RELIGIOUS HISTORY OF THE CHOTANAGPUR TRIBES

(Sarna Dharam to )

Dr. Balmukund Virottam Formerly Professor & Head, Department of History, Ranchi University, Ranchi, Jharkhand, India.

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First Edition: 2020

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(ii) PREFACE

The book is the first pioneering work on the religious history of the tribals of Chotanagpur. Writing on religion and its influence is a daunting task. The religious history of the tribals in general and Chotanagpur in particular has not been taken up by any anthropologist, ethnographer or even historians. Emphasis so far has been on the political history, privation, tension and conflict in tribal society. This aspect of the history of tribals, especially in Chotanagpur, has not been dealt with in one sweep, but has been discussed in patches, e.g., Sarna Dharam and Christianity. Nothing has been written so far discussing the entire gamut of religious evolution of the tribals in India and particularly in Chotanagpur. This is an attempt to present a complete and co-ordinated history of the religious evolution of the Chotanagpur tribes. This is a humble attempt to present the entire gamut of tribal religious evolution in Chotanagpur. Apart from the published folklore, tradition and printed records, this book is based on participant observation covering a period of more than six decades. It presents a complete and coordinated picture of the religious history of the local tribes, except those in Santhal Parganas, which is now a part of the newly created state of Jharkhand. Religious history of the Chotanagpur Tribes is an unique and highly illuminating account of tribal religious evolution in Chotanagpur from the very ancient times to the dawn of Indian independence. It describes Sarna Dharam, Buddhism, Jainism, Shaivism, Vaishnavism, and Christianity in Tribal Chotanagpur in the local, national and even international context. It is based mainly on the major research project on the subject assigned to the writer by the UGC during the period 1997 to 2000 A.D. I owe my gratitude to Shri Yajna Prakash, Rajesh and others of Concept International Business Consulting (CIBC) for seeing the book though the press. Finally, credit goes to the Himalaya Publishing House Pvt. Ltd. for braving the Corona Age during the course of publication.

Dr. Balmukund Virottam

(iii) (iv) CONTENTS

Abbreviations (vi) Introduction 1-6 Chapter 1 : The Land and the People 7 - 24 Chapter 2 : Sarna Dharam 25 - 64 Chapter 3 : Buddhism and Jainism 65 - 74 Chapter 4 : The Hindu-Muslim Impact 75 - 95 Chapter 5 : Christianity 96 - 120 Chapter 6 : Religious Revitalization Movements 121 - 137 Chapter7:ReligionandFacetsofTribalLife 138-168 Conclusion 169 - 173 Bibliography 174 - 183

(v) ABBREVIATIONS

Ain : Ain-i-Akbari A.N. : Akbarnama A.R.C.N.M. : Annual Report of Chotanagpur Mission A.R.D.U.M. : Annual Report of Dublin University Mission A.R.G.M. : Annual Report of Gossner Mission A.R.S.M. : Annual Report of Scottish Mission Beglar : The Report of a Tour through the Province Blash : A.S.I. Report, Bengal Circle, 1903 C.C.R.P. : Comptrolling Council of Revenue at Patna E. I. : Epigraphica Indica J.A.S.B. : Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal J.B.O.R.S. : Journal of the Bihar and Orissa Research Society J.H.R. : Journal of Historical Research, Ranchi M.I.I. : Man In India, Ranchi M.U. : Maathir-ul-Umara Nagbansh : Lal Pradhuman Singh’s ‘Nagbansh’ R.E. : Rock Edict Tuzuk : Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri

(vi) Chapter

Introduction

Chotanagpur, the heart of eastern portion of the extensive plateau of Central India. Religious history of the tribes inhabiting the area has so far remained mostly neglected. Indian and European writers, during the last two hundred years, have occasionally produced some relevant material but systematic and analytical study of the theme has still been overdue. No authentic work has come to the fore, so far, on this important aspect of regional history and culture. The difficulties of writing on regional themes and the labour-intensive nature of the work have, perhaps, been the main hurdles. During the British period, there were three types of writers interested in the religion of the region—administrators turned historians, missionaries and pure anthropologists. British officers became interested in the Chotanagpur tribes due to persistent tribal unrest against the establishment. Of such people, E.T. Dalton (1872), W.W. Hunter (1877) and F.B. Bradley-Birt (1903) were the most important. Amongst the anthropologists, H.H. Risley (1891) was the most prominent. The Christian Missionaries examined the religion of the Chotanagpur tribes within limited perspective of their own requirements. Of these, mention may be made of A. Nottrott (1871), P. Dehon (1903) and F. Hutton (1905). Later, J. Hoffmann produced his ‘Encyclopadia Mundarica’ which, in fact, is the only detailed and analytical treatise on Munda religion and philosophy produced so far. Among the pure anthropological analysts of Chotanagpur tribal religion, the foremost writer was, of course, S.C. Roy whose ‘The Mundas and their Country’ (1912), ‘The Oraons’ (1915), ‘Oraon Religion and Customs’ (1928), ‘The Kharias’ (1937) and numerous articles through his ‘Man in India’ are universally known. Even a cursory perusal of these writings, however, shows that the ‘tribal question’, i.e., the recurrent tribal revolts and the problems of classification and integration of the tribes in the colonial system were the basic motives underlying these writings. Even Raja Shitab Rai’s ‘Account of the Tribute of Nagpore and ca’ (1771) was for official use rather than a treatise on the history of the region. The first ever purely historical writing on the region was H.H. Blochmann’s notes from Muhammadan historians on Chutia Nagpur, Pachet and Palamau’ (1871). That too was just translation of extracts from Persian . Thus, up to the first decade of the twentieth century, Chotanagpur continued to be a “Little Known Province of the Empire”. 2 Religious History of the Chotanagpur Tribes

The real enquiry into the history and culture of Chotanagpur began after the dawn of independence. R.R. Diwakar, the then Governor of Bihar, made casual references to Chotanagpur in his ‘Bihar through The Ages’ (1959). The first ever purely historical treatment of a specific theme on Chotanagpur was, however, The Kol Insurrection of Chotanagpur of J.C. Jha (1964). The same year S.P. Sinha published his commendable work ‘Life and Times of Birsa Bhagwan’. Two years later came K.S. Singh’s well-known work ‘Dust Storm and Hanging Mist’: Study of Birsa Munda and his Movement (reprinted O.U.P. Cal, 1983). An exclusive treatment of a particular aspect of tribal religion in Chotanagpur was presented by S. Mahto in his ‘Hundred Years of the Christian Missions in Chotanagpur’ (1971). The following year was published this writer’s ‘The Nagbanshis and the Cheros’. Later came the works of A.P. Verma, C.P. Singh, B.B. Sinha, M. Sahu and Mrs. S. Mishra. All these works, however, veered round a short period of time, an individual or an aspect of the history and culture of Chotanagpur. A really comprehensive work on the region, Chotanagpur was published by this writer in 2000. In the post-Independence period, the Missionaries and the anthropologists also continued contributing valuable works. Fr. Ponett published his ‘Munda Ethics’ (1974). Fr. A. Von’s ‘Religious System of the Munda Tribe’ came to light in 1982. From amongst the anthropologists, mention may be made here of P.C. Biswas (1956), L.P. Vidyarthi (1961). Sachchidananda (1964), Rekha O. Dhan (1967) and Boniface Tirkey (1980). A work, exclusively on the religious history of the Chotanagpur tribes was, however, still overdue. Unlike the major religions of the world, the tribals had no religious scriptures of their own. This was a major impediment in tracing their religious history. Naturally, the anthropologists, sociologists and anthro-historians have described only the religious institutions, rites and practices, customs and beliefs of the Chotanagpur tribes. In other words, they have confined themselves to the ‘Anthropology of Religion’ or at best, ‘Historical Anthropology’. No attempt has been made to trace the historical evolution of these institutions. At best, some of the religious revitalization movements and the spread of Christianity in the region have been described by a few scholars. Thus, a complete and comprehensive account of the evolution of tribal religion in Chotanagpur from Sarna Dharm in the hoary past to the spread of Christianity during the British period was still lacking. The present work is a modest attempt to bridge this gap. The antiquity of the Chotanagpur tribes is deeply rooted in the hoary past. The forefathers of these tribes lived for a long time in certain regions outside India. The time when the different ethnic groups migrated to India are uncertain and subject of protracted controversy. Only this much is certain that they had a long march from their original habitat to India which must have taken a few thousand years. During their long sojourn, they must have come into contact with many religious and ethnic groups of people. Thus, in this work, there is extra emphasis on historical evidences in addition to the use of the available anthropological tools. Naturally, the narrative begins from the period even when the tribes had not entered Chotanagpur. This takes us to distant Palestine, the Mediterranean region in the west, to Indo-China, Indonesia and in the east and Himachal Pradesh, , , , and Karnataka inside the country. Even if the Chotanagpur tribes were not autochthons and they migrated to the Indian sub- continent from outside, it would be futile to ascertain their pre-Indian religious concepts and beliefs. Hence, any narrative of their religious evolution must begin in their Indian context. As the Introduction 3 tribals had no religious scripture and references to their religion are not adequate in the ancient Sanskrit texts, we have, of necessity, to depend on the few archaeological finds, traditions, folklores and songs related with them to form any coherent idea of their religious evolution. These traditions are heavily loaded with the Vedic and Pauranic traditions, which, however, have been modified to suit the tribal psyche and surroundings. The tribal concept of the earth and the advent of the first man and woman on it is very much alike the Hindu concept. The tribal story of the ‘Great Flood’ (Mahapralaya) has been derived from Manu. Here, the tribal Manu pours the fish from his earthen pot into the river and the fish, in turn, saves him form the great deluge. From him are born Munda, Rora, Manka and Sorso and the earth is rehabilitated. According to another tradition, Singbonga was as much anxious for the creation of earth, vegetation and living beings as Vishnu and Lakshmi had been. Just as ‘Surya’, ‘Varah’and‘Narsimha’ indicated the states in Hindu cosmogony, the ‘Kachhua’(tortoise), ‘Bichhu’ (scorpion), and ‘Jonk’ (leech) helped in the creation of ‘Chhote disum’ (the Earth). The all-powerful ‘Singbonga’ created the ‘Hur’ bird whose egg gave birth to the first man and woman. Like Adam and Eve, they knew nothing about sex, but when they drank “ili” (beer-wine), they gave birth to three Sons—Munda, Manka and Rora, and a daughter—Sodto.2 N. Topno’s collection of folklores refers to Lutkum Haram as the first Munda whose descendants traversed through Azemgarh, Bihar, Bundelkhand, Jabbalpur, Aurangabad and Rohtas, and finally settled in Chotanagpur. They fought sanguine battles with the Aryans which have been referred to in the epics and the puranas. The Asuras of Chotanagpur were here even before the Mundas and the Oraons came in. Thus, some of the minor tribes in Chotanagpur were perhaps autochthons and the major tribes like the Mundas, Oraons,HosandSanthals entered the region after their long sojourns. This period of transition saw the efflorescence of Sarna Dharm although its beginning could be traced to the period when these tribes lived in other parts of the sub-continent. The main features of Sarna Dharm, however, developed in Jharkhand. The Khuntkatti village left a part of the forest bordering on the village intact and called it the Sarna.TheSarna became the abode of the village gods (Hatu Bongako). Later developed the concept of Sarna-burhi or Sarna-Devi who became the village deity for securing prosperity and good crops. The Mundas accepted even the widows of the vanquished Asurs as their Bongas. With the passage of time, the number of the Bongas multiplied and with the inclusion of witchcraft and black magic, the quality of Munda religion deteriorated. Now, Singbonga’s consort “Parvati” became the first witch of the community. The ‘Sat-Parvatia’ Sect among the Mundas now became prominent for controlling witchcraft. Persons called Deora, Ojha and Sokha came into existence. They mostly propitiated the Hindu deities like Kali and Mahadeo to control the witches and used incantations borrowed from the Hindus. If witchcraft was antipodal to Sarna Dharma, the institutions of Deora, Ojha and Sokha were parallel Hindu institutions accepted within the fold of Sarna Dharm. The growth of killi or Gotra (sept) and totem associated with it was another historical aspect of Sarna Dharm. During the first-century A.D. 21 Parhas, 21 Killis system was created to facilitate marriage and retain the purity of blood. Thus, Killi became very important in all the sanskars from birth to death. The Oraons came on the heels of the Mundas to Chotanagpur, but they were in contact with Aryans right from the treta-yug. Their religious traditions are corroborated by events described in the Valmiki Ramayana. Valmiki refers to them as the allies of Ram. It seems that before the entry 4 Religious History of the Chotanagpur Tribes into Chotanagpur, their supreme god also was Surya or Biribelas. In Chotanagpur, they developed the concept of Dharmesh. In his evolution, Dharmesh was initially Surya, but later he imbibed the basic traits of Hindu gods and thus changed into Dharmesh.Gradually,Dharmesh came to be identified with Ram, His consort with Ma Sita (Mother-Sita) and nephew Haluman (Hanuman). When the Oraons dispossessed the Mundas of their villages and forests, and forced them to move to the east and the south-east, the Sarnas of the Mundas along with the bongas entered the ambit of Oraon faith. They did not like to incur the wrath of the Munda bongas,and therefore, propitiated them through the Munda Pahan.Thus,theMunda Sarna, bongas and rituals were saved from extinction. Gradually, in the changed environment, new Oraon religious concepts, Bongas and Nad developed. In this development, there was a new parallelism with old Munda religion. In order to mitigate the malevolent influences of witchcraft and evil spirits, Oraon institutions of Mati, Ojha, Sokha and Bhagat developed. Due to Hindu impact, the help of Kali, Mahadeo, Chandi, Durga and Devi Mai was solicited. In their worship, emphasis was now on offering food grains, fruits and milk rather than sacrifices. The devotees of Mahadeo were strict vegetarians and sticklers for purity in life. The impact of Vaishnavism and Kabirpanth later laid the foundation for the Tana Bhagat Movement. The Oraons believed in an after-life. According to them, after death, the immortal soul (akh) hovered on earth and in the underworld (bhulioka and patal). The soul was a bodyless entity. Even after death, it lived in close proximity with the progeny and relations, and craved for their well-being. Oraon religious philosophy considered both bhulioka and patal endowed with the same facilities. After death, akh of Oraon mingled with the ancestral spirits (pach balar). In fact, almost all of the tribes here had special rites of veneration for their ancestors. Many of them erected memorial pillars of stone for their dead a tradition they had brought from outside Chotanagpur. Only with the erection of such a pillar, the departed was finally laid to rest and entered the realm of ancestors. Like the Mundas and the Oraons, the religion of the Hos and Santals also centered on the sacred grove. What was known as Sarna among the Mundas and the Oraons was known as Jaher and Jahira among the Hos and the Santals. Two of the tallest trees in the grove standing side by side were deemed to be the seats of Marang-buru, the chief spirits, and his female consort Jaher-Burhi (the old lady of grove). The very fact that the other minor tribes did not have such a sacred grove is proof enough that the concept was brought from outside. It seems that although the major Chotanagpur Tribes had been in close contact with right from the Treta and Dwapar ages, in the pre-Christian era Buddhism and Jainism had a greater impact on them, although the impact proved to be short-lived. Some writers, especially 1950 onwards, described tribal religion as a form of Hinduism. Risley, as early as 1916, suggested that it is difficult to draw a line of demarcation between Hinduism and tribal religion. According to G.S. Ghurye (1943), tribal religion is a backward form of Hinduism. Elwin (1942) opined that the distinction between tribal religion and Hinduism is meaningless. Subsequent writers have toed the line. The food gathering and hunting Korva, Parahia and Birhors, etc. were, however least influenced by Hinduism, although the cultivating tribes like Mundas, Oraons, Santals, Hos, etc. imbibed a generous portion of Hindu religious beliefs. In fact, the degree of Hinduisation often decided the social status of tribes in Hindu Introduction 5 society. Many tribes like the Cheros and Kharwars at one hand and the Bhuians and Baigas on the other became superior or inferior according to beliefs and practice. Again, it was two-way traffic. The rural Hindu castes also adopted some of the tribal gods and gave them a place in their patheon,e.g.,Baghdeo (Tiger God) and Dulha-Deo (bridegroom killed on the way to his wedding). Sometimes, the god or goddess retained the tribal name, e.g., Durjagin, Chenri, Darha and Purbia. Very often, however, the name was replaced by a corresponding Hindu name, e.g., Shiva, Shankar, Kali and Durga. does not seem to have made much impact on tribal religion, save that some of them embraced Islam voluntarily or became Muhammadans due to inter-marriage. A new chapter, however, opened up in tribal religious history with the advent of the Christian missionaries who evinced the greatest possible interest in weaning away the tribes from their original religion Sarna-Dharm. After initial hiccup, they attained quick successes using the twin instruments of education and healthcare, so much so that within a hundred years, one-third of the Chotanagpur tribals took to the worship of the ‘real god’. Thus, although the impact of religion on the various facets of tribal life has been all- embracing, their religious history has revolved primarily around their Sanskars, rituals, ancestors, festivals and bongas, both benevolent and malevolent. Impact of Hinduism, Buddhism, Jainism, Islam and Christianity not only influenced their religious beliefs and concepts, but also promoted the various social and religious revitalization movements among the tribes. The writer has tried to keep clear of formulating novel theories. Only some light has been thrown on the old ones. Yet, an attempt has been made to know as to how the religious tradition worked in this region, how it interacted with other religious traditions which were similar, dissimilar or conflicting, what was the nature of the interactions; and, what led to change. Particularly religious oscillation, combination, indinization and retroversion have been taken into account. In fact, religious change influenced society, economy, art and architecture and even the politics of the region. It became an instrument for the search of tribal identity and in a way influenced the Jharkhand Movement that followed. As regards methodology, apart from micro-study and textual approach, the main thrust has been on oral traditions, archaeological and epigraphic evidences and analysis of available material on the basis of recorded documentary and textual evidences. Participant observation and personal interviews of the Pahans, Mundas, Mankis, Pujaris, Mahanths and Lyngdohs has been an essential ingredient of the whole exercise. An enormous quantity of manuscript sources in possession of the various Christian Missions, temples and individuals, and the archaeological sites connected with Buddhism, Jainism, Saivism and Vaisnavism in Chotanagpur have been fully examined. A thorough search has been made in the ancient literatures of the Hindus, the Jains and the Buddhists with a view to collecting possible indications, however faint, regarding the tribes and their religion. For the mediaeval period, Persian texts and archaeological evidences have been the main source of information. There has been no paucity of archival material for the study of Christianity in the area. Journals, periodicals, reports and published works of select writers have been used profitably. I was fortunate in receiving financial support from the University Grant Commission, New Delhi, for this major project. Inordinate delays at different levels, however, prevented me from 6 Religious History of the Chotanagpur Tribes visiting some important study centers, I would have liked to visit. I take the opportunity of thanking the authorities of the National Library and Asiatic Society (Calcutta), Sacred Heart Library (), Oriental Library, K.P. Jaiswal Research Institute, Bihar Research Society and A.K. Sinha Institute (Patna), Kamil Bulke Library and Bihar Tribal Research Institute (Ranchi) and the Mission Archives at Bangalore, Mysore and Ranchi for their allowing me to consult valuable books and records. Finally, I acknowledge my indebtedness to all those including Prakash, Moti and Pragati who have directly or indirectly rendered help to me in efforts to complete this work, and, ultimately publish it.

Vani Vitan, Professor’s Colony Karamtoli, Ranchi - 8 (India). Dr. Balmukund Virottam

1. Jagdish Trigunayak, Munda Lok Kathayen (Welfare Deptt., Govt. of Bihar, Patna, 1968), p. 15. 2. S.C. Roy, the Mundas, p. 328; Trigunayak, p. 45. Chapter Chapter 1 The Land and the People

Chotanagpur is the eastern portion of the extensive plateau of Central India. It is girded by Magadh and Bhagalpur of Bihar in the north, Orissa in the south, West Bengal in the east and and Uttar Pradesh in the west. It covers an area of 79,000 sq. kms. The nomenclature “Chota Nagpur”, the heart of Chotanagpur, has given rise to various theories and interpretations on the part of scholars. According to J.H. Hewitt, the very ancient ruling Nagabanshi family gave their name to “Chutia Narpur”, meaning the mother of the Nagas. They also belonged to this race, and their cognizance was the “Naga” or Cobra, snake standing erect and this they used to depict as a tilak or caste symbol on their foreheads. In their snake genealogy, the mother snake is the five-headed Naga, worshipped yearly throughout India on the 5th of Sraban (July-August) as Nag Panchami, when the Naga is depicted as watching over Shiva, and Buddha.1 This explanation has the advantage of simplicity and accounts for the present customs of the former Nagabanshi chiefs. But the meaning seems improbable as thereisnosuchwordas“Chut” meaning mother, either in Sanskrit or Mundari or any other kindred language of the aborigines. A novel theory, as to the origin of the name Chota Nagpur, was propounded by B.C. Mazumdar in 1907. He tried to establish that Chota Nagpur was first colonized about the 6th century A.D. by the Nag-worshipping Bhuiyas who were associated with a class of ‘legendary heroes’ called the Chutias and that the two together contributed to the name, “Chota Nagpur”.2 He seems to adduce from Sir Edward Gait’s History of Assam the fact that the Chutias and Bhuiyas were dominant in that country, prior to its conquest by the Ahoms in the 13th century and considers that these Chutias gave their name to Chutia or Chota Nagpur. Mazumdar further supposes that the Bhuiyas and the Chutias were the earliest inhabitants of Chotanagpur and they were pushed towards the east and south by the Mundas.3 This view appears to be unfounded and untenable. All authoritative writers and documents on the subject suggest that the Mundas were the earlier inhabitants of the area.4 No other writer has suggested that the Chutias or the Bhuiyas were prior to the Mundas. That this theory is unsound was amply demonstrated by S.C. Roy in his article in the J.B.O.R.S. of 1932.5 8 Religious History of the Chotanagpur Tribes

There is not the slightest suggestion offered by any authority about the occupation of the plateau of Chotanagpur by the Chutias. S.C. Roy who made firsthand field investigation into the ethnology of the different tribes of Chotanagpur for about 40 years has not a word to say about the Chutias in the list of several hundred clans or sects into which the Munda tribe is divided.6 Mazumdar theory, therefore, that the name Chutia Nagpur be traced to the tribal name of the legendary heroes the Chutias who once conquered the country, is highly improbable and has no foundation in fact. A plausible explanation of the name of the region seems to be the one given by Walter Hamilton in his geographical, statistical and historical description of Hindustan. He writes: “This sub-division of Bihar is designated by the “Chota” (little) to distinguish it from the other Nagpur possessed by the Bhoonslah Maharatta family, and the name (Nagpur) indicates that in the opinion of the natives the territory contains diamonds”.7 And, as to Chota Nagpur, the writer says “Still further to the South, there is a third and elevated region, containing 18,000 sq. miles, though proportionately of considerable value. The highland includes the modern sub-division of Palamau, Ramgarh and Chota Nagpur, bounded on the west by the Subah of Allahabad, by Gundwana and Orrisa and on the East by Bengal. The last division is geographically termed the three Bellads or Cantons, as is also sometimes described, under the appellation of Kokerah, but more commonly Nagpur, from the diamond mines it contains, or is supposed to contain.”8 It should be mentioned here that the same explanation of the name Chota Nagpur is given in Francis Buchanan’s (afterwards B. Hamilton) East India Gazetteer.9 Scholars very soon seem to have been prejudiced by the old tradition that has gathered round the name of “Chutia”, a suburb of the present town of Ranchi. According to the Munda tradition, the Patriarch Chutu Ladam (meaning in Mundari an old man) was the founder of this suburban village. The tradition further describes to it the honour of being the royal seat of the Nagabanshi Raja who was fourth in descent from the traditional king Phani Mukut Rai. The British officers, posted in this part of the country, in order to make more widely known the name of the suburb “Chutia”, transferred the only great fair of the region from the bank of the Suvarnarekha River between Silli and Jhalda to the village of Chutia. There is magnifying delight of the mind in associating a name with a historical event or place. Thus, originated the theory that the region was named after the village Chutia, a place of historical memory.10 This derivation of the name “Chota” for a time held the ground, so that when the District Gazetteer of Ranchi was written in 1917, the writer, without assigning any reason, accepted the above meaning and wrote thus: the name is probably derived from Chutia,a village close to Ranchi, which is reputed to be original home of the Nagabanshi chiefs”.11 But it may have pointed out that the prefix “Chota” to Nagpur is of comparatively recent origin, having been used for the first time by the British in the latter half of the 18th century, and more regularly from the middle of the 19th century. The ancient names by which this region was called were Munda in the Vayu12 and Vishnu Purans,13 Mandala by Ptolemy14 and Monedes by Pliny.15 Hiuen Tsang refers to this tract as Kie-lo-na-su-fa-la-na or Kiran Suborna, lying at a distance of 700 li to 117 miles to the north-west of Tamralipti.16 Another Chinese traveller Fahien, coming up to Bodh Gaya was afraid to proceed further south to “Kukkut-lada” which has been identified by Cunningham with Kurkihar, 16 miles to Southeast of Gaya.17 The early Sanskrit literature called the plateau by the names of “Mund”, “Pulinda-des”or“Poulinda”and“Dasarna”.18 The Mohammedan historians who knew the country as Chotanagpur”,19 “Kokerah” or “Kokra”20 also named it as “Coira Orissa”,21 and occasionally, in the later period, as “Nagpur”,22 but without the prefix “Chota”. The Land and the People 9

Even in the earlier years of the British rule. In official reports and other publications, the country was generally named “Nagpore”. Thus, when the East India Company in 1771 for first time entered into a revenue settlement with the then Raja, Drip Nath, the country was simply described as Kukrah.23 In a letter addressed to the Governor at Fort William on 3rd July, 1774, Captain Camac, the first British Officer to enter Chotanagpur proper, described the country as simply “Nagpore”.24 It was for the first time in 1788 that James Rennell in his Memoir of a Map of Hindustan prefixed the term ‘Chutia’ to Nagpur,25 but it was not till 1812 that Nagpur was officially recognized as “Chotanagpur” by the British Parliament.26 W.W. Hunter says “The name Chota is the modern corruption of Chutia. Chutia in the local dialect of Hindi means a Mouse”.27 From the above discussion we may conclude that the prefix “Chota” to Nagpur has no historical connections with the present village of Chutia and that the word “Chota”begantobe used by the British in the last decade of the 18th century, or more strictly from the middle of the 19th century. At the beginning of the 19th century, the British had to deal, almost simultaneously, with two Nagpur chiefs, viz., one, the Nagabanshi Raja, and the other, the Bhonsla Raja.28 To avoid confusion, or for the sake of convenience, a distinctive mark was considered necessary, and hence the Nagpur plateau was named “Chota” in order to distinguish it from the other and bigger Nagpur possessed by the Bhonsle Maratha family. There is also a Munda legend that seeks to explain the name “Chota Nagpur” – legend of Risa Munda who was made the accredited leader of the whole Munda tribe by Sirma Singh (the Sun god of Heaven). Risa settled in a place where lived dangerous Nag (Cobra) serpents. The legend further has it that Risa appointed one Sutia Pahan as the head of the Mundas and that Sutia named the forest tract “Sutia Nagkhand”, after him. The transformation of “C”or“Ch”in “S” is common enough. Sutia is said to have divided the land into seven garhs, viz., Lohargarh (Lohardaga), Hazaribagh (Hazaribagh), Palumgarh (Palamau), Manngarh (Manbhum), Singhagarh (Singhbhum), Koshalgarh and Surgujahgarh (Surguja). It is said that he further sub-divided these seven garhs into 21 parganas, the name of many of which are still in vogue. The parganas are Omendanda, Doisa, Khukra, Surguja, Jaspur, Gangpur, Porhat, Girga, Birua, Lachra, Birna, Sonepur, Belkhader, Belsing, Tamar, Ichadih, Kharsing, Udaipur, Banal, Korea and Chengbhangkar.29 This legend seeks to explain that the name “Chutia” is a corruption from “Sutia”, and because the land was infested with large and venomous serpents, it was named Nagkhand, the land of the Nags should be named “Chutia Nagpur”afterthenameof Sutia Pahan, and not Chota Nagpur at present. It is difficult to venture the suggestion, at this late stage, to substitute the appellation “Chutia “for “Chota” which is the present accepted name after the epithet had passed through various stages of sound and spelling transformation, has perhaps a better claim that the theory of the “Chutia” origin of Chota Nagpur. We may now proceed to consider the meaning of the name “Nagpur”. Literally, it means the “pur” or land or country of the Nags, the adoption of the word “pur” which is apparently a Sanskrit word to name an aboriginal country may seem strange to some, while all the neighbouring countries inhabited by the people of kindred races are called either “garhs”or “bhums”. It appears that the Mundari people being extremely deficient in abstract and some works have evidently been adopted in recent time, though it is remarkable that some Sanskrit words in their primitive from are also to be met with in Mundari.30 The prefix “Chota”which,as has already been discussed is of comparatively, recent development, the suffix “Pur” to the name 10 Religious History of the Chotanagpur Tribes of the land of the aborigines clearly shows the influence of Aryan language, and refers to the time when the two ethnic linguistic elements came into direct contact, and as such it is an Aryan, and not an aboriginal nomenclature. Like the Romulus-Remus origin of the Romans, the Chota Nagpur Raj Family has preserved an interesting tradition as to its origin from the snake, which not only takes us back to the Pauranic time, but seeks to account for the name “Nagpur”. Phani Mukut Rai, according to the legend, became raja and took possession of Ramgarh, Gola Palani, Chenguriah (modern Hazaribagh), and the territories from Tamar to Bantha Hazam (eastern portion of Ranchi district).31 From the historical standpoint, the legend though strange, may lead to the solution of the question of time to which this event belonged. The traditional birth and installation of Maharaja Phani Mukut Rai synchronize with the time of the appellation of the tract as Nagpur, which undoubtedly came into use after the name of the original king, who was a Nagabanshi. The name Ranchi, it may be noted, is derived from the Mundari word “Aranchi”, meaning a short stick used in driving cattle. Similarly, the origin of the name of “Doranda”whichwasthe military station is traced to two Mundari words “Durang” (song) and “Da” (water), and refers to a story how the Mundas drank the water (Da) of a streamlet that flowed by it and sang songs (durang), and danced to their hearts content.32 Palamau, situated in the north-west of the Chotanagpur plateau, has been described by Bradley-Birt as the “Ancient gateway of Chotanagpur”.33 According to F.J. Hahn, Palamau is a Dravidian name and “Pall” means tooth “Amm” means water and “U” a kind of fortress.34 D.H.E. Sunder suggests that the name is combination of “Pala”, meaning frost and “Mu” the patois root for dead, and supports it with the fact that during the winter months, the district is liable to severe frosts.35 The Mohammedan historians, who spelt the word as “Palaoon” meant a place of refuge, as it has given asylum to many chiefs, owing to the inaccessible nature of this region.36 It may be suggested that the name is derived from “Pala”, meaning protector, and “mau” meaning mother. In this sense, some places are named, e.g., “Sitamau”. In Palamau fort also, there is a temple dedicated to a female deity, probably the goddess of the fort. Hazaribagh37 forms the north-eastern portion of the south Chotanagpur Division. It is situated at an elevation of 600 meters.38 The name of the region according to the legend of Phani Mukut Rai was Changuriah, excluding Gola Palani.The modern derivation is from the name of a village “Hazari”, once crowded with a thousand (Hazzar) mango trees. Historically, the name Hazaribagh owes its origin to the name of two villages, Ocund and Hazari. Thus, in Rennell’s map published in 1788, we read “Ocundhazari”, and not Hazaribagh.39 According to Bradley-Birt, a huge mango grove, containing a thousand trees, some of which still remain, was known as Hazari, and round these a village grew, spreading in time into the modern town of Hazaribagh, the garden of a thousand trees.40 Singhbhum which forms the south-eastern portion of the south Chotanagpur division extends over 4,475 square miles. An attempt has been made to establish that the name Singhbhum is a corruption of “Singbonga”the Sun god.41 But this theory seems to be a little far-fetched, as the name Singhbhum came into use, historically after the name of the Singh Rajas of Porhat. They are said to have established themselves into the region in the 16th century A.D. from which time the area came to be known as Singhbhum.42 Authorities are divided in their opinion as to the origin of the name “Manbhum”. Col. Dalton and W.B. Oldham describe the origin of the name of Dravidian tribal names such as Mall, etc.43 Hunter says that the ‘bhum’ofManbhum was the land of the “Mallas”(wrestlers).44 In this sense, the term was applied to mean a more extensive tract of country, comprising parts of the modern districts of Midnapore, Burdwan, some parts of Santhal Parganas The Land and the People 11 and the whole of modern Purulia and Dhanbad districts. The Markandeya Purana, while describing the countries and races of eastern India mentions the “Mana-Vartikas,45 although the Vayu Purana reads “Malavartinah”.46 But the reading in the Bhisma Parva of the Mahabharat is the “Mana-Varjikas”,47 who appear from the context to be the people meant. The names seem intended to carry the meaning, “People who are devoid of decorum”. Pargiter thinks that “Mana- Vartikas” may mean Manbhum.48 Chotanagpur is one long undulating sweep of hills throughout. Its Centre is a vast plateau, averaging something like 600 meters in height, and descending in its outlying districts to the plains below, with ridges running out here and there beyond its borders into Bengal and Bihar. There are hills everywhere, range after range, rising up abruptly 300 meters. All are covered more or less with thick forests, exposing here and there patches of black rock beneath, while on the lower and more undulating areas grow vast forests that stretch over the land for miles around.49 There are a series of plateau of different heights, the highest being formed by the western part, namely the “Pat” region, ranging from 800 meters to 1200 meters above sea level, covering the north-west corner of Ranchi district and the southern edge of Palamau district. The next plateau comprises Ranchi district and rises from 600 to 900 meters. Hazaribagh and Dhanbad constitute the third plateau, lying at a height of 300 to 600 meters. The southern portion of Singhbhum forms the fourth category of these plateaus with an elevation of 200 meters above the sea level. Each of these series of plateau descends to the next lower one not by gradual but by rather narrow and steep slopes known as scarps.50 The Hazaribagh plateau has on its eastern margin Parasnath. The south-west of Singhbhum comprises one mass of hills the Saranda or 700 hills, the greater portion of which is under reserved forest.51 Ranchi is the capital of the state and is at an altitude of 700 meters above the sea level. Netarhat, a plateau highest in Chotanagpur with rare beauty spots, is 6 kilometers long, 4 kilometers wide. Its highest point is 1200 meters and is probably the coolest in Chotanagpur. Chotanagpur is a land of a number of rivers and streams, but most of its rivers are not navigable. They flow through rugged country and the riverbeds are for the most part rocky, there being little of silt. The principal rivers draining with south from the Chotanagpur plateau are only two, the South Koel and the Suvarnarekha, while the number draining east is much larger.52 These rivers from south to north are the Kansai,theDamodar,theBarakar,theAjay,theMor, the Brahmani,theGumani and other. The four last named are insignificant and even the other rivers have only their upper course in Chotanagpur, flowing for the most part over rocky beds, the South Koel rises a few miles west of Ranchi, on the northern slope of the same ridge as the Suvarnarekha and very close to its source. It flows a circuitous southerly course to join the Sankh in Gangpur. The Suvarnarekha plunges 100 meters from the Ranchi plateau near the junction of the Hazaribagh and Manbhum districts and the Hundrugharh forms one of the most picturesque fails in the state.53 The river Sankh rises in the north-west of Ranchi district, flows through the center of the Rajendera plateau, and then turns abruptly south and descends to the plains of Barwe by a beautiful waterfall known as Sadnighagh. Tradition states that formerly diamonds were found in the Sankh. Ptolemy states that diamonds were found in Kokkamaji, a region which probably included Chotanagpur, and the reference in Mohammedan works and the possession of diamonds by the local chiefs go to substantiate the tradition that the river did yield a number of more or less valuable gems.54