Maidan on Facebook: Sensitive, Expressive and Interpretative Protest Lore
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Fascism, Russia, and Ukraine by Timothy Snyder | the New York Review of Books Page 1 of 8
Fascism, Russia, and Ukraine by Timothy Snyder | The New York Review of Books Page 1 of 8 Font Size: A A A March 20, 2014 Issue Fascism, Russia, and Ukraine Timothy Snyder This article will appear in the coming March 20, 2014 issue of The New York Review. Valery Sharifulin/ITAR-TASS/Corbis The opposition leader Vitali Klitschko attending a protest rally in Maidan square, Kiev, December 16, 2013 The students were the first to protest against the regime of President Viktor Yanukovych on the Maidan, the central square in Kiev, last November. These were the Ukrainians with the most to lose, the young people who unreflectively thought of themselves as Europeans and who wished for themselves a life, and a Ukrainian homeland, that were European. Many of them were politically on the left, some of them radically so. After years of negotiation and months of promises, their government, under President Yanukovych, had at the last moment failed to sign a major trade agreement with the European Union. When the riot police came and beat the students in late November, a new group, the Afghan veterans, came to the Maidan. These men of middle age, former soldiers and officers of the Red Army, many of them bearing the scars of battlefield wounds, came to protect “their children,” as they put it. They didn’t mean their own sons and http://www.nybooks.com/articles/archives/2014/mar/20/fascism-russia-and-ukraine/?... 20/02/2014 Fascism, Russia, and Ukraine by Timothy Snyder | The New York Review of Books Page 2 of 8 daughters: they meant the best of the youth, the pride and future of the country. -
The Politics of Lustration in Ukraine and Poland (Comparative Study)
SCIENTIFIC JOURNAL OF POLONIA UNIVERSITY 40 (2020) 3 THE POLITICS OF LUSTRATION IN UKRAINE AND POLAND (COMPARATIVE STUDY) Petro Shliakhtun Doctor of Philosophy, Professor, Head of Political Sciences Department, Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv, Ukraine e-mail: [email protected], orcid.org/0000-0002-7420-7325 Ganna Malkina Doctor of Political Sciences, Associate Professor, Professor of Political Sciences Department, Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv, Ukraine e-mail: [email protected], orcid.org/0000-0002-2307-4702 Summary The aim of this paper to analyse politics of lustration in Ukraine and Poland based on national and international lustration legislation. The main feature of lustration in Poland is that it was “soft” – it did not provide for the removal of a deputy's mandate or the dismissal of for- mer functionaries of the communist regime, but only for their acknowledgment of work in state security bodies or their tacit cooperation with such bodies and only when a person submitted false information or concealed facts about such work or cooperation, they were dismissed from office with a ban on further holding responsible state positions for up to ten years. Lustration in Ukraine is analysed for compliance with the international legal acts on lustration and pre- liminary results are summed up following the declared objectives. lustration in Ukraine was one of the toughest in Europe. The main peculiarity of lustration in Ukraine is its introduction immediately and not soon, but almost a quarter of a century after the collapse of the communist regime and its application primarily to political rivals (officials and officers of the Yanukovych regime), rather than functionaries of the former communist regime. -
Ukrainian Civil Society from the Orange Revolution to Euromaidan: Striving for a New Social Contract
In: IFSH (ed.), OSCE Yearbook 2014, Baden-Baden 2015, pp. 219-235. Iryna Solonenko Ukrainian Civil Society from the Orange Revolution to Euromaidan: Striving for a New Social Contract This is the Maidan generation: too young to be burdened by the experi- ence of the Soviet Union, old enough to remember the failure of the Orange Revolution, they don’t want their children to be standing again on the Maidan 15 years from now. Sylvie Kauffmann, The New York Times, April 20141 Introduction Ukrainian civil society became a topic of major interest with the start of the Euromaidan protests in November 2013. It has acquired an additional dimen- sion since then, as civil society has pushed for reforms following the ap- pointment of the new government in February 2014, while also providing as- sistance to the army and voluntary battalions fighting in the east of the coun- try and to civilian victims of the war. In the face of the weakness of the Ukrainian state, which is still suffering from a lack of political will, poor governance, corruption, military weakness, and dysfunctional law enforce- ment – many of those being in part Viktor Yanukovych’s legacies – civil so- ciety and voluntary activism have become a driver of reform and an import- ant mobilization factor in the face of external aggression. This contribution examines the transformation of Ukrainian civil society during the period between the 2004 Orange Revolution and the present day. Why this period? The Orange Revolution and the Euromaidan protests are landmarks in Ukraine’s post-independence state-building and democratiza- tion process, and analysis of the transformation of Ukrainian civil society during this period offers interesting findings.2 Following a brief portrait of Ukrainian civil society and its evolution, the contribution examines the rela- tionships between civil society and three other actors: the state, the broader society, and external actors involved in supporting and developing civil soci- ety in Ukraine. -
Resuscitate Healthcare
#8 (114) August 2017 First conclusions in the Supreme Old and new promising sectors Student activism in Ukraine Court selection process of Ukraine’s agriculture and post-Soviet states RESUSCITATE HEALTHCARE WWW.UKRAINIANWEEK.COM Featuring selected content from The Economist FOR FREE DISTRIBUTION CONTENTS | 3 BRIEFING 32 Merchants of peace: How the “civil 4 Crime and (illusory) punishment: war” rhetoric is used to gain political What counterarguments Berkut capital lawyers use in Maidan trials 34 Student force: The strengths and POLITICS weaknesses of Ukrainian youth movements 7 Delay in court: First results in the selection of candidates for the 38 Between Komsomol and protests: Supreme Court The trajectory of student movements in former USSR countries over the past ECONOMICS 25 years 10 Cultivating change: Production and NEIGHBOURS export transformations in Ukraine's 40 Michael Binyon on divides agricultural industry in the UK’s political establishment 14 Payback time! Is Ukraine ready to pay as Brexit talks start back the bulk of its external debts? 42 Karl Schlögel: 18 An uneven recovery: How the “We have to fight for Ukraine to once economy of regions has changed over again get in the center of attention in the past three years European affairs” German historian on Ukraine FOCUS on the European mental map 22 Seeing the obvious: Why Ukraine’s and the challenges of the new current healthcare system must be historical situation changed HISTORY 24 A major deficit: Staff and funding as the key driver of transformation 46 A view from 2017: -
A President's Portrait in Domestic Protest
A President’s Portrait in Domestic Protest: 133 The Anatomy of Hate A President’s Portrait in Domestic Protest: The Anatomy of Hate Natalia Lysiuk Taras Shevchenko National University of Kiev Kiev, Ukraine Abstract The extreme level of tension during the Euromaidan in Ukraine has caused a real explosion of urban post-folklore creativity. These folklore forms have many distinctive features of traditional folklore, but they are also characterized by their means of transmission. For instance, anonymous inscriptions could appear anywhere. Such texts have their own dramaturgy, and they recreate the development of the Euromaidan events (from simple appeals to give people an opportunity to determine their own destiny to openly hostile discourse that portrayed the former President of Ukraine, Victor Yanukovich, as the main enemy of the Euromaidan). Among those attested: distortions of Yanukovich’s name; demonstration of contempt for his image; insults; mention of his criminal past and ongoing corruption; and prophecies of his fate. One of the defining features of such texts is the violation of prohibitions on the use of dysphemisms and vulgarity as a verbal weapon against an enemy. We will also discuss the basic functions of protest folklore and hate speech. Crowds on the Maidan (author’s photo) The Euromaidan was the second Ukrainian revolution of this century. It was a public protest that took place in the main Kiev’s square Maidan Nezalezhnosti (Maidan) from November 2013 until February 2014. It was characterized by an unprecedented rise of patriotism and strengthening of national identity (as reflected in the wide usage of national colors, symbols, and images). -
"Вертолеты России" № 2(28) 2016 01.08.2016
№ 2 (28) / 2016 СПРОС НА РОССИЙСКИЕ ВЕРТОЛЕТЫ О С ТА Е ТС Я В Ы СО К И М THE DEMAND FOR RUSSIAN HELICOPTERS REMAINS HIGH ПОКОРИТЕЛИ МОРЯ: ВЕРТОЛЕТЫ ДЛЯ ВОЕННОМОРСКОГО ФЛОТА ЛЮБОЙ АНГОЛЕЦ ВАМ СКАЖЕТ: «Я ЗНАЮ МИ8» CONQUERORS OF THE SEA: MARINE HELICOPTERS ANY ANGOLAN WILL TELL YOU: “I KNOW MI8” RHmag_Cov_2016-3.indd 1 22/08/16 14:56 № 2 (28) / 2016 15 23 47 ОБРАЩЕНИЕ К ЧИТАТЕЛЯМ | APPEAL TO READERS МЕЖДУНАРОДНЫЕ РЫНКИ | INTERNATIONAL MARKETS Обращение генерального директора А. А. Михеева . .2 «Вертолеты России» на KADEX-2016: Message from CEO Alexander Mikheev демонстрация возможностей . .15 Russian Helicopters at KADEX 2016: demonstration of capabilities НОВОСТИ ХОЛДИНГА | HOLDING NEWS «Вертолеты России» примут участие в военно- Российские вертолеты в тропической Африке . .18 техническом форуме «Армия-2016» . .4 Russian helicopters in Sub-Saharan Africa Russian Helicopters to participate in the Military-Technical Forum Army-2016 СТРАТЕГИЯ | STRATEGY Делегация Мьянмы оценила перспективы Покорители моря вертолеты сотрудничества с «Вертолетами России» . .5 для Военно-морского флота . .23 A delegation from Myanmar evaluates cooperation prospects with Russian Conquerors of the Sea Marine Helicopters Helicopters ТЕХНОЛОГИИ | TECHNOLOGIES Холдинг «Вертолеты России» поставил в Китай Александр Охонько, гендиректор «ВР-Технологии»: четвертый Ми-26ТС . .6 «Рынок беспилотников в России Russian Helicopters supplies fourth Mi-26TS helicopter to China активно формируется» . .29 Alexander Okhonko: the CEO of VR-Technologies: «Вертолеты России» передали Министерству “The drone market in Russia is actively developing” обороны РФ первую партию новых Ми-8АМТШ . .7 Russian Helicopters supplies the first batch of new Mi-8AMTSh to the Russian СОТРУДНИЧЕСТВО | COOPERATION Ministry of Defense Вертолетные двигатели: сделано в России . -
UNIVERSITY of BELGRADE FACULTY of POLITICAL SCIENCE Regional Master's Program in Peace Studies MASTER's THESIS Revisiting T
UNIVERSITY OF BELGRADE FACULTY OF POLITICAL SCIENCE Regional Master’s Program in Peace Studies MASTER’S THESIS Revisiting the Orange Revolution and Euromaidan: Pro-Democracy Civil Disobedience in Ukraine Academic supervisor: Student: Associate Professor Marko Simendić Olga Vasilevich 9/18 Belgrade, 2020 1 Content Introduction ………………………………………………………………………………………3 1. Theoretical section……………………………………………………………………………..9 1.1 Civil disobedience…………………………………………………………………………9 1.2 Civil society……………………………………………………………………………... 19 1.3 Nonviolence……………………………………………………………………………... 24 Conclusion……………………………………………………………………………………… 31 2. Analytical section……………………………………………………………………………..33 2.1 The framework for disobedience………………………………………………….…….. 33 2.2 Orange Revolution………………………………………………………………………. 40 2.3 Euromaidan……………………………………………………………………………… 47 Conclusion……………………………………………………………………………………… 59 Conclusion……………………………………………………………………………………… 62 References……………………………………………………………………………………….67 2 INTRODUCTION The Orange Revolution and the Revolution of Dignity have precipitated the ongoing Ukraine crisis. According to the United Nations Rights Office, the latter has claimed the lives of 13,000 people, including those of unarmed civilian population, and entailed 30,000 wounded (Miller 2019). The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees adds to that 1.5 million internally displaced persons (IDPs), 100,000 refugees and asylum-seekers (UNHCR 2014). The armed conflict is of continued relevance to Russia, Europe, as well as the United States. During the first 10 months, -
Safety and Solidarity for Journalists in Ukraine 2014
Safety and Solidarity for Journalists in Ukraine 2014: A handbook for journalists unions facing a crisis 1 CREDITS Publisher: International Federation of Journalists International Press Centre, Résidence Palace Rue de La Loi, 155 Brussels: www.ifj.org No part of this publication may be reproduced in any form without the written permission of the publisher. The contents are copyrighted and the rights to use any of the contributions rest with the authors themselves. Authors The handbook was prepared jointly by the International Federation of Journalists, the Independent Media Trade Union of Ukraine, The National Union of Journalists of Ukraine and the Russian Union of Journalists of Ukraine. The handbook was produced as one of the initiatives of the joint co-operation between the journalists unions from Ukraine and Russia in response to the crisis and war in Ukraine. The main authors were, Boris Timoshenko, Communications Head, Glasnost Defence Foundation, on behalf of the Russian Union of Journalists, Yuriy Lukanov, President IMTUU, on behalf of the IMTUU and NUJU and Oliver Money-Kyrle, IFJ Assistant General Secretary on behalf of IFJ and EFJ. It was edited by Oliver Money-Kyrle Special thanks to the Norwegian Journalists Union for supporting the production of this handbook. Cover photo journalists interviewing former Ukraine defence minister Valeriy Heletey in 2014 © Yuriy Lukanov Below, left to Right, Boris Timoshenko (GDF), Yuriy Lukanov (IMTUU), Sergey Tomilenko (NUJU), Nadezda Azhgikhina (RUJ) and Oliver Money-Kyrle (IFJ/EFJ 2 CONTENTS Preface: Jim Boumelha, President IFJ and Mogens Blicher Bjerregård, President EFJ 4 Introduction - Journalists Unions Responding to the Crisis 5 - Reporting from the Maidan: By Yuriy Lukanov 8 Reviewing the Casualties: A Joint Overview of Restrictions on the Media in Ukraine 2014: 12 - Freedom of movement - Detentions - Threats - Assaults - Deaths By Boris Timoshenko and Yuriy Lukanov Survival Tips from the Frontline - Recommendations of a Russian war Correspondent: 20 Arkady Babchenko - The Day the Separatists Came to Call. -
The EU and Belarus – a Relationship with Reservations Dr
BELARUS AND THE EU: FROM ISOLATION TOWARDS COOPERATION EDITED BY DR. HANS-GEORG WIECK AND STEPHAN MALERIUS VILNIUS 2011 UDK 327(476+4) Be-131 BELARUS AND THE EU: FROM ISOLATION TOWARDS COOPERATION Authors: Dr. Hans-Georg Wieck, Dr. Vitali Silitski, Dr. Kai-Olaf Lang, Dr. Martin Koopmann, Andrei Yahorau, Dr. Svetlana Matskevich, Valeri Fadeev, Dr. Andrei Kazakevich, Dr. Mikhail Pastukhou, Leonid Kalitenya, Alexander Chubrik Editors: Dr. Hans-Georg Wieck, Stephan Malerius This is a joint publication of the Centre for European Studies and the Konrad- Adenauer-Stiftung. This publication has received funding from the European Parliament. Sole responsibility for facts or opinions expressed in this publication rests with the authors. The Centre for European Studies, the Konrad-Adenauer- Stiftung and the European Parliament assume no responsibility either for the information contained in the publication or its subsequent use. ISBN 978-609-95320-1-1 © 2011, Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung e.V., Sankt Augustin / Berlin © Front cover photo: Jan Brykczynski CONTENTS 5 | Consultancy PROJECT: BELARUS AND THE EU Dr. Hans-Georg Wieck 13 | BELARUS IN AN INTERnational CONTEXT Dr. Vitali Silitski 22 | THE EU and BELARUS – A Relationship WITH RESERvations Dr. Kai-Olaf Lang, Dr. Martin Koopmann 34 | CIVIL SOCIETY: AN analysis OF THE situation AND diRECTIONS FOR REFORM Andrei Yahorau 53 | Education IN BELARUS: REFORM AND COOPERation WITH THE EU Dr. Svetlana Matskevich 70 | State bodies, CONSTITUTIONAL REALITY AND FORMS OF RULE Valeri Fadeev 79 | JudiciaRY AND law -
Amnesty International Report Cites Police Brutality in Ukraine
INSIDE:• What the Kyiv street says of the Yushchenko-Yanukovych deal — page 3. • And Miss Soyuzivka 2006 is ... — page 11. •A view of Ukrainian Day at Giants Stadium — centerfold. Published by the Ukrainian National Association Inc., a fraternal non-profit association Vol. LXXIII HE KRAINIANNo. 41 THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, OCTOBER 9, 2005 EEKLY$1/$2 in Ukraine AmnestyT InternationalU report WashingtonW roundtable focuses cites police brutality in Ukraine on post-Orange Revolution Ukraine by Yana Sedova Ms. McGill said. Ukrainian National Information Service Europe.” Kyiv Press Bureau However, tens of thousands cases of The roundtable, held at the Ronald police-induced trauma occur every year WASHINGTON – “Ten months after Reagan Building and International Trade KYIV – Tetiana Doroshenko spent 10 in Ukraine, estimated Arkadii the Orange Revolution, we have to be Center, was organized to analyze hours at a Symferopol police station as a Buschenko, legal expert for the Kharkiv satisfied that the mass media in Ukraine Ukraine’s transition to an established possible witness to a crime, separated Human Rights Group. is free, that Ukraine’s foreign policy is in national identity in light of what has from her sick 18-month-old son. The Kharkiv Group received about the hands of committed individuals and become known as Ukraine’s Orange Police told Ms. Doroshenko she could 200 reports on torture last year and pro- is pointed in a clear strategic direction,” Revolution. As chairman of the reunite with her son only if she testified vided legal support in 60 cases. At pres- said Dr. Zbigniew Brzezinski, former Roundtable Steering Committee, Mr. -
Military Crimea
OSCE UNITED NATIONS NAVY NAVY UNITED STATES STATES UNITED INTERNATIONAL LAW LAW INTERNATIONAL MILITARY HUMANITARIAN RUSSIA Issue 1 (23), 2021 GENEVA CONVENTION ANNEXATION CRIMEANDEOCCUPATION TATARS UKRAINE OCCUPATION OCCUPATION CRIMEAN PLATFORMC R RIGHTS IHUMAN M E A BLACK SEA UA: Ukraine Analytica · 1 (23), 2021 • CRIMEAN PLATFORM • TEMPORARY OCCUPATION • INTERNATIONAL REACTION 1 BOARD OF ADVISERS Dr. Dimitar Bechev (Bulgaria, Director of the European Policy Institute) Issue 1 (23), 2021 Dr. Iulian Chifu Analysis and Early Warning Center) (Romania, Director of the Conflict Crimea Amb., Dr. Sergiy Korsunsky (Ukraine, Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentionary of Ukraine to Japan) Editors Dr. Igor Koval (Ukraine, Odesa City Council) Dr. Hanna Shelest Dr. Mykola Kapitonenko Marcel Röthig (Germany, Director of the Representation of the Friedrich Ebert Foundation in Ukraine) Publisher: Published by NGO “Promotion of Intercultural James Nixey (United Kingdom, Head of the Russia and Eurasia Programme at Chatham House, the Cooperation” (Ukraine), Centre of International Royal Institute of International Affairs) of the Representation of the Friedrich Ebert Studies (Ukraine), with the financial support (Slovakia, Ambassador Foundation in Ukraine, the Black Sea Trust. Dr. Róbert Ondrejcsák Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of Slovak Republic to the United Kingdom of Great Britain UA: Ukraine Analytica and Northern Ireland) analytical journal in English on International is the first Ukrainian Relations, Politics and Economics. The journal Amb., -
Crimea and the Kremlin: from Plan “A” to Plan “B”
Crimea and the Kremlin: From Plan “A” to Plan “B” Translated by Arch Tait March 2015 This article is published in English by The Henry Jackson Society by arrangement with Radio Free Europe / Radio Liberty. CRIMEA AND THE KREMLIN: FROM PLAN “A” TO PLAN “B” 1 Reconstructing events in east Ukraine and the rationale behind them. On 15 March, Crimea marked the first anniversary of the referendum on whether it wanted to be incorporated as Part of Russia. Shortly before,Vladimir Putin signed a decree instituting a new national holiday: SPecial OPerations Forces Day. This is to be celebrated on 27 February, the day in 2014 when the “little green men” embarked on their oPeration to seize key facilities in Crimea. The day before the announcement, Russian television aired a film titled “Crimea: the Path Back to the Homeland”, in which Putin describes taking the decision to begin the oPeration to annex the Peninsula. For all that, certain details about the oPeration and the Russian president’s motives remain obscure. We could do worse than get the answer to the question of why Putin decided to seize Crimea from the horse’s mouth, from Putin’s own sPeeches. He had listed his grievances at some length in a sPeech in the Kremlin on 18 March 2014. Not for the first time, he blamed the United States for “destroying the world order” and, in his view, stage-managing a whole succession of “coloured” revolutions. His main comPlaint was about NATO’s eastward expansion, “moving uP military infrastructure to our borders.” Because of this, he argued, “we have every reason to believe that the notorious Policy of containment of Russia, Pursued in the eighteenth, nineteenth, and twentieth centuries, continues to this day.