出る 20‐06‐2014

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“The raised nail gets hammered down” The effects of cultural hegemony on the homeless population of

Koen Tulleners ‐ 10014616

Supervisor: Dennis Arnold

Abstract

This paper explores the effects of cultural hegemony on the homeless population of Tokyo. It is argued that dominant cultural values and believes of the Japanese elite influence social exclusion of homeless persons. The Japanese homeless population differs from those in other highly developed societies in their behavior and believes following the unique Japanese culture. This study investigates the connection between dominant culture and the homeless by exploring multiple aspects of Japanese society including government, the workings of ’s housing and labor market, the general population and the homeless themselves. This work will attempt to create an insight in what traditional Japanese culture is and how it holds a dominant position shaping values, beliefs and behavior of the Japanese population.

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Table of contents: Introduction ...... 3 Chapter 1. Theory and Research Methods ...... 5 ...... 5 Culture ...... 6 Hegemony ...... 7 Cultural hegemony ...... 7 Social Exclusion ...... 7 Research methods ...... 8 Chapter 2. Defining the homeless population of Tokyo...... 9 Rough sleepers in Tokyo ...... 9 The hidden homeless ...... 13 Chapter 3. Japanese Culture ...... 14 Japanese Shame Culture ...... 15 Cultural ...... 15 The main stream ...... 17 Chapter 4. Japanese Government and policies ...... 20 Chapter 5. The Japanese Labor and Housing market ...... 22 Chapter 6. The homeless as seen by society ...... 25 Chapter 7. The perspective of the homeless population ...... 28 Conclusion ...... 29 References ...... 32

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Introduction

Homelessness is a problem not bound by region or country, it is an issue that affects societies worldwide. Even in highly developed countries there is a high chance to be confronted with the issue of homelessness on a daily basis, especially when living in the city. Being approached for a handout has become something that is part of urban life and is for most not something to spend much thought on. However when visiting Japan something besides the karaoke bars, gadgets and Japanese cartoons might catch your attention, there are no people begging and there seem to be hardly any homeless people at all. Especially in the crowded shopping areas, near stations or any other places homeless people usually tend to gather the lack of them is striking. The idea that there are no homeless people in Japan is of course farfetched, however the Japanese homeless population seems to stay out of sight and refrain themselves from behavior like begging or searching through garbage for scraps that people associate with the homeless in most Western countries. Instead most Japanese homeless seem to retreat to more remote places during the day and fend for themselves rather than getting involved with the general population in any way. Even when being in close vicinity of one another homeless people and the general population of Japan seem to have reached a form of co‐existence based on ignoring each other completely (Image 1).

Image 1. Homeless man and Salary man (Hamyo, 2013)

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These two groups that ignore each other seem to pretend the other does not exist rather than actively avoiding each other’s presence. Furthermore when taking a closer look at the homeless population they seem to be very neat and proper for people sleeping on the streets (Hasegawa, 2006; Haarman, 2007). A visible example is that they take their shoes off before entering their shelters and pack up all their stuff in the morning making sure that they leave no litter behind (Sanya, 2013). Given that the homeless seem so proper and in a way look, act and seem like ‘normal citizens’, how come they appear to be ignored and excluded by the general population to such extend? One reason may be found within the specific features of the Japanese culture and how this dominant culture influences human interaction. If so, what are these cultural characteristics and how do they affect the Japanese homeless and the way they are treated by society? This paper aims to give an insight in the social exclusion of the homeless in the greater Tokyo area, and will approach this problem by means of the following problem statement:

In what ways does Japanese cultural hegemony influence the social exclusion of the homeless population in the greater Tokyo area?

The problem statement will be further explored by building on the following research questions:

 What are the characteristics of the homeless population of Japan?  What are the characteristics of the dominating culture of Japan and how does it affect Japanese society?  In what ways are the homeless of Tokyo socially excluded?

The focus of this study will be on homelessness in the 23 wards of Tokyo, Japan (Image 2&3). The issues concerning the homeless population will be explored by researching the Japanese local and national government, the Japanese labor market, the general population of Tokyo as well as the homeless population itself as these actors can have major influence on either the shaping of dominant culture or the extend of social exclusion (Bucknall, 2007; Scutella, 2009). The research will be conducted by means of a literature review and will have a qualitative nature but will include the use of quantitative data wherever relevant and possible (Bryman, 2008).

Image 2 & 3. The 23 Tokyo wards and Tokyo’s location in Japan (Takahashi, 2014)

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In the first chapter the core concepts used within this paper are defined. Chapter two provides an insight in the homeless population of Tokyo by describing the different types of homelessness that can be distinguished as well as providing statistical data about the homeless population. In the third chapter the characteristics of the mainstream Japanese culture are explored as well as their origin. Chapter four provides an overview of political system, its main policy features as well as specific policies concerning homelessness. In chapter five the accessibility of the Japanese labor and housing market will be explored. In chapter six the attitude of the general society towards the homeless is explored. Included are media, the general population and homeless aid groups. Chapter seven focusses on the perspectives of the homeless population itself. How homeless people see society and themselves are topics discussed in this chapter. Finally the paper reflects on the findings and provides an insight how the different findings contribute to provide answers to the problem statement.

Chapter 1. Theory and Research Methods

As mentioned this study is a literature review in the form of a qualitative unique case study (Bryman, 2008). To provide a clear view about what is to be researched first the definitions of the key concepts that are relevant for this study will be provided. First the concept of homelessness is explained. For without a clear understanding of the research subject chances of errors will increase (Bryman, 2008). Second the concept of cultural hegemony and the separate definitions of culture and hegemony will be given. By defining cultural hegemony the different properties of this concept become evident, and can then be further explored in relation to Japanese society. Finally the term social exclusion is defined and operationalized as to make this concept measurable which is needed to be able to find an answer to the problem statement.

Homelessness When people talk about homelessness or homeless people they will most likely be thinking about the part of the population that have no housing, live on the street and sleep outside. Nonetheless, the term homeless refers to a much wider range of people; all those who have no regular dwelling. Although this includes people living on the streets and sleeping outside it can also refer to those who live in temporary shelters, hostels or even students who had to leave their housing and are temporary going between houses of friends every couple of nights. In short there two types of homeless can be distinguished, those that sleep outside and those who do not have a usual address registered but do have some form of (indoors) lodging. In 2009 the United Nations Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC) formally defined these two main types of homelessness at the Europe Conference of Statisticians (CES) in Geneva and stated it identifies homeless people under two groups:

 “Primary homelessness (or ‘rooflessness’). Which includes people living in the streets without a shelter that would fall within the scope of living quarters”

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 “Secondary homelessness. Which may include people with no place of usual residence who move frequently between various types of accommodations including dwellings, shelters and institutions for the homeless or other living quarters). This category also includes persons living in private dwellings but reporting ‘no usual address’ on their census form.”

(ECOSOC, 2009)

The did not have a word for ‘homelessness’ or ‘homeless people’ that held a similar meaning as the English word ‘homelessness’ until after the Second World War (Kakita, 2004). Before this time, terms similar to the English words ‘vagrant’ or ‘loafer’ where used to describe homeless people (Okamoto, 2007). After the war, with the growth of western influence in Japan the word hõmuresu (homeless people/person) came into being. However according to the ”Law on Special Measures for Self‐Sufficiency Support for Homeless People” (2012) by the Japanese government the term hõmuresu only describes people who sleep outside or in other words ‘rough sleepers’ while excluding other forms of homelessness (Kakita, 2004). The second type of homelessness has only recently been recognized within Japan and has been dubbed by the media as ‘hidden’ homeless or ‘net café refugees’ after the 24hour internet cafes that offer semi‐private cubicles and cheap overnight prices (Kilina, 2012). In publications by the Japanese Ministry of Health, Labor and Welfare the second type of homeless people are mostly referred to as “hidden or unclear homeless such as net café refugees” (MHLW, 2010) As the term net café refugees does not cover all types of ‘hidden ‘homelessness, in example people living in temporary laborers lodgings, hostels, 24hour convenience stores and other forms of temporary lodging (Kakita, 2004; Kilina, 2012). In this paper the terminology presented by Kakita and used within Japan will be followed and use the term homeless or rough sleeper for those living on the street and refer to the second type of homeless as hidden homeless unless the focus is on a specific part of the hidden homeless population.

Culture Culture is a concept that does not have one clear definition and is therefore often used with a multitude of purposes. Nonetheless, many definitions of the term culture contain similar characteristics. One of the first clear definitions of culture within the social sciences was formed by Edward B. Tylor who described culture as:

“Culture ... is that complex whole which includes knowledge, belief, art, morals, law, custom, and any other capabilities and habits acquired by man as a member of society.”(Tylor, 1870; cited by Spencer‐ Oatey 2012).

This definition has been expanded by Spencer‐Oatey as:

“Culture is a fuzzy set of basic assumptions and values, orientations to life, beliefs, policies, procedures and behavioral conventions that are shared by a group of people, and that influence (but do not determine) each member’s behavior and his/her interpretations of the ‘meaning’ of other people’s behavior.”(Spencer‐Oatey 2008).

As seen in these definitions the concept of culture includes a broad range of characteristics that influence the way an individual interprets reality and interacts with others. Therefore, per definition, any (dominant) culture is of influence on the behavior and lives of individuals or groups that live within the cultural domain.

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Hegemony The term hegemony comes from the Greek word ‘hēgemonia’ (leadership of rule) and describes the leadership or dominance of one state or social group over others (Oxford Dictionary, 2014).

Cultural hegemony Following the above definitions the term cultural hegemony describes the domination of a ruling class over other classes in society by means of imposing their beliefs, values, morals and other cultural traits and makes these characteristics accepted as the norm by the ruled groups. (Bullock & Trombley, 1999). The concept of cultural hegemony was made popular by the Marxist theoretician Antionio Gramsci (1891 ‐1937) who worked on the concept of cultural hegemony in his ‘prison notebooks’ written during his imprisonment by the fascist regime of Mussolini. (Hoare & Nowell‐ Smith, 1971) In these notebooks Gramsci described his observations about Italian factory workers that even after rebelling against factory owners and their occupation of factories in the end still returned the factories to their oppressors without any significant improvement in their situation. Furthermore Gramsci tried to find an answer why this worker class kept supporting a government (the Mussolini regime) even though this government made it possible for them to be exploited (Jackson‐Lears, 1985). Gramsci came to the conclusion that this was only possible by means of imposing values, norms, perceptions, beliefs, sentiments and prejudices of the ruling class, that supported the existing distribution of goods, the institutions that decide how distribution occurs and permissible range of disagreement about these processes on the workers. By doing this the workers would not only accept the way things worked but see them as ‘normal’ (Hoare & Nowell‐Smith, 1971). However Gramsci did not claim that a society only consisted of a single ‘culture’ that was accepted and followed by everyone equally but instead recognized a mixture. The working class did have its own culture and conception of the world just as each individual’s conception of the world (however slightly) will be different. Yet, according to Gramsci even if the culture of the ruling class is not fully ‘absorbed’ by the ruled class most people will find it very difficult if not impossible to form their own worldview in one that results into active resistance or action in general. Thus hegemony does not have to be maintained by active participation of the ruled but when in place can exist by individual lack of perceived power to resist (Jackson‐Lears, 1985).

To explore the dominant culture within Japan and its effects on the social exclusion of the homeless population this paper will first illustrate the main values and believes of the dominant (elite) culture and set these against policies, behavioral patterns and values an believes of both the general population as well as the homeless. This to see where values and believes correspond or differ from each other and how these values affect behavior.

Social Exclusion According to D.J Rosenberg of the Bureau for Development Policy of the United Nations the current working definition of social exclusion within the UN is as follows:

“Social exclusion is a process and a state that prevents individuals or groups from full Participation in social, economic and political life and from asserting their rights. It derives from exclusionary relationships based on power.” (Rosenberg, 2009)

In other words the term social exclusion describes a process where certain groups or individuals are disadvantaged because they are discriminated against. The basis for this discrimination can for example be their ethnicity, race, age, gender, sexual orientation and disabilities but may also other

7 causes like living circumstances or any other basis that can lead to discrimination. For example the disadvantaged can range from getting an unfair treatment in processes or health and legal services to not being allowed to voice ones opinion within a household. (Rosenberg, 2009)

Research methods To answer how cultural hegemony affects social exclusion it is necessary to first determine how social exclusion can be operationalized. Social exclusion is a vague and contested concept which makes operationalizing highly difficult (Scutella, 2009). In this paper social exclusion will be approached by exploring the four main dimensions of social exclusion as distinguished by the Millennium Survey of poverty and Social Exclusion (PSE) (1999) as this survey has the distinction of being the first attempt at nationally representative of measuring social exclusion (Scutella, 2009). The four dimensions of social exclusion according to the PSE are:

 Impoverishment  Labor market exclusion,  Service exclusion  Exclusion from social relations

(Pantazis, 2006; Scutella, 2009)

Impoverishment is the exclusion from adequate income or resources in absolute as well as subjective terms. Labor market exclusion describes access to sufficiently paid word and joblessness. The term service exclusion contains exclusion from public and private services. These services can range from healthcare, and entertainment facilities to the usage of shps and public transport. Finally, exclusion from social relations aims to describe a person’s or group’s extend of social networks and extend of social isolation. In addition it contains the availablility of support and confinement, resulting from fea of crime, diability and other factors (Pantazis, 2006; Scutella, 2009). To explore social exclusion of homeless persons in Japan based on these four dimensions this paper will describe different aspects of Japanese society and the position of the homeless population. Alongside of the exploration of the four dimensions that affect homelessness the influence of Japanese cultural hegemony on these different aspects will be explored. This will be done by first analyzing statistical data concerning the homeless population provided by the Japanese Ministry of Health, labor and Welfare and the Tokyo Metropolitan Government. This data will be compared to data of non‐ governmental homeless support groups to create a complete overview of the statistics and characteristics of the research subject (the homeless population of Tokyo). Secondly, the main characteristics of the dominant culture of Japan will be explored. This will be explored by first proving a brief overview of the main beliefs, values, behavioral conventions and procedures that where dominant in both classic and modern historical Japan and still hold value in present Japan. This information will be based on multiple studies of Japanese history. Third, the dominant cultural values and beliefs in Japan will be explored based on studies in the discourse which purports to demonstrate Japanese cultural identity and its differences and uniqueness from other cultures (Sugimoto, 1999; Kazufumi & Befu, 1993). The focus of this cultural analysis will lie on a critical reflection on ‘typical’ Japanese cultural traits in academic literature. Next, policies and procedures of the Japanese national government and Tokyo government will be explored. The focus of the studied policies will lie on policies concerning accessibility to support and social services by the homeless,

8 this date will be based on governmental policy papers as well as studies in the actual effects of these policies. Fifth, the policies and procedures within the Japanese housing and labor market will be explored. The main focus will be on procedures and requirements that have to be met when applying for housing or jobs and how housing and job security is structured. This will be researched by exploring information provided by the Japanese government, major real estate agencies as well as studies of the housing and labor market of Japan. Next, the beliefs and behaviors of the general population and the homeless population itself about and towards homeless persons will be explored. This will be looked into by reviewing of film, news articles, documentaries and academic studies about the Tokyo homeless and how they are seen and treated. These finding will be used to reflect upon the in third chapter determined dominant cultural traits to see in which ways they seem to confirm or conflict with each other. Finally, the findings will be set against the four dimensions of social exclusion and summarized to trace in what ways dominant cultural traits and ideas affect social exclusion of the homeless population of Tokyo.

Chapter 2. Defining the homeless population of Tokyo

In this chapter an overview of both types of homelessness will be given, first of the rough sleeper population and next of the hidden homeless living in the greater Tokyo area. This because a clear image of the research population is necessary to limit the error margins (Bryman, 2008) and the characteristics of the two groups are very different (MHLW, 2010; Kilina, 2012).

Rough sleepers in Tokyo As stated before the homeless population in Tokyo seems very different from those in large cities in other developed countries. For one when going around Tokyo during daytime you might get the impression there are hardly any rough sleepers in Tokyo. Where as in many cities homeless people gather in crowded places to be able to approach passersby for a handout or just human contact the rough sleepers of Tokyo tend to stay out of sight in secluded places like along the riverbank or the quiet corners of public parks. Even when the homeless and the general population share a public space there seems to be an unspoken agreement between to mutually ignore each other (Hasegawa, 2006; Haarman, 2007. It is only during the nights when shops and train stations close down that part of the rough sleeping population becomes visible (Tokyo Series, 2011; Sanya, 2013). Every night the homeless build their cardboard ‘houses’ to have some protection from weather conditions, and have the basics of privacy only to break them down and put them away again before the streets get crowded again. Many of the long term rough sleepers have been able to improve their housing conditions a little bit compared to the cardboard box dwellers. In secluded parks, alongside riverbanks and under bridges in the more remote wards of Tokyo the iconic ‘Blue Tarp Tents’ (Image 4 ) are a common sight. These tents offer a bit more comfort than the cardboard ‘houses’ and are often clustered creating small homeless communities (Tokyo series, 2011). However because they are not as easily packed and put aside as their cardboard counterparts these clusters are often forced by the government to relocate (Black Helmet Productions, 2007). Many of the tarp tents seem to be

9 very homely and show a high level of dedication to make them such by the use of things like (scavenged) decorations, insect screens and other goods that any person would use to make their housing livable and ‘cozy’. The tents are more than just place to be protected from wind and rain, for the homeless occupants these tents are their home. Following this thought the homeless treat them as such and try to keep them clean and neat. As Japanese custom dictates shoes are taken off before entering these dwellings and left at the doorstep , the floors are swept and trash will find its way to the garbage can and will be separated (Haarmann,2007; Sanya,2013).

Image 4. Blue tarp tents. (Sanya, 2013)

When looking into the statistics about the homeless population of Japan it is very hard to get a clear picture of the size of homelessness in Japan. According to the Japanese Ministry of Health, Labor and Welfare (MHLW) National investigation there where 15,759 homeless (rough sleepers) living in Japan in 2009, which is a major decrease from the total amount of 25,296 in 2003. While the Japanese government attributes this decrease in rough sleeping homeless to the effects of their policies (MHLW, 2010) many homeless support groups claim that the actual numbers are much higher and the measured decrease can be dedicated careless registrations (Kakita, 2004; Sanya, 2013).More than half of the homeless population is located in (4,302) and Tokyo (3,482) and over 70% is living within government ordinance‐designed major cities. In 2003 the number of homeless in Tokyo was estimated on a total of 6,361. When talking about the 3,428 homeless people living in Tokyo the MHLW only includes the six central Tokyo wards, the number of homeless in the whole greater Tokyo area (consisting of 23 wards) is much higher (MHLW, 2010).

However if we compare this numbers to those of other organizations significant differences can be found. The Tokyo metropolitan Government estimated the total amount of homeless people in all 23 wards on an average of 5,450 in 2003 (5,500 in August and 5,400 in February) and an average

10 amount of 2,300 in 2009 (2,500 in August and 2,100 in February) according Bureau Social Welfare and Public Health Tokyo (SWPH) in 2013. The difference in these estimates is considerable especially because the National survey only included the six central Tokyo wards while the survey held by the Tokyo bureau SWPH contained all 23 Tokyo wards.

Most homeless aid and support groups claim that the actual number of homeless in Japan and the Tokyo metropolitan region are actually much higher, with at least 10,000 homeless people living on the streets of Tokyo alone in 2009 (Sanyukai, 2014). A possible explanation for these different estimates may be the government uses the data of registered homeless while aid groups also try to include non‐registered. Even though these higher numbers seem a reasonable estimate, the data of the Ministry of Health, Labor and Welfare will be used in this study while exploring the characteristics of the homeless population. This because the data gathered by the National investigation will give the most complete insight in the population as they provide not only information about the size of the homeless population but also data about certain characteristics, but keep in mind that the actual numbers might vary. Furthermore, as this data is based on homeless persons who were willing to be registered, their characteristics may be significantly different from those who did not register. This gap in data may lead to an error in the findings about the rough sleeper characteristics. However, as this governmental survey is the only available statistic research about homelessness it will be explored while keeping the data gap in mind.

Apart from the number of homeless people in Japan it is important to explore the characteristics of the rough sleeper population more deeply to create a better understanding of who these homeless actually are. Table 1 shows the ratio of age, gender and time spent as a rough sleeper. As shown the general profile of a (registered) homeless person in Japan is: above the age of around 55, male and homeless for at least three years (MHLW, 2010). The average age of the Japanese rough sleepers is rather high in comparison to other developed countries, the rough sleeping population of the Netherlands in example consisted for 70% of people between the 25 and 45 years old in 2006 (van den Berg &Dirks 2012). According to the 2013 annual homeless assessment report (AHAR) of the US department of housing and urban development the individual homeless population of the in 2010 consisted for 17.7% of percent of people above the age of 51 (AHAR, 2013; SAMHSA, 2011). The percentage of male rough sleepers in Japan (95,2%) is also higher than in most Western countries with 85% males in the Netherlands and 62 % in the United States.

Table 1. shows characteristics of the rough sleeping homeless in Japan. Important to notice are the high average age and the large percentage of male homeless.

Table 1. Characteristics of the rough sleeping homeless population in 2007

Age Younger than 40 years old 4.4% Between 40 and 54 years old 26.6% Older than 55 years old 69% Average age 57.59

Gender

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Male 95,2% Female 4,8%

Period of homeless life Less than 3 years 39.9% 3 to 5 years 18.8% 5 or more years 41.3%

Average monthly earnings by homeless people in 2003 Less than 10,000 yen 25.7% 10,000 to 30,000 yen 36.1% 30,000 to 50,000 yen 19.4% 50,000 to 100,000 yen 13.9% More than 100,000 yen 2,9% No data 2,1%

Average monthly earnings of regular employee in Tokyo, 2003 380,000 Yen Based on the national investigation by the Japanese Ministry of Health, Labor and Welfare of 2007 and Bureau of Statistics Japan 2014

In 2007 the most commonly found last occupation before becoming homeless was for 48% of the homeless population the construction industry related work and for 12.7% manufacturing industry related work (MHLW, 2010). Furthermore 43.5% used to be part of the regular staff, 26.3% where day laborers and 19.7% worked as part timer or as temporary staff member. The reasons for becoming homeless where for 31.5% being laid off because of decrease in available work 29% Bankruptcy of the employer or their own company and 22% was not able to work anymore due to disease, injury or advanced age (MHLW, 2010). It is evident that most of these people held jobs which required a low level of formal education. Furthermore, most of them had contracts with no or little guarantees. This made them even before becoming homeless part of a vulnerable group in society.

70.1% of the surveyed homeless population claimed to have a job. Of this 70.1% more than 75.9% had a job consisting of collecting and recycling waste Kakita (2004). Of these working homeless over 60% earned less than 30,000 Yen a month and less than 3% had an income above 100,000 Yen. In comparison the average monthly income of regular employees in Tokyo in 2003 was 380,000 Yen (Table.1). This shows the large income disparity between homeless and the regular population with almost two‐third of the homeless population earning over ten times less the Metropolitan’s average (Kakita, 2004; Japanese Bureau of Statistics, 2014). Furthermore about half of the homeless had complains about their physical condition and 65.7% did not have access to proper medical treatment.

In short the rough sleeping population consists mostly of senior males that have been homeless for at least some years. More than half of the population lost their jobs due to problems at the employers side and almost two third cannot get proper medical treatment. Although more than 70% of them said to have a job this work mainly consists of work with irregular pay without any form of employment, as can collection is self organized and depends on payment per kilogram (Sanya, 2013).

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This can be seen as an indicator that they are a vulnerable group in society, even though a high percentage seems to be able to fetch some kind of income and ‘self made’ place to sleep.

The hidden homeless Hidden homelessness is a term that describes all people without a fixed address and who often appears to be ‘ordinary’ people (Kilina, 2012). In other words, unlike most rough sleepers if you would pass a hidden homeless person on the street you would not recognize them as homeless. Furthermore as the term describes all without a fixed address the hidden homeless population it is almost impossible to gather objective data concerning the size, characteristics and issues concerning this group. In this paper the focus will be on those living in temporary laborers lodgings and those living in internet café’s, cheap (capsule) hostels and similar dwellings as these make up for the largest part of the hidden homeless in Tokyo (MHLW, 2010).. The traditional hidden homeless, mainly those living in temporary laborers lodgings have for a long time not been recognized as a . Kakita states in his paper concerning the characteristics of homelessness in 2004 that “These people are not yet a major concern of Japanese policy on homeless people, and measures that could prevent them to fall into sleeping rough are lacking” (Kakita, 2004). Indeed it was not until 2007 that hidden homelessness was officially recognized and the first active policies concerning laborers lodgings dwellers came in existence. Furthermore, a clear estimate about the size of this population has still not been made (MHLW, 2010). The net café refugees suffer from the same lack of understanding. Furthermore as 24 hour facilities are on the rise, the amount of hidden homeless living there seems to grow with them at high pace. According to the Ministry of Health, Labor and Welfare the number of people living in internet and café’s was 2000 in 2005 and had grown to 5000 in 2007 in Tokyo alone (MHLW, 2010). This estimate only includes those living in café’s but no other lodging types like hostels or 24 super markets and restaurants. If these estimates are close to the actual numbers is hard to say because of multiple reasons. For one, it is very hard to gain access to information about the usage of these facilities as a non‐governmental researcher, as internet café owners tend to be very strict in protecting the privacy of their visitors (Kilina, 2012). Furthermore, invading an individual’s privacy heavily conflicts with Japanese social customs that aim to conserve group harmony and prevent uncomfortable situations caused by personal questions (Bucknall, 2007).

An even more fundamental problem is that the hidden homeless often don’t see themselves as homeless. In the interviews with net café refugees taken by Kilina many state that they are not homeless because they don’t live on the street (Kilina, 2012). One might understand this sentiment as many of the internet café’s that are host to long term residents are equipped with many of the comforts you would find in regular housing. The café’s provide shared showers, internet, television, warm meals and even free drinks. The residents are also provided with a semi‐private space resembling an office cubicle that is separated from the hallway by a curtain or sliding door (Image 5). Inside these small cubicles are a reclining chair or Japanese futon, a computer (with access to a broad range of video games, movies and adult entertainment), TV and locker. Some of the internet café dwellers even claimed that their current lodging was more private and comfortable than their original homes (Kilina, 2012).

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Image 5. Net café cubicle (Zurui, 2008) Image 6. Capsule room. (Nanba Inn, 2014)

Similar living conditions apply for those living in hostels. The often cheapest hostels are the so called ‘capsule’ hostels. (Image 6) These hostels provide the occupant with a sort of tube (or capsule) that is often about two meters long, one meter wide and one meter high. The floors of these capsules are entirely filled with a bed and they are mostly stacked two or three capsules high. These hostels often offer a shared common room with television, free internet and bathing facilities, some even provide a TV build inside the capsule.

Although there are no detailed statistical data about hidden homelessness, the average age of net café refugees seems lower than that of the rough sleeping population (Kilina, 2012). However groups of hidden homeless making use of other types of lodgings do not follow this same trend (Kakita, 2004). Furthermore similar to the rough sleepers many of the hidden homeless seen to lack regular employment, and although can collection is mainly done by rough sleepers (Kakita, 2004; Sanya, 2013) rely mostly on day labor or other short term employment (Kilina, 2012). Setting aside the lodging conditions of hidden homeless that are often offer a bit more luxury than those of rough sleepers and allow them to stay ‘hidden’. The need for regular employment and sufficient income are very similar between the two groups only slightly favoring the hidden homeless population (Kakita, 2004; Kilina, 2012).

Chapter 3. Japanese Culture

When exploring the culture of Japan we will follow the definition of culture as described by Spencer‐ Oatley who claimed that culture among other things is a set of basic values and believes that are shared by a group of people (Spencer‐Oatey 2008). The focus will be on Japan’s dominating or ‘mainstream ‘culture, because this will be the culture that has the position of 'hegemon' within the Japanese society. However, this does not mean that the described cultural traits are to be seen as fully universal for Japan and its population.

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Japanese Shame Culture Among some thinkers within the field of social science the idea emerged that societies can be divided into two main groups, societies with a shame culture and societies with a guilt culture (Zimmerling, 2003). In shame or sometimes called honor based societies the values, beliefs and the way people behave are built around being able to avoid shame. To successfully avoid shame Zimmerling presents two main motives for individual behavior. The first is a person’s desire to comply with the social ‘norm’ as to not be shamed, the other is the desire to prove oneself by fulfilling expectations of others. Both are based on how an individual perceives the norm or expectations of others. Thus shame is in this context can be defined as a negative self‐ assessment and a (real or imagined) denigrating regard of others (Zimmerling, 2003).

Guilt based societies on the other hand are built around by the desire to ‘follow the norm’ out of fear for punishment and the desire to do what one thinks is ‘right’ . And by doing so avoid the feeling of guilt people would carry after committing behavior not accepted as the norm (Zimmerling, 2003).

Table 2. Guillt and Shame culture (Zimmerling, 2003)

Reality in a guilt culture Reality in a shame culture What people Did it Didn’t do it What people Did it Didn’t do it think think Did it Feeling of guilt Resistance Did it Feeling of Feeling of shame shame

Didn’t do it Feeling of guilt No problem Didn’t do it No problem No problem

In table 2. the difference between guilt and shame are more clearly presented. The table shows that in a guilt based society the act rather than the beliefs of others are most important. If one is falsely thought of having committed an act that would bring forth guilt people will try to prove their innocence. In a shame based society the act is of less importance than the perception of others. Shame will not be felt until the act is brought to light and even of one has not committed a shameful act the fact that others think the act has been committed is enough to bring forth shame.

Most Western countries could be classified as the guilt category and as they have mostly been formed by Christian traditions and values including the threat of divine punishment. Japan on the other hand has a system that is mainly based on a shame structure (Ting‐Toomey, 1991). Most people will know the stories of Japanese samurai (warrior class) who committed suicide by slitting their own bellies with a knife to make up for the shame they brought their lord or family, as this was often the only way to regain honor after an act of shame (Mason & Caiger, 1997). Of course this form of ritual suicide or ‘seppuku’ is no longer in regular practice in modern Japan, as since the end of the Second World War there has only been one reported case in 1970 by Yukio Mishima after a failed coup attempt (Mason & Caiger, 1997). Nevertheless the culture of shame has not disappeared from Japanese society and will be further explored later in this paper.

Cultural history of Japan When you think of classical Japan you think of samurai, the warrior class that has held an elite position within Japanese society for centuries until they were abolished at the end of the 19th century with the modernization of Japan. However the samurai and samurai culture are more than a source for action movies and children playing make believe. The samurai code or ‘bushidõ’ held its place as the main social guideline of Japanese society since the 12th century till the Japanese modernization

15 known as the Meji Restoration (1896 – 1912) in which the power of the imperial family was restored and the samurai class abolished (Mason & Caiger, 1997). In 1900 Nitobe Inazo reflected on the concept bushidõ and distinguished a set of virtues that could be found in historical literature concerning this way of life. The virtues of bushidõ, namely rectitude, courage, benevolence, politeness, honesty, honor, loyalty and self‐control (Mason & Caiger, 1997) are still visible in today’s Japanese society. Although some critics claim that Inazo virtues were at least partly based on the seven virtues presented by Christianity instead of being derived from bushidõ, most of the virtues can be clearly traced back in Japanese historical literature. One of the best known and celebrated true stories that portray the values presented by bushidõ is the tale of the forty seven ‘Ronin’ (master less samurai) (Mitford, 1871). The story describes forty seven samurai who became Ronin after failing to prevent protect their master who is being falsely accused of attempted murder and shamed which results the master’s death by seppuku. The Ronin swear to avenge their master’s honor by killing the one responsible for his shame and thus death. After many trails the Ronin succeed in their task and, to take responsibility for their crime, commit seppuku themselves (Mitford, 1871). This tale shows how the values of bushidõ and the traditional traits of Japanese shame culture in multiple ways. First, even though the master was innocent he atoned for his supposed crime by committing seppuku because even a false accusation leads to shame (table 2). Secondly, even though seppuku was a way to cleanse shame and regain honor the Ronin who failed their master sought revenge as form of justice because the initial accusations where false and therefore their master’s honor was still tainted and only by gaining revenge the Ronin restored their master’s honor. Last, even though the Ronin got revenge they still held the shame of failing their master and committing murder and thus could only restore their own honor by committing seppuku. The story shows many the virtues of bushidõ set by Izano and is used as the inspiration of not only television shows, plays and art in Japan but has recently even reached the West in the form of the Hollywoord production “47 Ronin” from 2013.

Even though the samurai class held an elite position within Japanese society the word ‘samurai’ can loosely be translated to English as ‘those who serve the nobility’, or in other words those in service of their lord and the Japanese imperial family (Wilson, 1982).

The imperial house of Japan is the oldest continuing hereditary imperial line of the world. With historical evidence that it dates back at least 1.500 years, although according to lore the first emperor in the line can be traced back to more than 600 years B.C (Mason & Caiger, 1997). Although the Imperial family of Japan has seen long periods where actual power was not with them but instead with the ‘Shogun’ of chief Military General their formal rule has hardly been contested. One of the main reasons for this is that according to (the original religion of Japan) lore the imperial family where descendants of the Sun‐goddess Amaterasu and so resistance against the Imperial line was resistance against the gods (Mason & Caiger, 1997). Even though the claim to divinity of the imperial family been forcibly removed by the USA their inviolability still remains intact (Bergamini, 1971). One of the best known (and debated) instances where this inviolability has shown in modern history was at the end of the Second World War. Even though the imperial house officially held power during the war the emperor was not seen as the one responsible when Japan lost the war. Instead a group of high ranking military officials with Hideki Tojo as their leader where seen as the initiators of Japan’s war involvement and committed war crimes (Bergamini, 1971). The degree of involvement of the Emperor in the Second World War is highly debated and almost untraceable. Even more so because all condemned high ranking officers confessed to have operated without

16 knowledge of the Imperial family. Even though this may be truth, by claiming full responsibility the accused made their (death) sentence inevitable, while if they had pushed responsibility to Emperor Hirohito he would have to face severe punishment instead of them (Bergamini, 1971). Instead, the imperial line still continues to this day, but has had (enforced by the USA) since the end of the Second World War no real political power and functions more as a national symbol (Mason & Caiger, 1997).

Both the tale of the forty seven Ronin as the events after the Second World War show the strong loyalty towards ones superior. Even though the expectation of serving a master till and at the cost of death may seem like a thing of the past a similar structure can be found in modern Japan.

In the classic Feudal system of Japan society was divided over four main social classes. These where ranked from top to bottom, the samurai, the peasants, the artisans and the merchants (Mason & Caiger, 1997). The rights and obligations of each where strictly set and had to be followed by all. The hierarchy of this structure was used by to keep order and power with the samurai class. This mainly shown by the differences in rights between the samurai class and other classes. In example, samurai where the only ones allowed to ride a horse, carry weapons and where even allowed to end the life of anyone of a lower class without fear of conviction (Mason & Caiger, 1997). Next to these four main classes to more classes may be defined. The first is the earlier discussed imperial family who formed a class of their own above that of the samurai. The other class were those at the bottom end of the social ladder called ‘bukarumin’ (hamlet people) or ‘eta’ (filthy ones). This bukarumin class consisted of tanners, executioners, grave diggers and other jobs that where looked down on by the rest of society and by form of inheritance the descendants of those fulfilling these professions (Mason & Caiger, 1997). This class was heavily discriminated and excluded within Japan in example by means of not being allowed to marry people of other classes which meant people and their offspring would never be able to leave this class (Encyclopedia Britannica, 2013). Although the class system has been abolished in modern Japan many of the descendants of bukarumin still suffer discrimination and prejudices and are often associated with uncleanliness and criminal activity (Onishi, 2013). This resulted in claims that both the homeless population as well as the ‘Yakuza’ (Japanese mafia) consists mainly of bukarumin descendants, and even though this has never been proven nor thoroughly researched the idea that homeless are ‘lesser humans’ still is rooted in the traditional line of thought within Japan (Weisman, 1991; Kaplan & Dubro 1986).

The main stream culture of Japan Japan is one of the most homogeneous countries in the world with a population that is over 95% native Japanese (Jandt, 2010). Although this homogeneity is often contested as there are many minorities like the Ainu of Hokkaido and Ryukyans of the southern islands, which have their own cultural history, the idea of a homogeneous Japan lives strongly both outside as well as inside of Japan and is therefore an important cultural concept (Sugimoto,1999; Jandt, 2010). Along with this idea of homogeneity within Japan, the ’nihonjinron’ discourse that claims Japanese culture as unique in the world came to be prominent (Kazufumi & Befu, 1993).Furthermore according to the survey data collected by Kazufumi and Befu a majority of the Japanese population (63%) believed that Japanese culture cannot fully be understood by foreigners (Kazufumi & Befu, 1993). Be as it may, an insight in the most prominent features of this dominant cultural discourse will be given in the following paragraph and the chapters about government structure and labor market.

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The Japanese have a different perception of ‘self’ and individualism than most countries in the West. Where in the United States individualism might be celebrated in Japan the focus lies in harmonic cooperation, and individualism is not seen as a positive trait (Jandt, 2010). The believe in homogeneity makes the Japanese population have a cohesive sense of group unity. This group unity is vertically organized and based on a structure of seniority and is said to develop strong ties between senior and subordinate that stretch into not only business but also personal life and results in an individual’s total participation in and devotion to the group (Chie, 1988; Buckle, 2013). Thus a senior and subordinate, be it within a company, family (parent and child) or between the government and the population both support each other, are interdependent and accept their hierarchical role. This means that the subordinate accepts the judgment of their senior as they are to be believed to act in their best interest and in turn the senior relies on the subordinate to act on their judgment without error or resistance (Jandt, 2010; Buckle, 2013). This devotion to the group and group harmony shows itself in multiple ways in the Japanese Society. For one, there is a strong emphasis to conform to the group, any behavior that makes an individual stand out or distance themselves from the group is seen as undesirable (Bucknall, 2007). Following this, any form of expressing stress or show of negative thoughts or situation is thought as something that disrupts the group’s harmony and thus will not be shown in public or even towards friends and family, but will rather be processed in private or in facilities and services like host bars1 and karaoke cafés that are designed to provide an outlet for any bottled up emotions (Bucknall, 2007). Even if a person decides to show emotional outburst in public the social norm is not to address the person and ask about their troubles but rather pretend there is nothing to see and let them keep to themselves, as confronting (and even comforting) someone might lead to shame and loss of ‘face’(Ting‐Toomey, 1991; Bucknall, 2007).

The concept of face is one mainly found in East Asian countries and has no equal in the West (Ting‐ Toomey, 1991). Face is strongly intertwined with shame culture and describes the focus on considering someone’s feelings and giving honor or avoiding shame for others and yourself (Kopp, 2010). An example: if in a group conversation someone tells something that is not true instead of confronting the person about their mistake within the group will be avoided as it will lead to loss of face, this especially holds high value when the one who is mistaken holds the senior position. In this case people are expected to let the mistake pass or if really needed confront the person in private (Kopp, 2010). As said apart from confronting mistakes the loss of face can come from speaking openly about one’s problem. Say, a person is in financial trouble it would not be socially accepted to speak openly about it or even offer assistance unless the person in trouble indicates it is desired (Ting‐Toomey, 1991). This however can lead to difficult situations. For one, asking for assistance leads to loss of face for the one asking for help and is therefore preferably avoided. But also because rejecting a favor also leads to loss of face of the one who can or for whatever reason does not want to grant the favor (Bucknall, 2007). Thus this will in regular interaction often lead to a stalemate where no one asks and no one offers. This is further enhanced by the structure of devotion, as individuals are expected (and expect of themselves) that they fully devote themselves to their tasks and aim for perfection failure is not accepted. Thus, if a person falls in debt or loses his or her job it is seen as failing their obligations to the group, and even if they are not at fault will fall to shame (Zimmerling, 2003; Bucknall, 2007).

1 Host bars of clubs are a form of night time entertainment facilities that provide a drinking and attentive conversation partner (mainly of the opposite sex) in exchange for a fee 18

The urge not to cause problems or discomfort towards others is not only visible in in direct interaction but also in many other aspects of Japanese society. For one, neatness and cleanliness hold high value within Japanese society (Bucknall, 2007). This not only includes body hygiene and the prevention of bad odors but also in the cleanliness of private and public space (Bucknall, 2007). An example of this can be found at the football world cup in 2014. Here Japanese football supporters took it upon themselves to clean their stand by removing litter by means of garbage bags that had been brought in advance (Gander, 2014). Furthermore, within Japan’s there is a strong consensus not to affect another’s health. There are for instance strict rules and regulations like the prohibition of smoking on the street or smoking while walking in certain neighborhoods as to not be a bother or affect the health of others (Miller, 2013). Another notable expression of this concern for other peoples their health is the usage of surgical face masks. Although some wear these masks as a fashion statement or to protect themselves from falling sick, these masks are mainly worn by people who are sick themselves and wear the mask as to not infect other people (Simonitch, 2012).

Another prominent aspect of Japanese culture is the separation of gender roles. Within Japanese society the man is seen as breadwinner and head of the family while the woman in charge the household (Bucknall, 2007). Males are expected to work long hours to provide for their families and are hardly involved with the upbringing of their children while the women are expected to stop working as soon as they have a child (Bucknall, 2007; Matanle & Matsui, 2011). Although this structure may not be unique to Japanese society, typical Japanese traits become visible when problems arise. Haarman (2007) and Kilina (2012) show that many of the male dominated homeless population claim to have families but can no longer see them. One of the main reasons for this is that if, for example, a household runs in financial trouble the man is seen as responsible (by himself as well as others) as he was the provider. So, when a family gets in financial problems the man as head of the house has failed and therefore has to carry the bulk of shame. While the woman and children can often fall back on the woman’s family for support most males can or will not choose this option and end up to fend for themselves which may result in homelessness and separation from their family (Haarman, 2007; Kilina, 2012; Sanyukai, 2014).

In short the mainstream Japanese culture has a strong group focus in which everyone is expected to fulfill their role as optimal as possible. Furthermore there is a strong emphasis on operating within and accepting hierarchical structures where both senior and subordinate carry responsibility for their respective tasks. Moreover, when problems arise within the group structure they are mostly seen as the result of an individual’s blunder rather than as a fault in the system and will have to be resolved without causing harm to the group and group harmony. It is important to notice that many of these beliefs come from the ‘nihonjinron ’discourse and that this discourse is mainly the view of older males with a higher standard of living, that is, those in the ‘mainstream’ and those in position of power (Kazufumi & Befu, 1993). These persons in power and their proceedings will be further explored in the next chapters.

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Chapter 4. Japanese Government and policies

In 1987 Japan’s former Prime Minister Nakasone said in a speech addressing his co‐members of the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) of Japan: “The position of the Emperor is like that of the sun shining at the zenith of the heavens. We can therefore confidently follow our worldly pursuits, sometimes do things which are not so nice and quarrel with one another; the luminous sun rests above everything. The earthly world is our party. The Liberal Democratic Party takes on the worldly business. We have a dual‐world system” (Mishima, 1992). True enough the LDP has been in power with a majority of votes since 1955 with the exception of the period between 1993 ‐1994 and between 2009 and 2012 (LDP, 2014). However, even though this quote shows modern government officials might express a world view that resemblances that of the feudal samurai government system in classic Japan (Mason & Caiger, 1997), Japan’s current political system is a multi‐party democratic constitutional monarchy (Japanese Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MOFA), 2014). The structure of the Japanese election system is show in Figure 1.

Figure 1 Japanese election structure (Based on MOFA, 2014)

The people Emperor

Diet (House of councillors) (House of Representatives)

Prime Minister Judiciary

Cabinet

As showed in figure 1 the Japanese population votes for representatives for both the local as (legislature). On national level the population votes separately for the House of Councilors (lower house) and House of Representatives (upper house) by means of a parallel voting system. The diet nominates the Prime Minister who is a member of the largest party of the coalition (or single party with majority of votes), the nominated individual has to be formally approved by the Emperor. Once the Prime Minister is instated he (or she although all Prime Ministers have been male) will nominate the cabinet members who also need to be approved of by the Emperor. The Judicial branch is appointed by the Emperor with the consensus of the prime minister and cabinet. Apart from the appointment of members of government the holds no political power and serves as symbol of state while the Prime Minister acts as the Head of government (MOFA, 2014). As mentioned although the Japanese government is based on a multi‐party system the LDP has held a position of power with majority of votes in both the House of Councilors as well as the House of

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Representatives for almost the entire period since 1955 (LDP, 2014). As they in a way represent modern Japanese politics, this chapter will focus on their main agenda, characteristics and policies in general and concerning homelessness.

The LDP is currently led by Shinzo Abe, who follows a conservative line (Foster & Yamaguchi, 2013; The Economist, 2014). Current policies focus on promoting traditional values, making changes in the education system as to promote national pride and foremost changing Japans pacifist constitution that was instated after the Second World War and which forbids Japan from initiating acts of war against other nations. (Foster & Yamaguchi, 2013; The Economist, 2014; LDP, 2014). Abe’s agenda stirred many discussions both inside as outside of Japan and is often said to by nationalistic and in line with the ‘nihonjinron’ discourse (Buckle, 2013; Foster & Yamaguchi, 2013; The Economist, 2014).

When focusing on the homeless situation the Japanese Ministry of Health, Labor and Welfare shows a broad range of homeless support measures under the banner of homeless independence support action plan (MHLW, 2010). As to provide job opportunities and job security the MHLW writes ‘To aim for homeless people independence needs based on their strong self‐intention. So that they need an opportunity to find a workplace based on their ability if work, provide guarantee of job opportunity and stable employment circumstances” (MHLW, 2010) this referring to the drive of many homeless to work and provide for themselves (Kakita, 2004). This goal is to be achieved by means of multiple supportive measures. First, the Japanese governmental Employment Service Center ‘harowaku’ or ‘Hello Work’ will provide homeless persons with medical examinations and life and employment consultancy by means of a guidance counselor who will inform and support homeless people confirming to their needs. Secondly, the national government is supporting private organizations that aim to help homeless secure jobs and offers licensed training opportunities for homeless and day laborers. Third, support to a private organizations that promotes trail employment periods for homeless people that wish to have regular employment (MHLW, 2010). For housing and basic living condition support the government aims to help the homeless in the following ways. First, provide ‘urgent’ temporary homeless accommodation and healthcare for homeless who suffer from health issues. Secondly, by means of supporting independent ‘homeless independence support centers’ that offer meals, medical examinations, life guidance and employment consultations for those who wish to return to the workforce by close cooperation with the Hello Work center. Third, by supporting an organization that trains homeless people for jobs like cleaning and waste collection. Fourth, temporary housing may be provided as to help secure employment needed for independent housing for those who have to relocate (MHLW, 2010).

The Tokyo Metropolitan Government homeless policies follow the Independence Plan of the national government. But has special focus on providing and expanding temporary housing programs for homeless and those in danger of becoming homeless, as current facilities can only support half of the people who applied for this form of support (SWPH, 2013). The Tokyo Government will also by working cooperating between the 23 Tokyo wards expand their financial aid program to aged homeless person (SWPH, 2013).

Important to notice is that if a person wishes to apply for ‘livelihood protection’ (financial aid) being homeless is not sufficient of a reason. Only if a homeless person cannot maintain a minimal life standard, for reasons as inability to work because of mental or physical disabilities, that person becomes eligible for livelihood protection (MHLW, 2010). An exact description of ‘minimal life standard’ is not provided within the policy papers of the MHLW. But based on contexts this life standard describes the situation when a person can not obtain sufficient nutrition to support life. Furthermore apart from the governmental Hello Work center all organizations described in the policy paper are private non‐profit organizations that only receive an amount of funding as governmental support. In addition, many of the policies focus on consultancy and assistance in looking for jobs, this however may not be sufficient as the traditional Japanese has highly exclusive tendencies as

21 discussed in the following chapter. On the subject of housing opportunities policies the focus is on those who are forcibly evicted from their makeshift shelters in the public space (Haarman, 2007; Tokyo City Series, 2011) however Kakita (2004) has shown that these accommodations only cover a period of two to six months in which the homeless have to secure regular employment which will allow them to rent their own housing or they will end up back on the streets again (Kakita, 2004). Which is why many homeless choose to keep rough sleeping as they say that “it will only become harder to go back on the streets again after having lived in a house” (Haarman, 2007; Tokyo City Series, 2011).

On the subject of ‘hidden’ homeless (i.e. net café refugees) there are still no specifically targeted policies. The only action plan aimed at hidden homeless people improving cooperation with internet café entrepreneurs and the like to gather information’s about this group and offer them the services of the Hello Work center (MHLW, 2010).

Chapter 5. The Japanese Labor and Housing market

Labor market Traditionally the Japanese employment system is based on lifetime employment, seniority‐based wages, enterprise‐based unionism and community consciousness within a company (MOFA, 2014).In other words, first, companies hire their employees straight out of school or college, train them within the company to fit the specific needs of the company and provide them with a job until the age of retirement (Kato, 2000; MOFA,2014). Secondly, within the traditional employment system wages and options for promotion are based on the employee’s age and time working for the company (MOFA,2014). Third, Labor Unions within Japan represent employees not industry‐wide but instead represent employees of a specific company. Most of these company based unions are linked to other unions through union federations (figure 2).

Focus on general Cross‐industry Union employees rights Federation

Industry ‐ wide Industry‐wide Focus on Industry based Union Union rights of employees Federation 1 Federation 2

Focus on company Union A Union B Union C Union D employees rights

Company A Company B Company C Company D

Figure 2. Japanese Union structure (MOFA, 2014)

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Fourth, a company wide consciousness based on hieratic (vertical) relationships, reciprocal obligations and (to a certain degree) decision‐making by general consensus (MOFA, 2014). In exchange for their lifetime employment employees are often offered extra benefits by their employers these can be in the form of recreational and leisure benefits like company exclusive facilities (ranging from sport facilities to vacation houses), company organized holidays or sport events but also company provided housing, health insurance and financial bonuses (Matanle & Matsui, 2011; MOFA,2014). Furthermore, within this system employee’s pension are often solely provided by their (former) employers (Kato, 2000; Matanle & Matsui, 2011). The degree of benefits and amount of pension provided varies widely between companies, with as general rule, the bigger the company the better the benefits (Matanle & Matsui, 2011). Because many aspects of a person’s life apart from wages are linked to their employer this patronage style system of employment makes employees highly dependent or their employer, and as a result will provide loyal employees with a strong urge to prove themselves to their employer (Doerr & Lincoln ,2012). The system of lifetime employment mainly applies to the male workforce of Japan while female workers tend to switch jobs every couple of years (Matanle & Matsui, 2011).

From the early 80s on many companies from rural areas moved to the larger cities in Japan to be able continue ‘growth’(Kato, 2000; MOFA, 2014). As the employment system expects lifelong commitment of its employees it also requires employees to follow the relocation of their employer (Kato, 2000). Many employees have families with ties to their original area of residence (i.e. family ties and schooling of children) which made it harder to move as a family as a whole. Because of this many male workers follow their employers on their own while leaving their wife and children ‘back home’ only seeing them on public holidays while spending the rest of the year working and living in company lodging apart from their families (Matanle & Matsui, 2011).

In recent years new forms of employment like temporary contracts based employment are becoming more and more common, however the lifetime employment still hold the dominant position within the Japanese Labor market (Kato, 2000; Matanle & Matsui, 2011; MOFA, 2014).

Even though the system of lifetime employment and working conditions by company is seen as one of the major reasons for Japans swift economic growth since the Second World War (MOFA, 2014) it has shown its weaknesses since the Japanese financial crisis of the early 90s (Kato, 2000; Matanle & Matsui, 2011). For one, due to the financial crisis of the 90s a lot of companies had to let go of employees or went bankrupt. As the employment system focusses on employing young workers straight out of school and demands lifelong loyalty towards the company it becomes very hard for people who are already advancing in age (Kato, 2000; Matanle & Matsui, 2011). The problem of age discrimination the main problem for middle‐ aged job seekers to find work. Until mid‐2002 companies within Japan where allowed to put an age limit to any job opening they had to offer. Following this most companies made use of this legal age limitation which resulted in that on average jobs become inaccessible to anyone above the age of 41 (Shimizu, 2002). Furthermore, even after the Japanese National Government implemented a Law in October 2002 that forbade companies to refuse applicants based on their age this law has hardly been enforced (Shimizu, 2002; Matanle & Matsui, 2011). In case of homeless job hunters securing employment becomes especially hard in this system. As governmental policy mainly aims at job consultancy and training for the homeless and no active pressure on the employer’s side (MHLW, 2010) it becomes almost impossible to secure regular employment in particular for the aging rough sleeping population that not only has to face age discrimination but also the prejudices about homeless people (Haaman, 2007).

Apart from the problems of finding new employment within Japan because of the tradition of lifetime employment the system of almost full dependency on the employing company creates other insecurity for people’s livelihoods. As mentioned many companies provide housing, insurance, healthcare and pensions for their employees (MOFA, 2014). This means that when a company goes

23 bankrupt people not only lose their source of income but also all these other forms of support and security (Kato, 2000). Furthermore, as unions are directly linked to a specific company the bankruptcy of a company often means the end of that union and no access to organized union support.

Housing Tokyo is among the most expensive cities for buying or renting a house of the world ranking 10th for average buying costs and fourth for cost of average monthly rent (Global Property Guide, 2014). Furthermore the houses tend to be very small compared to those in other countries (Kanemoto, 1997). This on itself does not mean that the income/house price ratio is ‘off balance’ as Tokyo also is listed among the top GDP per capita cities in the world (IMF, 2014). However, the traditional Japanese housing market has a set of conditions that can make it hard to find a place to live (Kanemoto, 1997; Japan Property Central (JPC), 2014). For one, when looking to rent a living space in Japan you are generally expected to make use of a real estate broker that will work as intermediary between the landlord and prospective tenant even if you already found the place you would like to live (JPC, 2014). For a fee this broker will contact the landlord of the accommodation you like and will then present you with the conditions or limitations this particular landlord has set for this particular estate. These conditions limitations are different per landlord and can range from age limitations, gender, family size, pets, income and place of origin (i.e. non‐foreign) (JPC, 2014). The need for an intermediary in such situations is mainly build upon the necessity to reject a potential tenant without the loss of face that comes from rejecting a direct request (Bucknall, 2007). The broker in this situation makes it possible for both sides to withdraw from any deal as no direct interaction between the two parties has taken place. If you fulfil the specific demands of the landlord the most taxing problem for especially the poor comes, namely the front payment. Front payment for are in general very high and often require the tenant to may a sum of multiple times the monthly rent (Kanemoto, 1997; Firestone, 2007). This because tenant are often required to not only pay a deposit (mostly two months’ rent) but also so called ‘key money’ which is a fee to show goodwill towards the landlord and in general is also set to the amount of two months’ rent (JPC, 2014; Kilina, 2012). Furthermore, apart from the at least five months’ worth of rent (including the first month of actual rent) it is required to have a guarantor that will be able to ensure payment will be fulfilled if the tenant themselves are not able to. This guarantor required regardless of the tenants income or contract form and is often expected to be either the employer or a direct family member (JPC, 2014). In recent years this system of front payment has been declining throughout Japan, however within Tokyo and other mayor Japanese cities it still mostly intact as housing in these areas are still in high demand (JPC, 2014).

The case of Japanese house ownership shows a different problem. In Japan anyone who has the money for it is allowed to buy a house; however the land on which this house is built is often not included in the sale (Brasor & Tsubuku, 2011). This means that even if a person owns there house they might still have to pay a monthly fee for the land the house is built on, which depending on size and location of the land may cost as much as a the rent of a living space of the same size (Brasor & Tsubuku, 2011).

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Chapter 6. The homeless as seen by society

In this chapter an insight will be given about how the homeless population is seen by the general population. First the portrayal of homeless within film will be looked into. Next, an insight in the general point of society will be giving based on multiple documentaries and news articles concerning the homeless population of Tokyo and Japan in general. In addition multiple studies about the Japanese homeless will be explored.

The story of the in 2003 animated film ‘Tokyo Godfathers’ by Satoshi Kon revolves around three homeless persons (a middle aged man, a middle aged transgender woman and a teenage girl)who find an abandoned baby in a pile of garbage and decide to look for its parents. The story follows the three in a comical and heartwarming adventure and shows how these homeless try their best to help the baby and each other. The story concludes with a happy end where the baby is reunited with its parents of whom it was stolen from and the three homeless reunite with their respective families and loved ones an fall to fortune by finding a winning lottery ticket. Although the story is a typical ‘feel good movie’ there are some elements in the film that show how homelessness is treated and how Japanese culture handles shame and loyalty. For one, all three have become homeless by their own choice or fault. The middle aged man had left his wife and daughter after falling into gambling debt leaving them to deal with creditors. The transgender woman ran away from her employment and housing in a ‘drag queen ‘café after humiliating an abusive costumer and the girl ran away from home after assaulting her father for not getting her way. They all left without the knowledge or demand of those they left behind. When they get back together with the ones they left behind it becomes clear that they were always were welcome to come back and never had to leave in the first place if they only had taken the time to talk to those they left. This as for the two middle aged homeless because they would have been able to gain financial support from family and keep their jobs and for the teenager because her parents were not angry at her but mainly concerned. Apart from the way expectations and misunderstandings led to the homelessness the film also offers multiple other worrying insights in how homeless people interact among themselves and with the general population. First, the film shows how all three hide their reasons for becoming homeless even from each other. Second, the film shows how acts of violence against homeless seem to be acceptable among some people of the general population. Third, even though they saved a baby the police advise the child’s parents not to meet them because they are homeless. Last, the three decline help from others when they are discovered to be homeless as they believe they should fend for themselves.

A similar picture is shown in the film ‘The homeless student’ (2008) by Tomoyuki Furumaya which is based on the autobiography of Hireoshi Tamura. This film tells the story of a middle school (age 14 ‐ 15) boy who lost his mother at a young age and returns home after school at the last day before summer vacation only to find his house closed off and all his possessions on the street. After meeting up with his older brother and sister their father tells them they lost the house because of debt, wishes them good luck and abandons them. As to not be a burden to his elder siblings the boy tells them he will stay at a friend’s house until things are sorted out. However instead of going to live with his friend he decides to start living in a small playing ground while keeping this hidden from everyone, including his siblings and classmates. The story shows how the boy struggles to keep alive while his situation hidden and without resorting to begging or stealing. During this time his elder siblings who also ended up homeless try to make end meet by relying on the elder brother’s part time job while secretly living in a small temple. After a couple of weeks the boy runs into one of his classmates and seeing no other way finally decides to confess his situation to his friend. After this the boy comes clear about his situation to his friends parents and is taken in. In the end the friend’s parents decided to rent out a house for the three siblings so they can live together and provide them with financial aid until they will be able to provide for themselves.

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Similar to ‘Tokyo Godfather’ the story shows how people are willing to help those who became homeless but because of shame and not wanting to be a burden to others the ones that became homeless try to keep their situation hidden and thus will not look for any outside help. And thus put high emphasis on retaining group harmony and protecting face (Ting‐Toomey, 1991; Bucknall, 2007).

The attitude towards homelessness of the general population can roughly be divided in two segments, those who see the homeless as victims of the societal structure and those who believe the homeless population as homeless because of their own choice or fault (Hasegawa, 2006). Within the first group most people acknowledge the problem but do not actively try to help the homeless or change the system but rather follow the Japanese idea of ‘shikata ga nai’ (it can’t be helped/ that’s life) meaning that homelessness is an unchangeable part of society which just has to be accepted (Haarman, 2007; Tokyo City Series, 2011). Furthermore within this group many people tend to avoid talking openly about the subject of homelessness as it is a ‘shameful’ part of society and speaking about people who are without home will further increase the ‘loss of face ‘of a homeless persons (Ting‐Toomey, 1991; Sanya, 2013). However there are, as stated in the chapter about governmental policies, multiple non‐governmental organizations that try to support the homeless actively by providing counseling and livelihood support (MHLW, 2010). One thing to notice about these support groups is that the majority is not based on Japanese cultural values or headed by a Japanese native, but are instead initiated by Christian institutions or led by a Western foreigner who has acquired Japanese citizenship (Haarman, 2007; Tokyo City Series, 2011; Sanya, 2013; Sanyukai, 2014). Some major examples are Second Harvest Japan which is the first food of Japan and has been founded and is headed by a Charles Mc Jilton who is of American origin and Sanyukai which is headed by French‐Canadian missionary Jean Le Beau and provides free medical care as well as religious services for homeless people in Tokyo. Apart from these many church institutions provide free meals at the end of their service (Sanya, 2013). A major reason for the dominant support from these types of institutions may be that they are built upon guilt inspired cultural believes rather than the shame culture of traditional Japan. This feeling of guilt towards the situation of others requires one to take supportive action while the feeling of shame stimulates to ignore homelessness being offered support only adds to the shame suffered (Zimmerling, 2003).

Apart from organizations that seek to support the primary needs of homeless persons there are also a number of activist groups who fight for homeless rights on the policy level (Hasegawa, 2006). Most of these groups became active in in the early 90s when the homeless population was at its peak because of the economic crisis in Japan (Kakita, 2004) but only became strongly active from the mid‐ 90s till 2002. The reason for this increased activity of homeless activist groups was the upcoming FIFA world cup (Hasegawa, 2006). In the years leading up to the football world cup hosted by Japan and South Korea in 2002 many local governments of host cities decided to clear out homeless encampments as to provide a good image about Japan and their city (Hasegawa, 2006). However these enforced evictions led people to question government priorities which seemed to hold international prestige above the needs of the poor and the homeless who came to bear the brunt (Hasegawa, 2006). This in turn led people to join the homeless population in major protest similar to the protests leading up to the world cup in 2014 in Brazil (Hasegawa, 2006; Elgot, 2014). Until this time massive and sometimes even violent protests against the government where uncommon in Japan and cooperation between homeless and activists from the general population had been unheard off (Hasegawa, 2006). The most prominent activist group in this time was the so called ‘ Coalition’ founded in 1994 and based in Sinjuku, Tokyo. This coalition managed to for the first time unite multiple homeless support groups across the nation and pressure the national government into implementing policies that formed the foundations for the ‘homeless independence support action plan’ (Kakita, 2004; Hasegawa, 2006; MHLW, 2010). However even though they managed to gain some benefits and support for the homeless they failed to ensure any hard

26 governmental commitments that would really solve the homeless problem (Hasegawa, 2006; Haarman, 2007). At the formation of the coalition both homeless as well as non‐homeless worked together to achieve a common goal. After a few years however the non‐homeless activist began to exclude homeless activist and took over control by the formation of a hierarchical structure where only non‐homeless could hold a senior position (Hasegawa, 2006). This caused a rift between the homeless and non‐homeless and resulted in the demise of the Shinjuku coalition as an activist group in 2002. In the last months of the group’s activity as an activist coalition the leadership proclaimed that: “the homeless should take responsibility for their own future instead of counting on the coalition or government” (Hasegawa, 2006). After 2002 the Shinjuku coalition continued to remain active but instead of an activist group became a homeless support group providing food and life counseling for the homeless (Hasegawa, 2006). This final public statement of the coalition as activist group implies an ideology based on the cultural values earlier discussed in this paper. For one, the call to the homeless population to take responsibility for their own future is a call to confirm to the group and group harmony by not to be a burden to the rest of society. Furthermore, the implementation of a hierarchical structure within the coalition follows the traditional senior and subordinate structure of Japan. By resistance of the homeless population to the role of subordinate the conditions to maintain this structure where not met which led to the coalition to be divided and fall apart (Bucknall, 2007; Matanle & Matsui, 2011). The demand of the non‐homeless activists to the homeless to fulfill the subordinate role also shows the homeless where not seen as equal even by those who supported them which confirms to their lack of status because of their fall to shame (Weisman, 1991; Zimmerling, 2003) and may even imply prejudices about homeless person with reference to the inheritance of ‘eta’ status (Kaplan & Dubro 1986).

Following the line of the national governments policy report that focusses mainly on homeless that are willing to work and re‐integrate in society there are many Japanese who believe that a large part of the homeless population is homeless by choice (MHLW, 2010; Sanya, 2013). Therefore providing support to these homeless is seen as unnecessary and undesirable because people should carry responsibility for their choices by themselves (Weisman, 1991; Sanya, 2013). Going even further than those who think that homeless people should be left to their own is the trend of acts of violence and abuse towards the homeless population (Norimitsu, 2003). This trend is said to be growing mainly among male teens and young adults and involves violent attacks on homeless people and the destruction of their dwellings (Japan Times, 2003; Norimitsu, 2003). In one attack the offenders later told the police that they were just ‘killing time’, ‘getting rid of stress ‘and ‘disposing of society’s trash’ (Norimitsu, 2003). This line of thought is also shown in the film ‘Tokyo Godfather’ where one of the protagonists is assaulted because ‘it was time for new year’s cleanup’ (Kon, 2003). Mitsuyuki Maniwa, a professor specializing in juvenile crime, claims that these kinds of attacks on homeless become more frequent and violent since the late 90s. As main reason for these attacks he states that those who have no role in society are considered trash that is to be disposed of (Norimitsu, 2003). Furthermore a police officer stated about one case that the offenders did not realize they had done something bad until they where picked off by the police. Although in recent year reports about violence against homeless people have become less frequent this does not necessarily mean that these offences are also declining as many homeless choose not to file a complaint with the police as they don’t believe they will be helped (Norimitsu, 2003).

Apart from abuse Japanese homeless also tend to fall victim to exploitation. A recent case of that shows this is the use of homeless people to clean up nuclear waste after the Fukushima disaster (Mollov, 2013; ANP, 2013). In this case Japanese homeless where recruited as day laborers to clean up contaminated soil and other waste in the Fukushima area. The recruitment agencies that made use the homeless underpaid them while they skimmed off the profit. In Some cases the homeless did not even earn any money but instead became indebted because of over expensive charges for food, lodging and transportation on site by their recruiters (Mollov, 2013; ANP, 2013). Furthermore, many

27 of these homeless workers were not provided with the necessary protective equipment and tools which left them to be exposed to harmful levels of radiation (Mollov, 2013).

Both the cases of assault and exploitation show a societal view of the homeless similar to that of the burakumin in feudal Japan where these people are seen as ‘lesser humans’ or society’s ‘trash’ (Kaplan & Dubro 1986; Weisman, 1991). Even among those who not bear any active hostility towards homeless people often harbor a strong social stigma towards homeless person resides (Sanya, 2013). Not only do many believe the homeless people chose to be homeless but they are often described as rude, in considered, stupid and filthy even by people who later confess never to have spoken to homeless people and never have been bothered by homeless aside from there mere presence (Sanya, 2013). Because of this prejudices many homeless find themselves treated badly, rudely without any provocation from the side of the homeless especially in required interactions concerning work and payment (Hasegawa, 2006; VICE, 2014). Furthermore, many believe that the major problem of the homeless population is its self‐image and that a low self‐image is the major obstacle standing in the way of escaping from homelessness (Sanya, 2013).

Chapter 7. The perspective of the homeless population

To explore the perspective of the homeless themselves rough sleepers and hidden homeless will be described separately. This because the general self‐ image of these two groups differs highly (Hasegawa, 2006; Kilina, 2012). Within the rough sleeping population a roughly similar separation of perspective on homeless support as that of the general population can be found namely those who want support and claim current homeless support programs are insufficient and those say that they should not rely on others and have to support themselves (Weisman, 1991; Hasegawa, 2006; Haarman, 2007). Those who actively fight for more and better support have already been discussed as part of the Shinjuku coalition. Their main claims are that their fall to homelessness is the result of the Japanese economic and social system and aim for major policy changes for better job and housing security (Hasegawa, 2006). However many of the homeless who place the blame for their situation outside themselves do not actively try to change the system but instead stop by making use current support services provided that focus on distribution of food and life counselling (Haarman, 2007; Sanya, 2013). Furthermore, most cases activism and mobilization among homeless only came into being when their current dwellings and situation came under threat by eviction orders .So, although the demands from the homeless activists went beyond the protection of their dwellings the threat to their situation as homeless and not homelessness itself was the cause of their protest (Hasegawa, 2006). On the other side there are the rough sleepers who put the blame for their homelessness by themselves. People in this group will often accept food and provision support but see homelessness as their personal problem which will have to be solved by themselves (Kakita, 2004; Tokyo Series, 2011; Sanya, 2013).

Within the rough sleeping population the feeling shame and the urge not to be a burden to others shows itself in many ways that affect the homeless negatively (Weisman, 1991; Norimitsu, 2003; Haarman, 2007). For one, there are many among the rough sleepers who claim to still have families who would be willing to support them, but instead of asking for help, opt to hide their homelessness and break contact with their families (Norimitsu, 2003; Sanya, 2013). One homeless man tells that he lost his job which had him work and live separately from his wife and children. Instead of confide in his family he chose to keep them in the unknown and kept on living in an apartment without work. In

28 this case the landlord let him stay there for free out of sympathy for the man’s situation. In the end he could not bear with the situation of being a burden to his benefactor, broke off all contact with both his family and landlord and started living as a homeless (Norimitsu, 2003) Similar stories are told by many of the rough sleeping homeless (Haarman, 2007; Tokyo Series, 2011; Sanya, 2013). Furthermore, many rough sleepers are very reluctant to talk about themselves and even those who are willing to often refuse to give their real names because revealing this will bring shame to their family (Hasegawa, 2006). In addition many of the homeless refuse to accept financial aid as the acceptance of this aid will only increase their shame (Weisman, 1991; Sanya, 2013). Instead they believe that one should work and earn their own livelihood lives strongly among the rough sleepers, and accepting aid is seen as giving in to failure (Tokyo Series, 2011; Sanya, 2013). Another major topic among the homeless is the way they are looked upon by society. Hasegawa stresses in her research paper about homeless activism which is aptly named “We are not Garbage!” the importance of being treated as equals (Hasegawa, 2006). This point is further raised by multiple interviews with homeless persons who state that one of most difficult things of homelessness is that they are treated as inferior beings (Norimitsu, 2003; Sanya, 2013)

In short although most of the rough sleeping homeless feel shame about their situation they still take pride out of work and aim to contribute towards society by supporting themselves and not burden others with their problems. They mainly wish to have the security of employment rather than relying on aid. These aims are in line with the Japanese cultural standard to confirm to the group and group harmony (Ting‐Toomey, 1991; Bucknall, 2007).

As shown by in research of Kilina (2012) about hidden homelessness one domination perspective shows among this type of homeless person, which is that they do not view themselves as homeless as they do not live on the street (Kilina, 2012). Because the definition of homelessness in Japanese language as earlier discussed indeed contains rough sleepers as hidden homelessness was not fully recognized in politics and media until 2007 (Okamoto, 2007, MHLW, 2007, Kilina, 2012) this view is somewhat understandable. However the refusal to acknowledge ones homelessness is deeper rooted than pure linguistic motivations (Kilina, 2012). For one, admitting to homelessness, long term or financial problems would cause loss of face (Ting‐Toomey, 1991). For this reason most of the hidden homeless people claim that their housing situation is only temporary while they look for regular employment even though many of them have been living under these circumstances for a year or longer (Kilina, 2012).

Conclusion

Traditional cultural values within Japanese society tend have a strong influence on behavior and values of the Japanese population (Bucknall, 2007). As the Japanese proverb “The raised nail gets hammered down“(Okada, 1964) used in the titel of this paper suggests the dominant culture of Japan places, among other, strong emphasis on group conformity acceptance of rules and norms.In this context any form or incapability of non‐conformation or resistance should suppressed (Hasegawa, 2006; Bucknall, 2007). In the following section the situation of the homeless in Tokyo will be listed based on the four dimensions, namely; impoverishment, labor market exclusion, service exclusion and exclusion from social relations set by the PSE (Scutella, 2009). In addition the dominant cultural traits that are of influence to each dimension and how these traits add the situational findings will be presented.

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As shown in Chapter 2 the average monthly earnings of the majority of the homeless population were below 30,000 Yen (215 Euro) in 2003 while the average income of the regular employed population lay around 380,000 Yen (2740 Euro) (Kakita, 2004; Japanese Bureau of Statistics, 2014). In addition, Tokyo ranks among the most expensive in the world, this not only for housing but for all general costs of living (IMF, 2014). These finding show clearly how the homeless population of Tokyo suffers from impoverishment in both subjective and absolute terms (Scutella, 2009). Although this dimension of social exclusion can hardly be attributed to unique characteristics of the Japanese dominant culture there is are cultural aspects that increase impoverishment. For one, the refusal of financial aid, that finds its roots in cultural traits. This because the acceptance of financial support is seen as a shameful act and a burden to society and will therefore be refused (Weisman, 1991; Sugimoto,1999). The second is the exploitation of homeless by (temporary) employers and buyers of recyclable waste (Mollov, 2013; Sanya, 2013). Even though fair work agreements and employer responsability hold high value in regular employment within Japanese society, this is not the case for those who are without regular employment and placed outside of society (Onishi, 2003). This resulting in underpayment for done labor by homeless as they do not have the means and position to oppose these practices (Mollov, 2013; Sanya, 2013).

Exclusion from the labor market is another prominent part adding to social exclusion of the homeless population. As shown in chapter 2 the average age of the homeless is above 55 years old and most of the homeless are male(MHLW, 2010). Chapter 5 shows how the traditional labor market is based on a system of life time employment focussed mainly on male employees that are hired at a young age(Kato, 2000). This system has of itself highly exclusive tendencies (Kato, 2000) For one, many companies refuse to hire older empoyees completely as they will not be able to establish a prolonged mutual form of loyalty which is valued within the Japanese labor sector (Matanle & Matsui, 2011). Apart from not being able to form new interdependancy over time many employer see the changing of jobs at later age for any reason as failure in responsibilities toward former employers which leads them to look down upon aged jobseekers (Matanle & Matsui, 2011). Although many of the homeless are not fully excluded from paid work as they struggle to provide for themselves the work mainly consists of some form of self employment (MHLW, 2010). Even though this means that most homeless are not completely excluded from labor access to regular employment in the labor market is very limited (Kakita, 2004)

Both public as private services in Japan are in general accessable to all who can affort it (MHLW, 2010). However, as prior shown the homeless have limited (financial) resources (Kakita, 2004) which means they are excluded from many of these services. Both governmental as well as independent agencies aim to provide the homeless in atleast their basic needs concerning healthcare (SWPH, 2013). However, these services often not adequately cover all needs of the homeless and in addition may be refused for reasons of shame coming from relying on charity similar to those that lead to rejection of financial aid (Weisman, 1991; Sanya, 2013). Furthermore, homeless persons are at risk of being excluded from private services like restaurants and supermarkets as they are seen as filthy and an assault on group harmony and peace of mind of other customers (Kon, 2003; Tokyo Series,2012; Sanya, 2013). In addition, administrative support as well as protection by police for homeless is very limited (Weisman, 1991; Onishi, 2003).

As shown in multiple occasions in this paper homeless people suffer from extreme forms of exclusion from social relations. Not only are the homeless shunned by most of the general population (Weisman, 1991; Sanya, 2013) they are often also looked down upon by those who engage in interaction, resulting in only a social network within the homeless community (Hasegawa, 2006). Furthermore, many homeless break all ties with family and friends the moment they start living on the street to avoid shame and protect face of those in their (previous) social circle (Ting‐Toomey, 1991; Onishi, 2003; Haarman, 2007). Although actual confinement of the homeless population without valid reason not normally occur the homeless find them the victim of enforced eviction from

30 their makeshift shelters with no alternative offered (Hasegawa, 2006). Support for homeless persons is often limited to that offered by private organizations and is often not available on a routine basis (Hasegawa, 2006; Sanyukai, 2014)

The previous paragraphs show how the homeless population of Tokyo suffers from severe social exclusion, and provide some links to the dominant cultural values adding to these dimensions of exclusion. Although social exclusion is build upon many different causes and actors the effects of cultural hegemony add to this problem in multiple ways. For one, the culture based emphasis on the group above the individual can make social exclusion of homeless acceptable to certain extent. Homeless persons are thought to add little value to society as a whole and are therefore of less importance (Bucknall, 2007). Secondly, the value of face and fear of shame lead to withdrawal of the homeless population from general society. To be seen as homeless or ask support of others when having ‘failed’ in responsibilities is seen as shamefull and is therefore to be avoided (Ting‐Toomey, 1991). Third, openly offering help towards homeless people will also lead to loss of face for the homeless according to the believes of the dominant Japanese culture. This is further shown by the finding that most of the private organized homeless support groups are headed by people holding either Christian or Western cultural values in which feelings guilt rise above those of shame(Chie, 1988; Buckle, 2013). Fourth, the structure of senior and subordinate which is present in all social ties limits the homeless to a position of subordinate in any social interaction outside their social group (homeless people). As this structure relies on the acceptance of senior judgement without question or protest from the subordinate the homeless are excluded from the chance to voice their own wishes and demands (Jandt, 2010; Buckle, 2013). Fifth, as in the dominant culture of Japan males are placed in the role of head of the household and sole provider the household becomes fully dependant on them. This does not only lead to financial vulnerability, but also means that in case of unemployment they are expected to bear full responsibility. Which results in a male dominated homeless population while women and children who not suffer the same social pressure aimed at restoring honor and are thus more likely to rely on support of family and friends (Kakita, 2004; Matanle & Matsui, 2011). Finally, large scale organized opposition to the system and the culture it represents has occurred in the form of the Shinjuku Coalition that was active in the period of 1994 ‐ 2002 (Hasegawa, 2006) However, similar to the worker protesters researched by Gramsci to form his theory of cultural hegemony the ones resisting eventually re‐adopted the cultural values set by the elite and dispersed. So, the raised nail got hammered down again.

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