age, disability, or national origin, or by reason of fraudulent practices. • Study and collect information relating to discrimination or a denial of equal protection of the laws under the Constitution because of race, color, religion, sex, age, disability, or national origin, or in the administration of justice. • Appraise federal laws and policies with respect to discrimination or denial of equal protection of the laws because of race, color, religion, sex, age, disability, or national origin, or in the administration of justice. • Serve as a national clearinghouse for information in respect to discrimination or denial of equal protection of the laws because of race, color, religion, sex, age, disability, or national origin. • Submit reports, findings, and recommendations to the President and Congress. • Issue public service announcements to discourage discrimination or denial of equal protection of the laws. Members of the Commission Gerald A. Reynolds, Chairman Abigail Thernstrom, Vice Chairman Todd Gaziano Gail Heriot Peter N. -
CORRUPTION LAWS a Non-Lawyers’ Guide to Laws and Offences in the UK Relating to Corrupt Behaviour
CORRUPTION LAWS A non-lawyers’ guide to laws and offences in the UK relating to corrupt behaviour Transparency International (TI) is the world’s leading non- governmental anti-corruption organisation. With more than 100 chapters worldwide, TI has extensive global expertise and understanding of corruption. Transparency International UK (TI-UK) is the UK chapter of TI. We raise awareness about corruption; advocate legal and regulatory reform at national and international levels; design practical tools for institutions, individuals and companies wishing to combat corruption; and act as a leading centre of anti-corruption expertise in the UK. Acknowledgements: we would like to thank those who have supported and advised us in producing this publication, including Jeremy Coleman, Andrew Sheftel and Sam Eastwood of Norton Rose Fulbright, Michael Bowes QC, Brooks Hickman, Transparency International UK’s Jameela Raymond, Michael Petkov, Steve Goodrich, Ben Wheatland and Kevin Bridgewater, and Peters & Peters. Authors: Nick Maxwell and Ben Cowdock Editor: Robert Barrington Design: Philip Jones © 2016 Transparency International UK. All rights reserved. Reproduction in whole or in parts is permitted, providing that full credit is given to Transparency International UK (TI-UK) and provided that any such reproduction, in whole or in parts, is not sold or incorporated in works that are sold. Written permission must be sought from Transparency International UK if any such reproduction would adapt or modify the original content. Published May 2016. ISBN: 978-1-910778-54-8 © Cover photo: iStock.com/MWelsh Every effort has been made to verify the accuracy of the information contained in this report. All information was believed to be correct as of May 2016. -
Irregularities in the Venezuelan Elections During
Electoral Irregularities A Typology Based on Venezuela under Chavismo Draft February 6, 2018 Javier Corrales1 Department of Political Science Amherst College [email protected] This is a draft document. Please help improve this document by reporting any errors and omissions to [email protected]. 1 I am grateful to Alejandro Sucre, Federico Sucre, and Franz von Bergen for their research assistance. 1 Electoral Irregularities: A Typology based on Venezuela under Chavismo Venezuela’s Chavista period (1999-present) has often been praised for its frequent electoral activity. But it has also been characterized by two, less praiseworthy features: irregularities and biased electoral reforms. These features have worsened over time. To date, the total number of irregularities is 117. From the very beginning, almost every electoral process has featured at least one major irregularity or system biases in favor of the incumbent party. These irregularities consist of practices, rules, and even laws that depart from either the spirit or the letter of the Constitution or from international standards for conducting “free and fair” elections. This paper provides a typology of electoral irregularities in Venezuela in the Chavista era, 1999-present. The full list appears in the Appendix. Irregularities are classified according to three characteristics: timing, type, and effect. Regarding timing, the evidence shows that electoral irregularities occurred since the start of the Chavista era (referendum on whether to conduct a constituent assembly, 1999) and expanded over overtime during the entire Hugo Chávez administration (1999-2013). They have become ubiquitous now under Nicolás Maduro (2013- present). Regarding type, each irregularity is classified according to the following categories: 1. -
Anti-Corruption Efforts and Electoral Manipulation
Anti-Corruption Efforts and Electoral Manipulation in \Dirty" Democracies Marko Klaˇsnja∗ Grigore Pop-Elechesy April 19, 2019 Abstract While many nascent and developing democracies have competitive elections and peaceful turnover of power, they are also characterized by persistent corruption and frequent electoral manipulation. We demonstrate why such “dirty” democracies find it hard to clean up their politics and how corruption and electoral manipulation can go hand in hand. Focusing on the case of Romania and utilizing a number of diagnostic approaches and research designs, we show how anti-corruption efforts systematically induce electoral manipulation by the threatened dirty-democracy elites. However, this manipulation is constrained by electoral competition, which may be the key to longer-term political consolidation of dirty democracies. PRELIMINARY AND INCOMPLETE ∗Georgetown University, [email protected] yPrinceton University, [email protected] As the \Third Wave" of democratization treached broad swaths of the developing world in the 1980s and 1990s (Huntington, 1993), we witnessed the emergence of a growing number of regimes that featured genuinely contested elections but fell short of fulfilling the requirements of liberal democracy. While some of these regimes have been rightly classified as hybrid or even authoritarian (Levitsky and Way, 2010), in this article we focus on what we will call \dirty democracies"| regimes that fulfill the basic requirements of electoral democracy (free and fair elections, peaceful electoral turnovers), but which have significant shortcomings in the respect for the rule of law. Dirty democracies share important features with what others have called illiberal democracies (e.g. Zakaria, 1997), but unlike the latter, dirty democracies do not necessarily infringe on the civil liberties of particular groups. -
Nber Working Paper Series He Who Counts Elects
NBER WORKING PAPER SERIES HE WHO COUNTS ELECTS: DETERMINANTS OF FRAUD IN THE 1922 COLOMBIAN PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION Isaías N. Chaves Leopoldo Fergusson James A. Robinson Working Paper 15127 http://www.nber.org/papers/w15127 NATIONAL BUREAU OF ECONOMIC RESEARCH 1050 Massachusetts Avenue Cambridge, MA 02138 July 2009 We are particularly grateful to Eduardo Posada-Carbó for telling us about the data on the 1922 election in the National Archive in Bogotá. We also thank Daron Acemoglu, James Alt, Jeffry Frieden, and Daniel Ziblatt for their comments and María Angélica Bautista, Camilo García, María Alejandra Palacio, and Olga Lucía Romero for their invaluable help with the data. All translations from Spanish texts are our own. We thank the Canadian Institute for Advanced Research for their financial support. The views expressed herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of the National Bureau of Economic Research. NBER working papers are circulated for discussion and comment purposes. They have not been peer- reviewed or been subject to the review by the NBER Board of Directors that accompanies official NBER publications. © 2009 by Isaías N. Chaves, Leopoldo Fergusson, and James A. Robinson. All rights reserved. Short sections of text, not to exceed two paragraphs, may be quoted without explicit permission provided that full credit, including © notice, is given to the source. He Who Counts Elects: Determinants of Fraud in the 1922 Colombian Presidential Election Isaías N. Chaves, Leopoldo Fergusson, and James A. Robinson NBER Working Paper No. 15127 July 2009 JEL No. H0 ABSTRACT This paper constructs measures of the extent of ballot stuffing (fraudulent votes) and electoral coercion at the municipal level using data from Colombia's 1922 Presidential elections. -
IJEMS-V8I1P101.Pdf
SSRG International Journal of Economics and Management Studies Volume 8 Issue 1, 1-12, January, 2021 ISSN: 2393 – 9125 /doi:10.14445/23939125/IJEMS-V8I1P101 © 2021 Seventh Sense Research Group® The Counterfeiting of The Elections In The Usa 2020 By The Mafiotismus And The Representatives of The Financial Bank Resource Technological Mafiatized Materialism In Benefit of Biden Against Donald Trump And His Doctrine - In A Fictional Imitation of Democracy Lord Prof. Momtchil Dobrev, Prof. Mariola Garibova-Dobreva, Scientific Research Institute Dobrev & Halachev JSC. Bulgaria, Abstract : Lord prof Ph.D. Ph.D. Momtchil Dobrev- representatives of the Financial Banking Resource Halachev developed 2010 “Financially banking resource- Technology Mafia MATERIALISMUS. based technological mafia-driven materialism” as a based President Trump jumped on this elite, the oligarchy, principle materialismus since more than 17 century., 2010 from 2016 to 2020. President Trump thwarted the plans of “Theory and practice of the Mafiotismus” and 2001 the oligarchy in many areas. Apart from the fact that this “Theory of the mafia.” The 2020 US elections have proven olgarchy prepared for him both the pandemic, Kovid 19, exactly how the falsification scheme, fraud in elections and the falsification of the 2020 elections. organized by the elite, the oligarchy, the kleptocracy, and the mafia in the United States works. This mafia aims at A. Introduce the Problem the NEW WORLD ORDER and the enslavement of the In reality, for a proper understanding of the causes, entire planet and all nations. As President, Trump opposed grounds for fraud, and fraud in the 2020 elections in the this mafia, but it tricked him into rigging the election. -
The NATO Parliamentary Assembly and UK Delegations
BRIEFING PAPER Number CBP 8951, 5 November 2020 The NATO Parliamentary By Nigel Walker Assembly and UK delegations Contents: 1. Summary 2. UK delegations 3. Appendix 1: Alphabetical list of UK delegates 1955-present www.parliament.uk/commons-library | intranet.parliament.uk/commons-library | [email protected] | @commonslibrary 2 The NATO Parliamentary Assembly and UK delegations Contents 1. Summary 3 1.1 NATO Parliamentary Assembly in brief 3 1.2 The UK Delegation 6 2. UK delegations 8 2.1 2019-2024 Parliament 9 2.2 2017-2019 Parliament 10 2.3 2015-2017 Parliament 11 2.4 2010-2015 Parliament 12 2.5 2005-2010 Parliament 13 2.6 2001-2005 Parliament 14 2.7 1997-2001 Parliament 15 2.8 1992-1997 Parliament 16 2.9 1987-1992 Parliament 17 2.10 1983-1987 Parliament 18 2.11 1979-1983 Parliament 19 2.12 Oct1974-1979 Parliament 20 2.13 Feb-Oct 1974 Parliament 21 2.14 1970- Feb1974 Parliament 22 2.15 1966-1970 Parliament 23 2.16 1964-1966 Parliament 24 2.17 1959-1964 Parliament 25 2.18 1955-1959 Parliament 26 3. Appendix 1: Alphabetical list of UK delegates 1955- present 28 Cover page image copyright: Image 15116584265_f2355b15bb_o, NATO Parliamentary Assembly Pre-Summit Conference in London, 2 September 2014 by Foreign and Commonwealth Office (FCO) – Flickr home page. Licensed by Creative Commons Attribution 2.0 Generic (CC BY 2.0) license/ image cropped. 3 Commons Library Briefing, 5 November 2020 1. Summary Since being formed in 1965, the NATO Parliamentary Assembly has provided a forum for parliamentarians from the NATO Member States to promote debate on key security challenges, facilitate mutual understanding and support national parliamentary oversight of defence matters.