Modern Environmental Science and Engineering (ISSN 2333-2581) September 2018, Volume 4, No. 9, pp. 838-855 Doi: 10.15341/mese(2333-2581)/09.04.2018/008 Academic Star Publishing Company, 2018 www.academicstar.us

The New Water War: Effects of Poor Management and Mining on Water Provision in La Paz, Bolivia

Patricia Alejandra Oviedo Cespedes The New School of Public Engagement, Milano School of International Affairs, USA

Abstract: This paper examines the social and political repercussions of one of Bolivia’s worst water crisis in one of the main urban centers: the city of La Paz. The water crisis is used as a case study to analyze the factors that currently threaten water supply systems in the country. Data was collected through a revision of articles and reports. For recent information a series of semi-structured interviews with local experts working in this issue were performed during a 5-month period. The paper provides an overview on the historical background of water supply management at a national level, to display the political and regulatory trends that continue to affect people’s right to water. To explore the causes of the water crisis, the paper foregrounds the impact of extractive industries, low investments in infrastructure, and lack of institutional transparency on the accelerated rate of water resource depletion. To conclude the paper provides examples of alternative models of water management currently being explored by peri-urban communities in La Paz and Cochabamba. The models explored highlight the need for water sanitation and favor community-led water treatment systems as horizontal structures that can promote the protection and remediation of bodies of water in the country.

Key words: water resources, extractive industries, mining, climate change, institutional transparency, Bolivia

resources. Hydrologic and hydro geologic estimates 1. Introduction indicate that Bolivia has one of the highest levels of “Water is the basis of reciprocity and water per capita in the world, with about 38,000 m3 complementarity; it helps to resolve problems and per person [3]. Bolivia is also comprised of three establish relationships; water is everybody’s and nobody’s” [1]. extensive river basins that cover most of the country: The Amazon, La Plata, and The Central Basin [4]. In The availability of this extensive but diminishing addition, it is home to 11 important wetlands protected resource is the driver of the most important under the Ramsar Convention on Wetlands of socioeconomic processes and interactions. However, International importance [4]. for the people in Bolivia access to reliable water Since the privatization of the water, conflicts over provision has historically been a source of conflict the resource have exacerbated. The commonly known among the population and those in control of its privatization “wave” in the period of 2000-2006, management. Studies show that every year, 4 out of witnessed corporations that privatized water resources the 9 departments in the country experience periods of but failed to improve systems and unjustly drought that lead to strict rationing for several months incremented tariffs, leaving thousands without access. [2]. This fact is ironic considering the fact that Bolivia The end of privatization in 2006 marked the is rich in both groundwater and surface water metaphorical beginning of the anti-neoliberal

Corresponding author: Patricia Alejandra Oviedo economic model in Bolivia, introducing the state as Cespedes, Master; research areas/interests: environmental the new primary owner of water. Although the shift sciences, water management, hydrology, international development, renewable energy, waste management, from private to public control of water entities inserted environmental toxicology. E-mail: [email protected].

The New Water War: Effects of Poor Management and Mining on Water Provision in La Paz, Bolivia 839 the protection of Mother Earth or “La Pachamama” responses to climate change and extractives. By and universal access to water into the new political introducing the best practices of community led scheme, recent events like the 2016 Water Crisis1 in solutions to these issues, the importance of the “social La Paz show these constitutional rights are far from re-appropriation” of water systems is explained. reality. Through this, the paper examines the reasons these The drastic decrease in urban and rural water supply communities have been successful in delivering in La Paz was initially attributed to factors such as collective access of water to their communities, but delayed precipitation seasons caused by climate considers the diverse challenges these strategies still change and the failure of EPSAS, the Public Water face. To conclude, this paper argues that Bolivia must Service Provider to inform the public and local transition from the theoretic dialogue of “respecting authorities about the issue when it had started months mother earth” to effective actions that protect natural earlier2. Infuriated populations filled the streets of La resources and the rights of the people that depend on Paz to demand their rights to stable water provision them. and expressed rejection against plans of response and 2. Material and Methods emergency. In addition to the multiple socioeconomic and health repercussions the Water Crisis had on the Data was collected through an in depth literature population of La Paz, this event revealed underlying review of scientific articles on hydrologic resources in issues that are impacting the water supply system Bolivia and semi-structured interviews. Articles and which were previously unknown to the public. documents developed by climate scientists, Contrary to the main arguments discussed by local sociologists and NGO’S were revised to develop the authorities, the Water Crisis was not only the result of background sections of the paper and provide an climate change variations, but of a mix of factors that overview of the politics behind water management in the experts and activists had warned the authorities Bolivia. Reports written on the condition of about years before. Hydrologic Infrastructure by Governmental Acknowledging the complexity of tackling the Institutions and International Organizations years multiple barriers that exist to accomplish the goal of were studied to compare it to current situations. Due universal access to water, the paper also mentions two to the fact the Water Crisis event is recent (2016-2017) potential approaches that can begin to counteract new information was obtained through semi structured factors threatening the country’s water supply. At a and unstructured interviews. national level, water sanitation is emphasized as a Experts interviewed included Hydrology Engineers, sector that needs to be improved to promote the NGOs, Climatologists, and Activists. In addition, reutilization of treated waters in agricultural and several newspaper articles were revised to record industrial sectors. At local levels, the paper analyzes public opinion on the issue. This method of data community led initiatives that are already treating collection was selected as the best approach because residual waters and practicing other adaptation the issue is recent and still actively discussed in the country. Moreover, because the Water Crisis affected 1 This paper will refer as the “Water Crisis” to a series of events that occurred in La Paz in 2016 and left around 94 multiple sectors of the population and had multiple neighborhoods without water provision for a period of 4 causes and repercussions, thus perspectives from months. This Water Crisis will be used in the context of explaining the multiple factors that currently threaten water different disciplines were required. For each of the resources at a national level. semi-structured interviews approximately 20 2 The impacts of the water crisis were first felt in November 2016, however EPSAS had known the water dams had been questions were developed and these focused on two decreasing at an accelerated rate since May 2016.

840 The New Water War: Effects of Poor Management and Mining on Water Provision in La Paz, Bolivia core areas: perspectives on the causes of the water and the World Bank. This agreement arose as part of crisis but also approaches that can be explored and the Washington Consensus of 1989, an agreement in implemented in La Paz as mitigation and adaptation which several stakeholders from the IMF, the World responses. Bank and the World Trade Organization provided a In order to analyze the proximity and the potential prescriptive approach to decrease poverty in impacts mining activities had on water dams in La Paz, developing countries: trade liberalization and open a simple geo spatial analysis was performed using Arc market economies that focused industry towards GIS. The exact latitude and longitude of mines in the exports [8]. For Bolivia, this agreement meant the city were mapped using data from GEO Bolivia. In IMF and the World Bank would provide the country addition, the exact geographic location of water dams loans and debt financing, under the situation that in La Paz was mapped using coordinates from the Bolivia would adhere to economic conditions such as World Bank data. A 30-meter buffer was created eliminating barriers to foreign corporations and around dams to observe which mines fell in the area of investments [9]. Commonly known as the Structural interest. The 30-meter buffer was determined as global Adjustments, these shifts opened the door to the mining regulation standards and establish that no privatization of national enterprises like the public extractive activity must be closer than 30 meters to water entities to foreign multibillion-dollar bodies of water as risks of contamination increase [5]. corporations. The consensus between Bolivian President Hugo Banzer and the International Monetary 3. Results and Discussion Fund and The World Bank imposed a new water 3.1 Tracing the Effects of Policy Reforms management model, in which Cochabamba’s state owned water entity; SEMAPA transitioned to become The causes of La Paz’s “worst water crisis in 25 the private enterprise Aguas del Tunari owned by the years” [6] can only be understood through a retrograde French corporation Suez Lyonnaise [1]. To gain analysis of past events, which contribute to our popular support, Aguas del Tunari conceded to understanding of how social and political conflicts improve the network of services with a 35% increase have influenced disputes over water resources. The in water tariffs, with the commitment that in 5-year year 2000 marked the start of the well-known “Water period improvements to water infrastructure systems Wars” in the city of Cochabamba. Cochabamba was would be made. However, there were no prior and still is known to have the most stringent water consultation processes with the citizens of rationing programs of the country [7]. Before the year Cochabamba, which led to a reluctant acceptance of 2000 Cochabamba’s water resources were for the the management system. The main issue began when most part managed by the state-owned public entity Aguas del Tunari decided to re-categorize SEMAPA (Municipal Service of Water and Sewage neighborhoods in Cochabamba without citizen Treatment), which was known to be poorly regulated consultation (Ayala Monica, 20 February, 2017, [1]. In response to this institutions performance, Structured personal interview). This re-categorization Cochabamba was presented with a “solution” for their meant tariffs would increase randomly depending on water infrastructure and provision problems: the the location of your neighborhood. As a result, some privatization of water that would be done through citizens witnessed an increment in tariffs of 120-200% selling SEMAPA to a private corporation. [1, 9]. In addition, the Law of 2029 gave Aguas del This shift to private control was the result of an Tunari complete control to charge tariffs over all other agreement between the highly indebted Bolivian sources of water including community wells, local Government with the International Monetary Fund

The New Water War: Effects of Poor Management and Mining on Water Provision in La Paz, Bolivia 841 aquifers, and in theory “even the rain”. More Paz used 25 m3, the southern area3 would use 60 m3 importantly this law meant communities that had been and El Alto would need 9 m3 (Ayala Monica, 20 managing their own water systems for years lost the February, 2017, structured personal interview). right to control them [1]. Although Aguas del Illimani began operating Following various disagreements between the new efficiently it did not have a transparent tariff system. institution and the population, the public’s realization Investments, repairs, renovations were all included as that the contract between the government and Aguas one item in the tariff, which did not allow citizens to del Tunari never included a compromise to invest in view the details of their payments. The main issue improving the system caused massive political with their service was a miscalculation to estimate the disruptions which involved days of protests and the cubic meters they had to provide to El Alto. death of activists (Ayala Monica, 20 February, 2017, Estimations of 9 m3 were in reality only 4 m3, a structured personal interview). This event resulted in miscalculation that delayed the expansion the service protests that marked the end of the “Water Wars” in in el Alto and angered citizens that been promised an Cochabamba when citizens and protesters forced the improved system (Ayala Monica, 20 February, 2017, termination of the contract with Aguas del Tunari [9]. structured personal interview). Other miscalculations In 2005 the effects of privatization policies were felt in the area of service caused 200,000 residents in El in the city of La Paz, as SAMAPA (Autonomous Alto to have no access to water provision [9]. Another Municipal Services of Water and Sewage), the public issue was that Aguas del Illimani had also promised water entity providing water to La Paz and El Alto water meters to increase transparency and unregulated was privatized. This led to the creation of new private tariffs, nevertheless this was never accomplished. Like entity: Aguas del Illimani, owned by the American Aguas del Tunari in Cochabamba, they increased corporation Bechtel; who would be in charge of water tariffs in both water and sewage connections and provision. Public acceptance of Aguas del Illimani failed to transparently charge and provide promised proved to be a greater challenge than expected as services. Once again, these issues caused political citizens had witnessed corrupt practices of Aguas del unrest and days of protests culminated in the Tunari and were defensive against private control of expulsion of Aguas del Illimani in 2006 [9]. water. The situation with Aguas del Tunari gave The commonly known “Water Wars” were citizens of La Paz, and particularly El Alto confidence movements not only against privatization but fights to that collective action and political disruptions were demand improvements to a service that was only effective. However, the terms of agreement with becoming more deficient and expensive [2]. These Aguas del Illimani established their goal to be to movements would set a specific political and social provide the “greatest coverage for the greatest number scenario for the next decade as they demonstrated the of people” using a stable and pre- determined tariff for ability of citizens to collectively organize to reject both La Paz and El Alto. The agreement with Aguas inefficient institutions. The following years only del Illimani determined it would provide connections reassured this belief, as two presidents were forced to to the drinking water network as well as ~90% renounce and leave the country due to violent and sanitation coverage for La Paz and El Alto during the organized protests (Huerta Luis, 10 January, 2015, first 5 years of operation [9]. To avoid issues seen in personal interview). Strongly against privatization and Cochabamba, Aguas del Illimani calculated water the neoliberal model was current President Evo consumption per area to be able to deliver appropriate Morales: Bolivia’s first Indigenous populist leader water quantities. Calculations showed the center of La 3 The southern part of La Paz referred to as the Zona Sur.

842 The New Water War: Effects of Poor Management and Mining on Water Provision in La Paz, Bolivia that would impose radical changes in Bolivia’s new Constitution considers the right to water as a economic structure. fundamental right to ensure universal access and avoid its privatization [12]. In La Paz, the expansion of the 3.2 Evo Morale’s Pachamama constitution and the establishment of state ownership The election of Evo Morales as the country’s first of water resources led to the reestablishment of Social indigenous president was ironic, considering Bolivia’s Public Enterprise of Water and Sanitation EPSAS ~60% Indigenous population [10]. Evo Morales would (Empresa Publica Social de Agua y Saneamiento) symbolically give hope to forgotten citizens that which became the enterprise in charge of the water demanded change from previous oppression and high provision services for La Paz and El Alto. EPSAS was levels of inequality [10]. President Morales's election created in La Paz upon the termination of the contract introduced an anti-neoliberal economic model and the with Aguas del Illimani in 2007 as part of the decree nationalization of major industries like the Oil Nº28985 (Ayala Monica, 20 February, 2017, structured Company Repsol, Petroleum Industrie 4 , and the personal interview). The government negotiated the Telecommunications Company Entel among others terms to end the contract with the Aguas del Illimani (Huerta Luis, 10 January, 2017, structured personal and other international donors, to pay 5 million dollars interview). Similarly, his government would officially to the enterprise. As a result EPSAS was created in nationalize water entities and return the state owned 2007, and is to date regulated by the AAPS (Authority public entities. Post privatization, Bolivian water of Fiscalization and Social Control of Water and resources passed on to be completely owned by the Sanitation), which provides all licenses to other small State; and under the Law 2066 of Services and water services operator’s, controls the main activities Drinking Water the government was entitled to give of EPSAS (Ayala Monica, 20 February, 2017, licenses to “mixed”, public entities and cooperatives structured personal interview). Currently, EPSAS is so they would be able to operate for a certain time the main water service provider in the two main cities frame and in a specific area. Aligning to the of the Metropolitan area of La Paz: La Paz and El Alto. anti-privatized model, this law emphasized that Nevertheless, it is important to mention the distinction although these entities can operate that service under a between EPSAS and the EPSas (Enterprises that subscription they will never obtain concession of the independently provide the services of water and service, as the figure is no longer privatizing (Ayala sewage control). EPsas also receive licenses from the Monica, 20 February, 2017, structured personal Authority of Fiscalization and Social Control of Water interview). As a result, the entity responsible to and Sanitation) but are cooperatives and associations, provide licenses and subscription to operate water that provide the water services to areas where EPSAS services became the AAPS (The Bolivian Authority of does not [13]. The La Paz metropolitan area includes Fiscalization and Social Control of Water and the cities of La Paz, El Alto, Viacha, and Caranavi, Sanitation) [11]. which combined, have a total population of This new water provision ‘state owned’ model was approximately 2.7 million people. However, for the influenced by the expansion of the new Constitution purpose of this analysis, the paper will focus on the in 2009, which deepened the rights of Indigenous areas of La Paz and El Alto, as those were the main peoples and added the Law 2066 (The Law of Mother areas affected by the recent water crisis. The city of Earth) or la “Pachamama”. The incorporation of the La Paz has a population of 789,585 people while the city of EL Alto — which is considered the fastest

4 Commonly known as Yacimientos Petrolíferos Fiscales urban growing center — has almost 1 million people. Bolivianos.

The New Water War: Effects of Poor Management and Mining on Water Provision in La Paz, Bolivia 843

Interestingly, La Paz witnessed a massive increase in treatment plant (Fig. 1). Tilata and El Alto systems are population size from just 11,000 inhabitants in 1950 to supplied by the Condoriri Watershed and glacier one million in 2010 [14] and has since been increasing runoff and used to fill the Condoriri and Tuni dams, demographically. which provide water to most of the city of El Alto. Although La Paz and El Alto are two cities with The Achachicala system is supplied by the Pampahasi two local municipalities they have always shared Watershed and used by the Milluni dam, which serves water supply systems. Out of the 33 dams that provide the city center of La Paz. Finally, the Pampahasi water to the entire department of La Paz, about 6 of system is supplied by the Irpavi River and Incachaca those provide water for both La Paz and El Alto [14, Watershed and provides water to the Sora Jahuira, 15]. These 33 dams and reservoirs have a total storage Estrellani, Kinkillosa, Incachaca, Ajuankhota and capacity of 78.371.500 million cubic meters [15]. The Hampaturi dams. Incachaca, Hampaturi, and three main water supply systems for human Ajuankhota provide water to most of the suburban consumption in El Alto and La Paz cities are Tilata & areas of La Paz called the “Zona Sur” and parts of El El Alto, Achachicala and Pampahasi, which are Alto [15-17]. supplied by several water dams and contain 1

Fig. 1 Water supply system for human consumption in La Paz, Bolivia.

844 The New Water War: Effects of Poor Management and Mining on Water Provision in La Paz, Bolivia

Affected Households had to now purchase water from 3.3 The 2017-2017 Water Crisis in La Paz individual water providers (Aguateros) or buy large On November 2, 2016 families in the South Areas quantities of bottled water for basic needs. Delivering (Zona Sur), the city center, and some parts of El Alto water in individual trucks with tanks Aguateros experienced a sudden water shortage and received charged about (~$75) 450 Bs., an amount that alarming news that the main dams that provided water exceeded the usual monthly tariff for a household ($5) to these areas: Incachaca, Hampaturi, Ajuankhota (40Bs). The source and quality of the water provided were at their lowest capacities [18]. Ajuankhota with a by the Aguateros was unknown, but was believed to capacity of 3.360.400 m3, Hampaturi with a capacity be sourced from surrounding watersheds. The of 3.174.200 m3 and Incachaca with capacity of unknown source was worrisome to the population, 4.218.000 m3 had collectively been reduced to 5-8% which resorted to purchasing disinfectant powders or of their total capacity [8, 11]. In addition, other dams boiling the water (Huerta Luis, 10 January, 2017, such as Milluni and Tuni Condoriri had reduced to 60% structured personal interview). Experts interviewed of their capacity [15, 18]. claimed these water sources were potentially During the months of November and December contaminated with unknown residues and heavy 2016, 94 neighborhoods in the La Paz and in some metals, as a study in 2008 concluded that parts of El Alto experienced severe and irregular approximately 60% of the surrounding watersheds and rationing, most only receiving water for 3 hours every rivers of Bolivia were contaminated with fecal matter 3 days (Huerta Luis, 10 January, 2017, structured [19]. For middle income households that had tanks personal interview). Out of the few hours residents incorporated to their homes, purchasing water in large received water, most was of poor quality, was cloudy quantities from Aguateros was the best option for uses in appearance and contained suspended particles other than consumption. The water crisis led to price (Delgado Ayda, 20 February, 2017, personal increases of bottled water and also in the price of interview). For the citizens of La Paz and El Alto buckets that were highly demanded as water collecting which daily consume 83 liters per capita and 67 liters devices. For instance, a 5-gallon bottle, which per capita, this rationing was sudden and extreme [2]. previously cost 30Bs, rose to 150 bs. Similarly, one The government admitted its failure and directed water bucket, which normally cost 12 bs, rose to a apologetic statements to populations in La Paz and El price of 100 bs. Alto. Furthermore, it mentioned EPSAS had known These price increases severely affected low-income about this issue 5 months prior, but had failed to households that could not afford the large increments communicate the situation accurately to governmental in prices or the high rates of Aguateros. These had no entities, which at that point did not have time to other alternative but to wait in line for water develop an appropriate action plan (Ayala Monica, 20 distributed by the government tanks. Scarce provision February, 2017, structured personal interview). In by the trucks created social conflicts among citizens response to the water crisis, the government resorted that were struggling to fill buckets. The repercussions to using trucks from an unknown source5 to distribute of the water crisis were new to many people, water to the poorest neighborhoods of the city [6]. specifically the middle and high-income citizens, however for many low-income people in other parts of 5 Truck contained labels of Petroleum Industry, the WHO the city this continues to be a reality (Delgado Ayda, denounced the practice of transporting water in trucks that were previously used to transport fuel. In later statements the 20 February, 2017, personal interview). For instance, government claimed the trucks had never been used to transport residents of the neighborhood Viacha (1 hour away fuel, therefore it is not certain which statement was correct.

The New Water War: Effects of Poor Management and Mining on Water Provision in La Paz, Bolivia 845 from La Paz) continue to rely on communal systems  Low investments in Water Infrastructure and have to walk long distances to collect water.  Mining Water Extraction and Contamination Several weeks with strict rationing and scarce 3.4.1 Climate Change information on how the issue was to be solved At a national scale, Bolivia is foreseen to be one of generated antagonism towards EPSAS and the the most affected by climate change for several Ministry of Environment. Protests grew from initially reasons: geographic and geologic conditions, high small groups to protests of about 5,000 people in the levels of poverty and lack of adaptation plans against city center demanding the government to act and to climate change impacts. For instance, different provide a solution to the problem (Huerta Luis, 10 microclimates and altitude variations between January, 2017, personal Interview). Slogans read: lowlands (100 meters above sea level) valleys “Gota a gota nuestra paciencia se agota!” (“Drop (1,000-2,000 meters above sea level) and the Andes by drop our patience drops”) [20] (3,000 to 4,000 meters above sea level) contribute to and “Agua si Evo No!” (Water yes, Evo No) and faster changing climates in the area [21]. Specifically “Agua es salud” (“Water is health”) the city of La Paz (at 3,500 meters above sea level) In contrast to the Water Wars in 2000 and in 2005 faces extreme vulnerability to climate change. It is with the private entities, citizens now protested experiencing rapid urban growth and 90% of the city’s against the owner of the water since the President’s reservoirs rely on continuous precipitation [21]. For election in 2006: the state. Many protest signs instance, glacier runoff accounts for 15% of water complained against water resources used in resources annually (14% in the wet season, 27% in the hydroelectric, mining, and nuclear projects instead of dry season) [22]. Studies have revealed that glacier for the people (Ayala Monica, 20 February, 2017, meltdown has been occurring at an increasing rate structured personal interview). since 1974 [23]. Similarly, precipitation seasons have Rationing gradually decreased to 12 hours daily in shortened from 6 to only 3 months [21]. Shorter late January and February and heavy precipitation precipitation seasons contribute to glacier retreats as rates helped restore average levels in dams. Currently, cloud cover decreases which increments the amount of the government is inaugurating a new reservoir and solar radiation glaciers are exposed to, consequently has launched awareness campaigns nationally to intensifying their meltdown [23]. Unlike other glaciers promote household water conservation. However, of the world that recover during high precipitations in until now these specific short term actions do not winter seasons, tropical glaciers near La Paz address other important underlying causes of the experiment their highest precipitation patterns in the issue. Summer (December), and not in the winter. High precipitation rates in the summer align with high 3.4 Deciphering the Underlying Causes of the Water temperatures that do not allow glaciers to recover [24]. Crisis Besides the effect of heterogeneous geology of The government publicly announced two main glaciers, climate change has also increased the factors the lack of transparency of EPSAS but also occurrences of ENSO events, which have brought emphasized the exacerbated effects of climate change warmer and drier periods [25]. Since 1999 on the El Alto and La Paz water supplies. temperatures have increased 0.8-1.0 degrees in the last However, the issue and further research showed 10 years [26]. As a result of these climatic alterations additional causes to the issue, which included: it is estimated that glacier cover has decreased 40% in  Unaccounted Water Demand surface area. This figure also represents a global loss

846 The New Water War: Effects of Poor Management and Mining on Water Provision in La Paz, Bolivia considering 20% of all the tropical glaciers are found management and planning as other threats to water in this area. Glacial retreats also affect La Paz’s provision in the city. Authorities in charge managing continual energy supply as 40% of Bolivia’s water supply systems failed to quantify the number of electricity comes from hydroelectric dams (i.e., Zongo people and neighborhoods connected to the water grid. dam) [25]. Even though climate change does play a The number of neighborhoods connected to the water significant role in water resource depletion in Bolivia, grid exceeded the initially calculated figure, which this phenomenon was not recently discovered, but created a gap between the availability of water and instead it is a fact that has been widely discussed by actual demand. Recent investigations found a number climate scientists since the 1990s. For instance, of illegal connections to the water system that were climatologists at the Hydrology Institute in the never accounted for by EPSAS. These findings University of San Andres had predicted risks to water showed that entire neighborhoods had illegally resources before 2009 [26]. Climatic models connected to the water system to avoid tariffs. As a developed in 2015 showed demand of growing cause of this EPSAS, did not account their water use populations would exceed supply of water. In when performing water inventories. When EPSAS response to this, Climatologists attempted to cooperate realized these illegal connections, they were integrated with government entities and develop mitigation and in the system without informing the government or adaptation strategies. In pursuit of developing these water service providers about the additional demand strategies the team created a project called GRANDE, these connections represented. Lack of information an initiative to monitor and inventory glaciers also sharing and transparency did not allow entities or the predicted threats to the water supply in liaison with government to take precautionary measures such as schools in several countries of Asia [27]. Although the building new reservoirs (Ayala Monica, 20 February, innovation of this project represented a great 2017, structured personal interview). opportunity for Bolivia’s current state it still lacks A similar situation occurred with the irrigation sufficient support and acknowledgement from public programs Mi Agua I, II, III and Mi Riego in their start sectors. These models provide scientific evidence to in 2011. The government began the programs with the effects of climate change people have witnessed in funds from CAF (Development Bank of Latin the disappearance of lakes and glaciers that surround America) and the IDB (International Development the city. The disappearance of Chacaltaya, the world’s Bank of Latin America). Their main purpose was to highest glacier ski slope in 2009 is recurrently used as support water initiatives that expanded water coverage an example of increased temperature and changing in Bolivia [11]. Although funding was received climates in this zone [28]. More recently Lake through international aid, the Bolivian government Titicaca, the lake with the highest altitude in the world, claims to have invested 1.200 millions of dollars in has reached its lowest levels ever recorded (decreasing these. Nevertheless, the programs were created to 2.6 ft.) [29]. Nevertheless, despite multiple warnings provide water access to mostly low-income rural and studies governmental entities have not invested in communities that depend on agricultural activities as tracking glacier retreats and mitigation strategies to their main livelihood. They have in fact expanded tackle the impacts of climate change on water coverage and have benefitted about 200.000 families resources. that are now able to increase their income from the 3.4.2 Unaccounted Water Demand growth of agricultural sectors [30] CAF. Although In addition to the predicted and permanent effects further research is needed to determine exactly by how of climate change, studies determined inefficient much they contributed to the water crisis, there is no

The New Water War: Effects of Poor Management and Mining on Water Provision in La Paz, Bolivia 847 doubt they exerted a high unexpected demand to the as pipes that “were vulnerable to breakage and leaks”. system. The issue with the programs was not their Kunkahuikhara, which connects directly to mission but the fact that they were launched without Ajuankhota, had components in “poor condition”. any new plan of expanding or creating new dams or Finally, although during the water crisis Milluni only reservoirs. Although there was massive increment in reduced its capacity by 40% it is also a main dam that the extraction of water from these programs no new provides human consumption, and was labeled as projects were expected to be under construction showing signs of wear down and with components expansion of dams was considered. However, studies that “should be replaced” [15, 17]. These issues show low levels of planning could be due to the determined in 2016 were not likely repaired, as leaks limited time frame Bolivia was given to spend the in the system still remain and were a contributing funds for the programs [11]. There is also skepticism cause to the water crisis. the launch of the programs was for President Evo Other factors that influence the inability to provide Morales to receive ballot support before re-election adequate infrastructure for stressed systems are lack of periods [11]. Despite the impact to rural families, investments on behalf of the government but also expert opinions focus on prioritizing investment in potentially lack of funds in EPSAS. For instance, the infrastructure repair and construction of water supplies, 2017 State Plan of Investment (PGE) is allocating .4% mainly because the current supply cannot handle the of the total government funds to water resources, water demand pressure these programs introduced which is about 31 million dollars less than what was (Salvatierra, 23 January, 2017, structured personal invested in the previous term [31]. Media, experts and interview). citizens aware of this expressed their shock at this low 3.4.3 Low Investments in Infrastructure amounts specially taking into consideration the recent A main issue in La Paz and Bolivia’s potable water crisis, especially considering that Hydroelectric system is the decaying infrastructure of dams and Projects and other projects (e.g., Mining, pipes that cause massive leaks in the water Thermoelectric) have been designated $194-300 connections. Experts calculate that leaks in pipes and millions of dollars [31]. Although since Evo’s connections represent losses of 45% of the water Presidency investment in water has risen significantly (Ayala Monica, 20 February, 2017, structured personal the majority is still not directed towards water interview). This finding shows lack of monitoring and infrastructure, but has been mainly devoted to plans maintenance, but also the low investments that were like Mi Agua and Mi Riego. In terms of tariffs, dedicated to water infrastructure. However, issues of experts evaluate these are low in relation to actual deteriorated infrastructure are not new. A study on the water use and services provided by EPSAS. In other condition and capacity of the 30 dams in La Paz words, because in 2007 the government determined it carried out in 2010 by the German Embassy, the would not increment tariffs like the departing Ministry of Environment and Water and the privatizing entities, now EPSAS does not have Sustainable Agricultural Development of the German sufficient money in tariffs or in governmental support Technical Cooperation, evaluated several dams to be to carry out high cost upgrades to their infrastructure in need of repair. Not surprisingly, the dams that dried (Ayala Monica, 20 February, 2017, structured personal up in 2016: Incachaca, Hampaturi, Kunkahuikhara and interview). In this case, we can see how the historical Milluni were mentioned in to be in need of some kind disputes over increments in water tariffs affects of maintenance. Hampaturi was determined to have institutions today; there exists a fear water issues will pipe problems leading to the treatment plant, as well result in political disruptions.

848 The New Water War: Effects of Poor Management and Mining on Water Provision in La Paz, Bolivia

3.4.4 The Resource Curse Arsenic in Agricultural Soils (mg/kg) The water crisis shed light on another historically 30 27.2 22.8 controversial issue in Bolivia: mining industries: who 25 21.2 20 20 20 2019.5 20 benefits from them, and their impact on the 20 17.2 environment and human health. Environmental groups 15 and people living near water dams recurrently mention 10 the impacts of mining in surrounding water, crops and 5 farm animals. Before the water crisis there was limited 0 Lettuce Beetroot Potatoe Maize Tomatoe knowledge of vast mining projects taking place near Measured Value Permissible Limit Source: Campanini, 2016 dams and even in Bolivian Andes highest mountain Fig. 2 Measured concentrations vs permissible limits of range, The Illimani. Mining activities have always arsenic in agricultural soils near La Paz, Bolivia. been central to the Bolivian economy but few studies Arsenic in Agricultural Products (mg/kg) have focused on analyzing the impact these have on 5 3.96 water resource in terms of consumption, ground water 4 depletion and contamination. At a national level, but 3 specifically in La Paz and neighboring cities like 1.848 2 1.32 1.131.012 Oruro and Potosi mining is and has always been 1 0.52 0.2 0.26 considered one of the most important national 0.05 0.02 0 economic sources, contributing to 10% of the Lettuce Beetroot Potatoe Maize Tomatoe country’s GDP. This is primarily because these areas Measured Value Permissible Limit Source: Campanini, 2016 are rich in minerals like tin, copper, silver, gold, and Fig. 3 Measured concentrations vs. permissible limits of nickel, lead. This activity has many environmental arsenic in primary agricultural crops near La Paz, Bolivia. repercussions; studies reveal high contamination of Copper in Agricultural Products (mg/kg) water sources that result in acid drainage that pollutes 30 26 waterways and land. High levels of heavy metals have 25 been found in primary crops the area such as potato, 20 15 10 9 lettuce, and corn that exceed the maximum 8 776.6 10 4 2.1 2.1 permissible levels (Figs. 2-5) [32]. These high levels 5 0 of contamination pose health threats to communities, Lettuce Beetroot Potatoe Maize Tomatoe individuals, and animals as these metals bio Measured Level Permissible Limit Source: Campanini, 2016 accumulate through the food web. Moreover, studies calculate Bolivia is the second largest mercury emitter Fig. 4 Measured concentrations vs. permissible limits of copper in agricultural crops near La Paz, Bolivia. in Latin America 47% of these coming from gold Zinc in Agricultural Products (mg/kg) mines [4]. This represents great threat to both water 80 71 73 resources and nearby populations, as the cyanide and 54 54 60 46 36 36 mercury (used primarily in processing and extraction 40 23 24 25 of metals) are calculated to have a lifetime of 100 20 years and remain contaminating ecosystems [32]. 0 Lettuce Beetroot Potatoe Maize Tomatoe Measured Level Permissible Limit Source: Campanini, 2016 Fig. 5 Measured concentrations vs. permissible limits of zinc in agricultural crops near La Paz, Bolivia.

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Extensive availability of mineral resources has dried out during the water crisis) was at risk of mining historically attracted foreign exploitation. We can contamination in 2010, yet no information was specifically see this with the example of the Cerro provided openly to the public. While levels of Rico de Potosi, one of the world’s richest mine of contamination exist, health issues have not been silver which was completely diminished by Spanish determined only because the water mixes with the conquistadors in the 1500’s. Although the vast amount water from other dams and sources like the of minerals in El Cerro Rico no longer exist, the Choqueyapu River before it reaches the areas of situation we observe today has certain similarities, as consumption [32, 34]. During the water crisis of 2016, mining concessions in these areas are partly given to records showed the dried Incachaca and Ajuankhota foreign companies and specially to more than 1,600 dam had potential residues of mining contamination mining cooperatives which intensively extract evident in the orangish color the water had. Likewise, minerals [33]. The most recent data shows that the the Milluni Dam in the Achachicala system is highly government has given numerous mining concessions polluted from mining industries [32]. Studies reveal to national and foreign mining companies which that to counteract the effects of mining contamination surround water sources, specifically the water dams in 2010 the water in the treatment plant of Milluni (La initially destined for human consumption. However, Calera) had to be treated with 2,425 tons of calcium, studies by the scientific community have not been 151 tons of aluminum sulfate, and 62 tons of chlorine shared with the public. At a country level, studies by [32]. Although there is no exact measure of the the World Bank in 2013 concluded that 17% of the quantity of water used by mines around sources of watersheds, which cover approximately 41% of the drinking water in La Paz, studies of water extraction country, are affected by mining. More importantly the by the mining sector in Oruro (1 hour away from La study reflected 63% of the population consumes water Paz) calculated the liters extracted per day. The mines resources with from sources near mining of San Cristóbal, Huanuni y Kori Kollo each extract contamination. Another study in 2015 by the Ministry around 22-43 millions of gallons in one day [36]. For of the Environment and Water [34] and the World instance, even the Mine of San Cristobal that has Wildlife Fund determined contamination surpassed recently released environmental compliance maximum levels established as “detrimental to human certifications and reports, continues to use about health and wildlife” by the World Health Organization. 42,000-50,000 cubic meters of groundwater per day. On 2015 WWF published the findings noting that To support their compliance with environmental certain bodies of water presented data that showed standards, they claim they utilize ground water that is pollution levels to be above maximum threshold. not considered potable for human use. Nevertheless, However, the Bolivian Ministry of Environment experts express concern, as potable surface water is (Mmaya) declared in 2015 that although the study had likely to mix with extracted groundwater [3]. revealed high levels of contamination, the levels were The lack of regulation and laws to ensure mining still “below” the maximum threshold thus they were industries effect on local communities, water still not harmful to human health. This lack of resources and biodiversity is not surprising congruence in results raises skepticism but also shows considering the mining code law which is still that there exist levels of contamination in the main effective today was written by mine workers, without water bodies. In terms of water supply systems in La any significant involvement of environmental or Paz, reports on dam conditions by the BIVI and health entities (Olivera Marcela, 2 March, 2017, MMAYA, established that the Incachaca dam (which structured personal interview). Although the

850 The New Water War: Effects of Poor Management and Mining on Water Provision in La Paz, Bolivia

Government’s Mining and Metallurgical Policy from the Political State Constitution states that “the responsibility to preserve the environment never expires”, and “prior consultation has to be made to owners of territories where projects will be carried out” also declares that “any authors responsible for abuses to legal mining established enterprises, is subject to sanctions that can deprive their freedom” [32]. In other words this policy protects mining enterprises from those who wish to interfere with any activity. Moreover, the government has openly declared that it will only “take care of the Mother Earth as it sees convenient” [35]. As a result of this many media Fig. 6 Overlay of mining area polygons and dam points to show proximity of < 30 meters (Hampaturi, Incachaca, publications about mining near water sources were Kunkahuikara Dams). Image displayed created using shortly discontinued due to unknown influence (Ayala CARTO DB GIS web mapping tool. Monica, 20 February, 2017, structured personal mostly peri urban areas, they represent viable interview). Similarly, environmental groups like alternatives to solely allowing large public entities or CEDIB (The Center for Documentation and private corporations to control how the resource is Information in Bolivia) have made multiple managed and how much investment is attributed to denounces about the risks of mining industries to this sector. This section explores two initiatives Bolivian water resources. However, the government carried out by a small community cooperative to threatens their existence and condemns their work to promote sanitation and sustainable water use. be political activism. Although it is evident that governmental entities and Finally, results by the geo spatial analysis showed other water public entities should also focus on water that 3 out of the 4 dams that decreased capacity during sanitation, I mention these small-scale initiatives to the water crisis felt within the 30-meter buffer. This show how these have achieved results that could be means that the three dams that decreased their scaled upwards. Alternate management models like capacity during the water crisis were the ones closer water cooperatives, committees or associations have than 30 meters to mining activity (Fig. 6 and Table 1). formed in most cities of Bolivia especially in cities This preliminary geospatial analysis provides priority like Cochabamba and Santa Cruz. For instance, water areas for further research and water testing segments Cooperatives provide around 40% of the water to determine contamination and extraction with services in Cochabamba and about 70% in Santa Cruz. precision. Santa Cruz, which has the largest water cooperative in 3.5 Solutions: Water Sanitation and Community-led the world, has high coverage of water provision Models networks [1]. Their effectiveness can be judged by the fact that Santa Cruz is one of the few cities in Bolivia In response to water conflicts and lack of access where you can drink tap water. Decentralized populations across Bolivia have started to implement community cooperatives are different from any other different models to cope with the many factors that management model in the sense that they have threaten this vital resource. Most of these solutions provided equal access to water to communities that have only been put into practice at a small scale in

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Table 1 Dam information based on 2010 report: Inventario Nacional de Presas, Bolivia (BIVICA, & MMAYA) 30 meter mining proximity analysis was done using ARCGIS, using data from GEO Bolivia.

*Note: 30 meters is the distance determined to be the minimum that should be in between a body of water and a mine. were underserved by private and state owned water waters cannot be utilized for agriculture or industrial systems. These water cooperatives and committees are uses because of high health risks. Low sanitation mentioned as examples that communities in La Paz records can be further seen in the fact that 25% of can focus on and replicate, mainly because they work children less than five years of age suffer from acute on implementing a disregarded but crucial area of diarrhea in Bolivia [19]. More specifically, La Paz has water in Bolivia: water sanitation. Although water the highest rates of infant mortality due to waterborne sanitation is not directly related to the water crisis of illnesses in the country [3]. Water stress and health 2016, it is an essential component that experts agree issues could both reduce if waters were properly should be prioritized. This is because only 46% of the treated and used as alternate sources of irrigation. Bolivian population has access to basic sanitation Further, this section will specifically focus on two facilities, a low number considering Bolivia’s goal to decentralized water projects to discuss how they are provide universal sanitation by 2025 [39]. Moreover, addressing water issues in communities and do so in a studies have calculated that about 70% of the residual way to ensure they are independently in control of waters from households and industries are deposited their systems. The project in the San Pedro Magisterio, back to main rivers without any treatment. Thus these a community in Cochabamba addresses these issues

852 The New Water War: Effects of Poor Management and Mining on Water Provision in La Paz, Bolivia directly and has managed to tackle political and of re-establishing a harmonious relationship with nature, with the rivers, with the land and with our regulatory barriers. The cooperative was established everyday life, needs and values, ensure that water: as a result of the 2000 Water Wars against its distribution, its defense, its conservation and its privatization, with the belief in the “social collective access.” [39] re-appropriation” of publicly managed systems [39]. - Oscar Olivera, Goldman Prize Winner (The Water Observing that state managed water systems were still Wars) inefficient, corrupt and did not address their needs, Other types of community systems are rainwater they began the construction of a community catchment systems. These systems are being wastewater treatment plant in 2013. The idea behind implemented in towns in Cochabamba and La Paz, the project was to treat residual waters that were were communities that face the harshest water scarcity deposited to el Rio Rocha, a river that 40 years ago have started to use them. Although in the rural areas was clean enough swim in, but later transformed into of La Paz the systems are mainly for households and “an environmental disaster” [38]. at a small scale, peri-urban areas in Cochabamba Several factors were essential to the completion and piloted large-scale community rainwater catchment continuation of the project. First, the community systems in 2015. These projects started with influence managed to receive financing by foreign donors. from Brazil, where communities started using this Second, the plant was completed in 2014 but was able “social technology” 20 years ago and also as part of to keep the communities around the project involved the “1 million Water Tanks” (Programa 1 million de at all times through trainings and information sharing. Cisternas) which was started in 2000 to extend water This created a space of “solidarity and reciprocity” access to remote areas specifically to promote school that at times even triggered volunteer work from enrollment and agricultural growth [13]. In Brazil members of the community. Thirdly, accepting the collection of rainwater in tanks has impacted multiple need to cooperate with state entities, they involved the semi arid regions of the country. Following this government of the municipality for their support and example, reports by communities that have approval of the project. The community was able to implemented rainwater catchment systems in receive training and capacity building from city Cochabamba believe that these are: engineers to guarantee the community would be able to independently manage the systems going forward. “not only social technologies, but a methodology of Finally, clear ownership rights were established to construction of a hydraulic infrastructure that is also a process of mobilization and social participation in express the equal access and benefits all members in addressing the problem of water scarcity” (Olivera the community were entitled to. This model enforced Marcela, 2 March, 2017, structured personal the remediation of the river, which is estimated to interview). become usable for irrigation in a few years and by this, The program in Cochabamba was led by the Avril improve the livelihoods of communities that still Foundation, and organizations from Brazil to adapt depend on agriculture. Besides the motivation to clean the best practices of models in Brazil to systems their waters, the community wanted to show that implemented in 4 municipalities in Cochabamba. The processes of water provision and sanitation are success of the pilot projects was also largely due to capable of starting from the “bottom”: State involvement and the support from the Brazilian “Community water managed systems were, are, and government [13]. Although both of these models still will be capable of showing to society, to politicians face financial, technical and regulatory issues their -the merchants of our life- that we are capable of current conditions and function provides evidence that managing our community systems, we are capable

The New Water War: Effects of Poor Management and Mining on Water Provision in La Paz, Bolivia 853 they both work and are placed to scale. While the The impacts of mining to water resources in La Paz projects were implemented first in Cochabamba, La were discussed to introduce a threat that has been Paz has a similar demographic, geographic and present for years but was only evident to the public political environment, which could open the doors for after the water crisis. Numerous studies have already more projects like these at multiple scales. Local calculated the bodies of waters and dams that are municipalities should support initiatives like this contaminated and depleted unsustainably by this specifically for low-income people that are the most practice. In addition, this paper emphasized an area affected with water scarcity. Community models that needs further research to encourage strategic represent alternatives to systems that have been practices to inform the public and urge the deficient in both water provision and sanitation. More government to provide preventive and remediation importantly they can engage people to prepare for the responses. effects of climate change and organize against the The New Water War is not against privatization but contamination and water use by extractive industries against institutions that are prioritizing profit from in their surroundings. extractive industries over human well-being. The government’s claim to provide rights to water must be 4. Conclusions fundamentally linked to access to information on its The recent water crisis affected the lives of many management and use. This paper emphasizes the people in La Paz and revealed multiple issues related complexity of these issues and shows that different to water provision in the city previously unknown to approaches and forms of integrated water management many citizens. While there is no doubt that climate can be incorporated to the current system. These change has exacerbated and did impact the water systems are taken as examples that promote civic supply systems in La Paz; it is also clear that this is action. Access to water is a human right but if a not the only cause to an issue that is only worsening. government is not able to provide that right, there is a The causes of the water crisis and the deficient need for a social appropriation of these systems to responses to the problem show a government that is ensure their collective access. Overall, the recent issue unprepared to withstand the impacts of an increasingly received public attention largely because it affected an changing climate. Through analyzing the different urban area that previously had access to water. causes of the Water Crisis, this paper also raised Therefore, this event can also serve as a reminder that questions on what sectors and stakeholders have given this has been the reality for 30% of Bolivian’s that priority to in terms of investment and research. For have never had access to water provision. Finally, instance, although governmental entities were aware transparency and public information sharing are the of the deteriorating conditions of reservoirs and dams, only strategies that can trigger the public to demand the amount invested in upgrading and repairing actions that will ensure Bolivia’s continuous access to infrastructure was and — continues to be — less than water and the country's sustainable development. 1% of the national budget. Along these lines this Acknowledgements paper also showed that investment to this sector comes for the most part from international entities and The author would like to thank the following people investors, thus the government’s claim of having for their contribution to the paper: Monica Ayala, eliminated foreign control of resources is far from Social Consultant in Sanitation and Knowledge reality. Management at SNV Bolivia, Marcela Olivera, Latin American Coordinator at The Food & Water Watch

854 The New Water War: Effects of Poor Management and Mining on Water Provision in La Paz, Bolivia

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