The Legitimacy of Modern Democracy
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Stable Democracy and Good Governance in Divided Societies
Faculty Research Working Papers Series Stable Democracy and Good Governance in Divided Societies: Do Powersharing Institutions Work? Pippa Norris February 2005 RWP05-014 The views expressed in the KSG Faculty Research Working Paper Series are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect those of the John F. Kennedy School of Government or Harvard University. Copyright belongs to the author(s). Papers may be downloaded for personal use only. POWER-SHARING INSTITUTIONS – NORRIS 2/7/2005 6:20 PM Draft @ 2/7/2005 6:20 PM Words 16,687 Stable democracy and good governance in divided societies: Do power-sharing institutions work? Pippa Norris McGuire Lecturer in Comparative Politics John F. Kennedy School of Government Harvard University Cambridge, MA 02138 [email protected] www.pippanorris.com Synopsis: Consociational theory suggests that power-sharing institutions have many important consequences, not least that they are most likely to facilitate accommodation and cooperation among leadership elites, making them most suitable for states struggling to achieve stable democracy and good governance in divided societies. This study compares a broad cross-section of countries worldwide, including many multiethnic states, to investigate the impact of formal power-sharing institutions (PR electoral systems and federalism) on several indicators of democratic stability and good governance. The research demonstrates three main findings: (i) worldwide, power-sharing constitutions combining PR and federalism remain relatively rare (only 13 out of 191 states); (ii) federalism was found to be unrelated to any of the indicators of good governance under comparison; and (iii) PR electoral systems, however, were positively related to some indicators of good governance, both worldwide and in multiethnic states. -
The Natural Law Philosophy of Lon L. Fuller in Contrast to Roe V. Wade and Its Progeny
The Natural Law Philosophy of Lon L. Fuller in contrast to Roe v. Wade and Its Progeny Thomas W. Strahan This article analyzes the legal theories of Lon L. Fuller (1902- 1978) as contrasted with the legal framework adopted by the U.S. Supreme Court in Roe v. Wade and its progeny. Fuller was a professor of general jurisprudence at Harvard Law School for many years until his retirement in 1972. The scope of his writings on law included legal philosophy, contracts, mediation, comparative law, and legal procedure. As far as can be determined, Fuller never commented on abortion in his writings. He believed that law should stand the scrutiny of reason and stressed the importance of good orderi (emphasis added). He criticized the views of philosophers such as Hans Kelsen, H.L.A. Hart, Ronald Dworkin, and Marshall Cohen. Fuller opposed legal positivism, the idea that law is no higher than a particular authority, that is, a sovereign state or a rule of recognition, is morally neutral, and is merely an instrument of external ends such as utility.ii His leading work on legal theory, The Morality of Law (1964,1969), has been translated into several languages and has been used as the text for teaching legal principles in developing nations. The book advocated a kind of secular natural law,iii and it was initially severely attacked by many lawyers and philosophers. The Morality of Law offers an extended discussion of the difference between the morality of duty and the morality of aspiration and took the position that the purpose of law was both practical and moral. -
Lexisnexis™ Academic
LexisNexis™ Academic Copyright (c) 1996 The University of Notre Dame The American Journal of Jurisprudence 1996 41 Am. J. Juris. 133 LENGTH: 13043 words ARTICLE: KELSEN'S UNSTABLE ALTERNATIVE TO NATURAL LAW: RECENT CRITIQUES NAME: Jeffrey Brand-Ballard * BIO: * The author wishes to thank Wilfred E. Rumble and James Q. Whitman for valuable comments on earlier versions of this article. They retain responsibility for none of the remaining defeats. TEXT: [*133] I. INTRODUCTION Legal theorists in this century have often perceived a need for a theory capable of occupying a stable middle ground between natural law theory and nineteenth-century legal positivism. The prolific German-American legal philosopher, Hans Kelsen, was perhaps not the first to feel the need for such a theory, but he was certainly among the first to attempt to construct one. n1 Although Kelsen's own efforts failed, in many ways they defined the ambitions of twentieth-century legal theory and inspired others to take up the challenge. In order to understand the nature of the challenge, which confronts us still today, it is helpful to examine central difficulties with Kelsen's own Pure Theory of Law. Despite Kelsen's indubitable influence on legal theorists in the Anglo-American world and elsewhere, n2 the seminal nature of his work remains underappreciated in the United States. The international community, by contrast, has treated the Pure Theory to extensive criticism at every stage of its long development. Kelsen's earlier work, especially, has received some studious and illuminating criticism in recent years from critics on both sides of the Atlantic. -
Preventing the Spread of Violent Nationalism
ODUMUNC 2019 Issue Brief UN Security Council Addressing the Spread of Violent Nationalism ODU Model United Nations Society Introduction on international cooperation but differentiation, deliberately choosing conflict over consensus. The rising global appeal of nationalism is a The difficulty comes because of the great public challenge to the ability of the United Nations to appeal of nationalism. Emphasizing the solve problems. When Member States choose uniqueness and superiority of each nation, polices based on national superiority instead of nationalism often is the easiest way to unite the global cooperation, the UN loses the consensus largest number of people in a country’s borders. it requires to act effectively. Yet a growing It has enormous appeal to rising leaders in number of leaders find the political rewards of democracies especially, but also can be useful enhancing nationalism hard to resist. With for leaders of authoritarian governments, stronger nationalism comes a not just less ability seeking a way to enhance the legitimacy of their to solve international problems, but greater risk power. In every case, nationalism often is the of conflict and war. For the UN Security easiest way to strengthen a government, to win Council, coping with the rise of nationalism may elections and unify an electoral majority of the be essential to remaining relevant and effective. people. But it is possible? Nationalism has the advantage of unifying most The nationalism problem raises s fundamental or many of the people in a territory, making difficulties for the UN. The United Nations is them willing to sacrifice together on behalf of based on conflicting principles. -
The Capitol Dome
THE CAPITOL DOME The Capitol in the Movies John Quincy Adams and Speakers of the House Irish Artists in the Capitol Complex Westward the Course of Empire Takes Its Way A MAGAZINE OF HISTORY PUBLISHED BY THE UNITED STATES CAPITOL HISTORICAL SOCIETYVOLUME 55, NUMBER 22018 From the Editor’s Desk Like the lantern shining within the Tholos Dr. Paula Murphy, like Peart, studies atop the Dome whenever either or both America from the British Isles. Her research chambers of Congress are in session, this into Irish and Irish-American contributions issue of The Capitol Dome sheds light in all to the Capitol complex confirms an import- directions. Two of the four articles deal pri- ant artistic legacy while revealing some sur- marily with art, one focuses on politics, and prising contributions from important but one is a fascinating exposé of how the two unsung artists. Her research on this side of can overlap. “the Pond” was supported by a USCHS In the first article, Michael Canning Capitol Fellowship. reveals how the Capitol, far from being only Another Capitol Fellow alumnus, John a palette for other artist’s creations, has been Busch, makes an ingenious case-study of an artist (actor) in its own right. Whether as the historical impact of steam navigation. a walk-on in a cameo role (as in Quiz Show), Throughout the nineteenth century, steam- or a featured performer sharing the marquee boats shared top billing with locomotives as (as in Mr. Smith Goes to Washington), the the most celebrated and recognizable motif of Capitol, Library of Congress, and other sites technological progress. -
Redalyc.H. L. A. HART's MODERATE INDETERMINACY THESIS RECONSIDERED: in BETWEEN SCYLLA and CHARYBDIS?
Problema: Anuario de Filosofía y Teoría del Derecho ISSN: 2007-4387 [email protected] Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México México FLORES, Imer B. H. L. A. HART’S MODERATE INDETERMINACY THESIS RECONSIDERED: IN BETWEEN SCYLLA AND CHARYBDIS? Problema: Anuario de Filosofía y Teoría del Derecho, núm. 5, 2011, pp. 147-173 Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México Distrito Federal, México Available in: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=421940003008 How to cite Complete issue Scientific Information System More information about this article Network of Scientific Journals from Latin America, the Caribbean, Spain and Portugal Journal's homepage in redalyc.org Non-profit academic project, developed under the open access initiative PROBLEMA Anuario de Filosofía 5 y Teoría del Derecho H. L. A. HART’S MODERATE INDETERMINACY THESIS RECONSIDERED: IN BETWEEN SCYLLA AND CHARYBDIS?* Imer B. FLORES** Resumen: En este artículo el autor, en el contexto del cincuenta aniversario de El concepto del derecho de H. L. A. Hart, reconsidera la tesis de la indeter- minación moderada del derecho, la cual deriva de la textura abierta del lenguaje. Para tal propósito, pretende: primero, analizar la tesis de la in- determinación moderada del derecho, i.e. determinación en los “casos fá- ciles” e indeterminación en los “casos difíciles”, la cual recuerda la “doc- trina del término medio” de Aristóteles; segundo, criticar la tesis de la indeterminación moderada del derecho por fracasar en dar lugar al tér- mino medio virtuoso entre extremos viciosos, al insistir que el ejercicio de la discreción requerida constituye una legislación “intersticial”; y, ter- * Revised version of the papers presented in the Special Workshop “H.L.A. -
1 Chinese Pragmatic Nationalism and Its Foreign Policy Implications
1 Chinese Pragmatic Nationalism and Its Foreign Policy Implications Suisheng Zhao Graduate School of International Studies University of Denver Prepared for delivery at the 2008 Annual Meeting of the American Political Science Association, August 28-31, 2008 2 Introduction During the standoff over the US spy plane that collided with a Chinese jetfighter and landed on Hainan Island, off China’s coast, in 2001, Washington Post used the headline “New Nationalism Drives Beijing” for front-page story.1 Such a warning reflects that rising nationalism in China has fed the roiling sense of anxiety in many political capitals of Asian and Western countries about if a virulent nationalism has emerged from China's "century of shame and humiliation" to make China’s rise less peaceful and if the Chinese government has exploited nationalist sentiments to gain leverage in international affairs or if nationalism has driven Chinese foreign policy toward a more irrational and inflexible direction? This political concern is reflected also among scholars. Although some scholars have been cautious in exploring the limits of Chinese nationalism and whether Chinese nationalism is affirmative, assertive, or aggressive,2 some others have found a reckless nationalism driven by China's traditional sinocentrism and contemporary aspirations for great power status.3 For example, Peter Gries labels the rising nationalism in China as a new nationalism and argues that an emotionally popular nationalism empowered by “victim narratives” is “beginning to influence the making of Chinese foreign policy.”4 His argument echoes an earlier warning by Richard Bernstein and Ross Munro, "Driven by nationalist sentiment, a yearning to redeem the humiliations of the past, and the simple urge for international power, China is seeking to replace the United States as the dominant power in Asia."5 It is indeed not difficult to find evidences to support these warnings. -
Max Weber and the Legitimacy of the Modern State
David Beetharn Max Weber and the Legitimacy of the Modern State Abstract: Max Weber's typology of Iegitimale 'Herrschaft' has provided the basis for the treatment of Jegitimacy in twentieth century sociology and political science. The thesis of the article is that this typology is a misleading tool for the analysis of the modern state, and especially for the comparative analysis of political systems. This is because of basic flaws in Weber's conceptualisation of Jegitimacy itself, and in his account of the norma tive basis of authority. The article offers an alternative, multi-dimensional, account of political Jegitirnacy, and suggests how it might be used to develop a typology of forms of 'Herrschaft' more appropriate to the analysis ofthe modern state. The argument of this article is that Weber's typology of legitimate 'Herrschaft' is fundamentally flawed as a basis for analysing political legitimacy, and especially the legitimacy of the modern state. If my argument is sound, then it has signifi cant consequences, in view of the fact that the large majority of sociologists and political scientists in the twentieth century who have written about legitimacy have either adopted the Weberian typology as it stands, or have used it as the basis for further developments of their own. Even those who have rejected it have failed to establish a wholly convincing alternative, so that Weber's typology is left holding the field, if only by default. I shall begin by briefly reviewing Weber's typology and the uses to which he put it. I shall then show why the categories he developed misrepresent the nature of legitimacy, and serve to confuse rather than elucidate its complexity. -
How Do Non-Democratic Regimes Claim Legitimacy? Comparative Insights from Post-Soviet Countries
Inclusion of a paper in the Working Papers series does not constitute publication and should limit in any other venue. Copyright remains with the authors. Inclusion of a paper in the Working Papers serve to disseminate the research results of work in progress prior publicaton encourage exchange ideas and academic debate. Working GIGA GIGA Research Programme: Legitimacy and Efficiency of Political Systems ___________________________ How Do Non-Democratic Regimes Claim Legitimacy? Comparative Insights from Post-Soviet Countries Christian von Soest and Julia Grauvogel No 277 August 2015 www.giga-hamburg.de/workingpapers GIGA Working Papers 277/2015 Edited by the GIGA German Institute of Global and Area Studies Leibniz‐Institut für Globale und Regionale Studien The GIGA Working Papers series serves to disseminate the research results of work in progress prior to publication in order to encourage the exchange of ideas and academic debate. An objective of the series is to get the findings out quickly, even if the presenta‐ tions are less than fully polished. Inclusion of a paper in the GIGA Working Papers series does not constitute publication and should not limit publication in any other venue. Copy‐ right remains with the authors. GIGA Research Programme “Legitimacy and Efficiency of Political Systems” Copyright for this issue: © Christian von Soest, Julia Grauvogel WP Coordination and English‐language Copyediting: Melissa Nelson Editorial Assistance and Production: Kerstin Labusga All GIGA Working Papers are available online and free of charge on the website <www.giga‐hamburg.de/workingpapers>. For any requests please contact: <workingpapers@giga‐hamburg.de> The GIGA German Institute of Global and Area Studies cannot be held responsible for errors or any consequences arising from the use of information contained in this Working Paper; the views and opinions expressed are solely those of the author or authors and do not necessarily reflect those of the Institute. -
A Defense of Max Weber's Standard of Political Legitimacy
A&K Analyse & Kritik 2017; 39(2):295–323 Amanda R. Greene* Legitimacy without Liberalism: A Defense of Max Weber’s Standard of Political Legitimacy https://doi.org/10.1515/auk-2017-0017 Abstract: In this paper I defend Max Weber's concept of political legitimacy as a standard for the moral evaluation of states. On this view, a state is legitimate when its subjects regard it as having a valid claim to exercise power and authority. Weber’s analysis of legitimacy is often assumed to be merely descriptive, but I argue that Weberian legitimacy has moral significance because it indicates that political stability has been secured on the basis of civic alignment. Stability on this basis enables all the goods of peaceful cooperation with minimal state violence and intimidation, thereby guarding against alienation and tyranny. Furthermore, I argue, since Weberian legitimacy is empirically measurable in terms that avoid controversial value judgments, its adoption would bridge a longstanding divide between philosophers and social scientists. 1 Introduction All states seek to be legitimate. But identifying a standard for the political legiti- macy of states is notoriously difficult, and past attempts at a philosophical defini- tion of legitimacy have faced a number of challenges. Views that base legitimacy on the protection of rights are charged with making imperialistic value judgments, due to their ahistorical reliance on liberal democratic values. Views that base le- gitimacy on individual welfare are charged with an overly narrow view of the aims of politics. Meanwhile, there is a growing chasm between philosophers who theo- rize about what legitimacy is and social scientists who study and measure it. -
Hans Kelsen's Contributions to the Changing Notion of International Criminal Responsibility
City University of New York (CUNY) CUNY Academic Works All Dissertations, Theses, and Capstone Projects Dissertations, Theses, and Capstone Projects 5-2019 Between Politics and Morality: Hans Kelsen's Contributions to the Changing Notion of International Criminal Responsibility Jason Kropsky The Graduate Center, City University of New York How does access to this work benefit ou?y Let us know! More information about this work at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu/gc_etds/3249 Discover additional works at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu This work is made publicly available by the City University of New York (CUNY). Contact: [email protected] BETWEEN POLITICS AND MORALITY: HANS KELSEN’S CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE CHANGING NOTION OF INTERNATIONAL CRIMINAL RESPONSIBILITY by JASON REUVEN KROPSKY A dissertation submitted to the Graduate Faculty in Political Science in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, The City University of New York 2019 © 2019 JASON REUVEN KROPSKY All Rights Reserved ii Between Politics and Morality: Hans Kelsen’s Contributions to the Changing Notion of International Criminal Responsibility by Jason Reuven Kropsky This manuscript has been read and accepted for the Graduate Faculty in Political Science in satisfaction of the dissertation requirement for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Date John Wallach Chair of Examining Committee Date Alyson Cole Executive Officer Supervisory Committee: John Wallach Bruce Cronin Peter Romaniuk THE CITY UNIVERSITY OF NEW YORK iii ABSTRACT Between Politics and Morality: Hans Kelsen’s Contributions to the Changing Notion of International Criminal Responsibility by Jason Reuven Kropsky Advisor: John Wallach The pure theory of law analyzes the legal normative basis of jurisprudence. -
The Reception of Hans Kelsen's Legal Theory in the United States: a Sociological Model D
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by ValpoScholar Valparaiso University ValpoScholar Law Faculty Publications Law Faculty Presentations and Publications January 2008 The Reception of Hans Kelsen's Legal Theory in the United States: A Sociological Model D. A. Jeremy Telman Valparaiso University School of Law, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://scholar.valpo.edu/law_fac_pubs Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Telman, D. A. Jeremy, "The Reception of Hans Kelsen's Legal Theory in the United States: A Sociological Model" (2008). Law Faculty Publications. Paper 7. http://scholar.valpo.edu/law_fac_pubs/7 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Law Faculty Presentations and Publications at ValpoScholar. It has been accepted for inclusion in Law Faculty Publications by an authorized administrator of ValpoScholar. For more information, please contact a ValpoScholar staff member at [email protected]. THE RECEPTION OF HANS KELSEN ’S LEGAL THEORY IN THE UNITED STATES : A SOCIOLOGICAL MODEL D. A. Jeremy Telman ∗∗∗ Abstract The Essay explores the reasons underlying opposition to Hans Kelsen's approach to the law within the U.S. legal academy. The vehemence with which legal scholars within the United States rejected Kelsen's philosophy of law is best understood as a product of numerous factors, some philosophical, some political and some having to do with professional developments within the legal academy itself. Because philosophical and political opposition to Kelsen's legal philosophy has been well-explored in earlier articles, this Essay discusses those topics briefly in Part I and then sets out in Part II a sociological model that grounds the academy's rejection of Kelsen's pure theory of law in professionalization processes already well underway when Kelsen arrived in the United States.