Chapter II Research Design of the Study

In the preceding chapter, we have discussed the background of notification of nomadic communities as criminal tribe and determinants of occupational mobility through the review of studies on nomadic communities. In this chapter, to figure out the research design of the study of occupational mobility of the Kaikadi community, in the beginning, it is necessary to depict the occupational background and social status of the community. The following section, therefore, is devoted to the origin of Kaikadi community, their traditional occupational divisions and their labelling for stigmatising as criminal and notification.

—nr \ 2/2 $?/ (; The Kaikadi community \ »\ \ -> oo> Origin and Nomenclature Kaikadi is an itinerant community traditionally engaged in the occupation of making y and selling of baskets and making brushes for weavers. They are scattered across the regions. Mostly they are found in Andhra Pradesh, Kamataka, Tamil Nadu, Madhya Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, Bihar, Orissa and Maharashtra. In different regions, they are called by different names such as Korava, Korcha, Korar, Kuravan and Yerukula. M. Kennedy records that the community in the then Bombay presidency, the present day state of Maharashtra and Karnataka, is known as Kaikadi, Korava and Korcha. In the districts of Ahmednagar, Nasik, Satara, Dhulia, Jalgaon, Pune, Kulaba, Ratnagiri, Sholapur, Kolhapur and Sangli, they are known as Kaikadi. Also, in some districts of Maharashtra they are known as Korava. In Bijapur, Belgaum and Dharwar, they are known as Kaikadi, Korava and Korcha.1 According to Russell, Kaikaris or Kaikadis are found in Nimar district of Madhya Pradesh, and Amaravati, Akola, Buldhana, Yeotmal,

M. Kennedy: Notes on Criminal Classes in the Bombay Presidency, Bombay, 1908, p.65.

40 Nagpur, Bhandara, Wardha and Chanda districts of Maharashtra.2 Enthoven records that the Kaikadis are found chiefly in Maharashtra, Kamataka, Andhra Pradesh and Tamil Nadu. The Koravas also known as Korar, Korgar, Kormar and Korchar who are found in Belgaum, Bijapur, Dharwar districts of Kamataka. While writing the Koravas' ethnography separately, Enthoven reports the similarity in the occupation and divisions of Kaikadis and Koravas, for example, he notes that Makadawale is a sub-division of Kaikadi and Kunchevale is a synonym for Makadawale, and Kunchi is a sub division of Koravas. Kaikadi and Korava are wandering tribes, make baskets and brushes for weavers. According to Thurston, members of Korava community are likely to be known by different names in different localities. They are known as Korava, Koracha or Korcha in the North Arcot district (the present day Thiruvannaamalai and Vellore districts of Tamil Nadu) and in the ceded districts they were called as Yerukala or Yerakala.4

The Kaikaris are known as Koravars in Arcot and in the state of Kamataka.3 The Census Report of Andhra Pradesh, 1961, reveals the linguistic diversity concerning the nomenclature of the community. The community is known by different names in Andhra Pradesh. The Telgu speaking people call the community as 'Yerukula' and the Tamil speaking people in the districts of Chittoor and Nellore recognize them as 'Korava'. Ethnographic survey in Secunderabad area revealed that the Yerukalas were popularly known as Kaikadis in some places of Telangana region. In Marathi language, Yemkala is termed as 'Kaikadi".

Raghaviah also mentioned that the Yerukalas are known by different names in each state. In the then Madras state, they were called as Koravas, and as Korachas in the then

: R.V. Russell: The Tribes and Castes of the Central Provinces of India, Rajadhani Book Centre, Delhi. 1975, pp. 296-302. • R.E. Enthoven: Tribes and Castes of Bombay, Vol.2. Government Press, Bombay, 1920, pp. 266-270. 4 E. Thurston: Castes and Tribes of Southern India, Vol.III-K, Cosmo Publications, Delhi. 1975, pp.438-440. 5 R.V.Russell: op.cit. 6 B.K. Roy Burman, P.S.R Avadhany, A.M. Kurap: Ethnographic Notes, Census of India 1961, Volume II, Part V-B (9), Census Publication, Andhra Pradesh, 1961, pp. 1-2.

41 Mysore state. In Maharashtra, particularly in the Kolhapur area Yerukalas are identified as Kaikadis.7

Although the Kaikadis are called by different names in different regions, ethnically they are one and the same. The several names of the same community are attributed to linguistic regional diversity. The different names are ascribed to the same community in different regions is derived from the local terms used by local people for their occupations. Secondly, similarities in their mother tongue despite their regional diversity tend to reveal that the community people migrated to different regions. Also, the common customs and marriage practices across the regions confirm that the same community is scattered by several names. It could be explain with some incidents. According to Russel, Kaikari is derived from the Tamil language. In Tamil, kai represents hand and hide denotes basket, i.e. the community people carry basket with tattooing and other implements in the hand is known as Kaikari or Koravas.x

Mr. H. A. Stuart (Madras Census Report, 1891) noted that the Koravas or Yerukalas were vagrant found in many parts of India and specifically in the Madras presidency, i.e. Tamil region. In the Telgu region, they were called Yemkalavandlu or Korachavandlu, but they always represented themselves as Kurru.

In another incident, Dr. Oppert connected their profession with the origin of the name Yerukula. According to him, in Telgu, Yemkalavandlu mean fortune-tellers. This is the origin of the name Yerukula. The occupation of the Kuruvandlu or Kuluvandlu is fortune telling (Yeruvandlu). The Yerukula women are engaged in this occupation. They used to call as "yeruko, amma yeruku." In Telgu language, yeruko means prophecy f and amma means mother which caused the Telgu people to call them as Yerukulanvandlu.10 He also found in a Tamil literature of the ninth century, Kurru or Kura depicting as a hill tribe.

7 V. Raghaviah: Nomads, Bharateeya Adimjati Sevak Sangh, Delhi, 1968, pp.174-175. 8 R.V.Russell: op.cit. 9 E.Thurston: op.cit. p. 440. 10 ibid, p. 441. 42 Rev. J. Cain also pointed out this linguistic derivation. He reported that the Yerukalas call each other Kuluvaru, however, the Telgu people call them Erakavaru or Erakalavaru, i.e. fortune tellers. Ori gin of the name is derived from Telgu word, emka means knowledge or acquaintance.''

The commonness or partial similarities in their mother tongue tend to be same scattered across the regions. In Kolhapur district, they speak a mixed language of Kannada and Telgu.1 According to Enthoven, the Kaikadis* original home was Telangana reflects in their language, which is a mixture of Kannada and Telgu. In addition to this, he notes that the Koravas are immigrants from Mysore and Tamil speaking districts of Kurnool, Salem and Coimbatore in Madras. Their home tongue is a mixture of Telgu, Tamil and Kannada reveals the land of their origin and root of their migration.13 Kennedy also noticed that the Kaikadis in the Bombay presidency speak rough Marathi or Kannada and within community they use corrupt Telgu.14

The common customs and marriage practices among them support the argument that the Koravas in Tamil Nadu, Yerukulas in Andhra Pradesh and Korchas of Mysore are the same and a single community. In its support, Thurston mentions his observation that Yerukulas of Andhra Pradesh and Koravas of Tamil Nadu have common practice of placing a string of black beads as a tali around the bride's neck on marriage occasion. In other observation, it was found in 1895 that there were practices of marriages between the southern Koravas of the Madurai district and the Yerukulas of the Guddapah district; also, there was one incident of the marriage between a son of Yerukula in the Annatapur district and a Korcha girl from the Mysore state.

" ibid, p.443. 12 Gazetteer of the Bombay Presidency, Kolhapur Gazetteer, Government Central Press, Bombay, 1886. 11 R.E.Enthoven: op.cit, pp.127, 266. 14 M. Kennedy: op.cit. p.68. 15 E.Thurston: op.cit. p.444. 43 Thus, from the above illustrations it reveals that Kaikadi community is known by different names at local level and due to their nomadism they are scattered throughout southern India. While dwelling on the nomenclature we have seen meanings in their occupations. So the following portion discusses occupational structure and divisions among the Kaikadis.

Occupations and Sub-divisions The Kaikadis or Koravas have traditional occupation of basket making. Enthoven, Kennedy and Thurston have mentioned that Kaikadis or Koravas are traditional basket makers and brushmakers. They make baskets of bamboos, of babhul (Acacia Arabica) twigs. Husbandmen use this basket to store grain. They also make reed sizing brushes used by weavers, snares for catching birds and deer, and children toys. Some of them survive through exhibition of snake and perform monkey's play. Some of them are hunters, cattle-breeders and carriers of sand, earth, bricks, tiles and stones on their donkeys. Women are fortune tellers and tatoors. The settled Kaikadis are musicians.16

Raghaviah has described the Yerulalas as trader nomads, who are small traders constantly on the move, selling salt, pulses, karivepa (a leaf used by south Indians for cooking vegetables), making and selling baskets, food grain containers, manure carriers, basket measures, winnows, and several other articles of day-to-day use by the fanners. Some Yerukalas have taken to snake-charming and monkey pranks. A few of them make brush for weavers. Women are fortune teller and expert in tattooing.

In addition to the above occupations, some ethnographers have described specific occupations of some divisions. For instances, the Bidar Koravas of south India carried merchandise in the form of salt, tamarinds, jiggery, leaves of the curry leaf plant from place to place on pack-bullocks or donkeys. The Uppu Koravas of south India carried salt inland from the coast.

16 R.E.Enthoven: op.cit. pp.129-130; M. Kennedy: op.cit. pp.65-66; E. Thurston: op.cit. pp.453-457. 17 V. Raghaviah: op.cit. pp. 173-175. 44 The sub-divisions among the Kaikadis or Koravas indicate the local term for their occupation. The Kaikadis are divided according to their occupations. Although occupation makes differentiation among Kaikadis, most of sub-groups depend upon multi sources for their survival. The sub-divisions among the Kaikadis are endogamous. Inter-marriages between these divisions are prohibited. Some of the classifications from some prominent studies are as follows.

Thurston has documented castes and tribes of southern India. He has given eight occupational divisions among Koravas.ls According to him, the names of sub-divisions are derived from their particular occupations. They are as: 1) Bidar Koravas originally carried merchandise in the form of salt, tamarinds, jiggery, and leaves of curry leaf plant from place to place on pack-bullocks or donkeys. In local language, bidar indicate nomad as they move from one place to another for merchandise. 2) Uppu Koravas carried salt inland from the coast. Uppu mean salt, hence traders in uppu are Uppu Koravas. 3) Thubba, Dhubbai, or Dhabbai Koravas make baskets from split bamboo for the storage of grain, for carrying manure at the bottom of carts and fancy articles. Dhabbai stands for split bamboo. 4) Kunchi Koravas make brush for weavers from roots. Kunchi denotes brush. So Koravas, who make brush, is Kunchi Koravas. They are also excellent hunters. Some of them are monkey performer and beg in villages. Their females earn a livelihood by tattooing and fortune telling. They are also known as Gadde stand for soothsayers (fortune teller). 5) Ur Koravas have given up their nomad life and settled in villages. Ur mean village. They are cultivators and agricultural labourer. 6) Pamula (snake) Koravas are snake charmers. 7) Walaja Koravas are musicians. 8) Koot (dancing) or Kothee(monkey) Kaikaries are monkey performer.

Enthoven has given nine sub-divisions among Kaikadis and Koravas of Bombay presidency.1 Those are as follows: Sub-divisions among Kaikadis: 1) Borivale is of settled habits. 2) Dhuntale or Chor Kaikadi. 3) Kamathi or Kusubatanvale or Lalbajarvale are basket makers. 4) Kaijis are

18 E. Thurston: op.cit. pp.453-460. 19 R.E. Enthoven: op.cit. pp.127, 267. 45 fluteplayers and perform magic. 5) Laman makes bullock's packsaddles. 6) Makadvale or Kunchevale or Khulkhulevale are monkey performer. 7) Ur Kaikadis are musicians and basket makers. 8) Vaibase is of settled habit. 9) Half caste Kaikdi known as Bhamtas or Tuhlias- pick pockets.

Sub-divisions among the Koravas are: 1) Advi or Kals (thief) make baskets and brooms. 2) Bid or Vir 3) Dabbe (split bamboo) or Ur (village) makes baskets from split bamboo and of settled habits 4) Ghante Chor 5) Kunchi Koravas make weaver's brushes and hunter. 6) Modi (magicians) performing magic activities. 7) Patrad are also known as shawl weavers, who are singers and dancers. 8) Sanadis (flageolet performer) are of settled habit, musicians, and make baskets. 9) Suli (prostitutes).

Kennedy has documented criminal tribes in the Bombay presidency. He has given similar divisions among Kaikadis of the Deccan and Koravas of the Kamatak district.20

Laxman Mane, a social activist belonging to Kaikadi community, has surveyed denotified communities in Maharashtra.2' He has given five sub-divisions among Kaikadis in Maharashtra. They are as follows: 1) Chore or Dontalmore or Firaste Kaikadis 2) Gaon (village) Kaikadis, sanadi Kaikadi or Bajantri Kaikadi make baskets, corn bin and some of them are musicians. 3) Kudachi or Kunchiwale make weaver's brush. 4) Gansur/ Makadwale/ Lalbajarwale are monkey performer. 5) Pamalors exhibit snakes show.

The above variation in the divisions and their names is the regional/local differentiation. The Kaikadis or Koravas divided into different divisions in different regions have some common occupations. Secondly, some divisions suggested by Enthoven are presently separate/independent communities, namely, Laman, Bhamtas, Ghante Chor and the like. The divisions, particularly Bidar and Uppu Koravas lost their livelihood in the colonial period and settled at the place of their origin as a cultivator or agricultural labourers.

20 M. Kennedy: op.cit. p.63. :i Laxman Mane: Vimuktayan (Marathi), Yashavantarao Chavan Pratishthan, Mumbai, 1997, p.62. " E. Thurston: op.cit. pp.457-458. 46 Hence these divisions do not exist in Maharashtra. Another thing is that Kaikadis or Koravas are multi occupational. They do not survive on any particular occupation. The divisions which are shown by different researchers are at present combined together. Considering the occupational similarity one could classify the Kaikadis under following divisions: 1) Pamula Korava of South India and Pamlors of Maharashtra have common occupation of playing the pitngi, exhibition of trained snake and begging. 2) Kunchi Koravas/Kooth, Koot or Kothee Kaikaries and Makadvale, Lalbazarvale/ Gansur/ Khulkhulevale of south India and in Bombay presidency are brush makers for weavers, hunters and some of them obtain their livelihood by showing monkey's play on the street. Sometimes, they also beg in villages. Their women earn livelihood by tattooing and fortune telling. They are assisted their livelihood by basket making too. 3) Walaja Koravi in south India and Bajantri/ Vajantri/ Sanadi or Grahast, Dabbe/Gaon/ Oor Koravas and Kaikadis in Bombay presidency have similar occupations. They survive as village musicians, and make baskets, corn bins, ropes, shinkas (hanging bags) and broom. Some of them cultivate land. 4) Dontalmore, Gulade, Chore Kaikadis or Kail Koravas make baskets.

Each endogamous division is divided into some exogamous divisions. Enthoven and Kennedy suggested five and four exogamous divisions respectively. Enthoven divided each endogamous division into the following exogamous divisions" : 1) Satapadi, 2) Melpadi, 3) Kavadi, 4) Mendharegutti, and 5) Sangadi. Kennedy divided endogamous divisions into four exogamous divisions, namely, 1) Sathapadi, 2) Melpadi, 3) Kavadi, and 4) Mendragutti.24

Presently, there are only two exogamous divisions among the Kaikadis. According to Laxman Mane, Satapadi and Kavadi are two exogamous divisions among each endogamous division. These are the clans or goths. Marriages are prohibited between

23 R.E. Enthoven: op.cit. p. 127. 24 M. Kennedy: op.cit. p.63-64.

47 the members of the same clan.23 Along with these rules the community observe bride- price and allow widow marriage and divorce. And, a divorced person can remarry.26

Since Kaikadi community is notified as criminal tribe in Bombay presidency in colonial period, it is necessary to look at how the British administrator narrated their criminal character.

Criminality among the Kaikadis M. Kennedy has mentioned some methods and distinctive characteristics of the criminal classes belonging to the then Bombay presidency. He was Deputy Inspector-General of Police, Railways and Criminal investigation department of Bombay presidency. His notes were used for detection and prevention of crime in Bombay presidency. His reading about the Kaikadis is crucial because it classified the community as criminal and afterwards, it has been stigmatised. According to him, the Kaiakdi is very intelligent and most tricky criminal community. They are expert in disguise and leave the places quickly. They commit offence at a far distance from their place of residence and run through within a moment."'7 Kaikadis commit crime for their survival. Kaikadis' gangs pilfer and rob the crops and steal sheep, goats and fowls for immediate consumption. To conceal the offence, they do some socially sanctioned occupation as an ostensible means of survival."'

Kennedy also focused on communitarian responsibility in crime. Every member involved in venture gets share in the loot. If any convicted member couldn't partake in plunder, the gang continues to give him share of loot. The gang also take responsibility of family members in any tragedy. If any member killed while committing crime, the gang takes the responsibility of the family. The gang grants a share of spoil to the

~3 Laxman Mane: op.cit. P.66. 26 R.E. Enthoven: op.cit. pp.127-128. 21 M. Kennedy: op.cit. p.81. 28 ibid, p.74. 48 family till the son of family or any other male family member could actively participate in dacoity.29

Kaikadi and Korava women also partake in their criminal expeditions. They are intelligent and hardy as their men. Their involvement in activity is significant. The men consult with women before any expedition. They obtain information of proposed expedition place under the pretence of selling baskets. They assist their men through making them conscious about danger and helping them in hiding and disposing property. They watch the movement of police and report it to the men. They are expert in obstruct and mislead the police. 30

A headman of gang has also an important role in Kaikadi community. The headman is known by different names in every division and region. In the Deccan, the headman of a gang is renowned as "naik." In the Karnataka, among Kail Koravas the headman is indicated as 'rangaiet'; among Pamlors the headman is known as 'pulakunja*; Korchas headman is identified as 'bermunsa"; and among Kaddi Korava women, the headman is recognized as 'pulakulsi.' The selection of headman is based on his merit and intelligence in criminal activities. His potential to lead gang and competency as complete spokesmen becomes crucial in the selection. The Kail Koravas and the Pamlors give more importance to headman's skill and performances as robbers and capacity to lead community. The headman is honoured in community and members observe his word as rule. The headman's commitment to crime was seized through a belief of his marriage to the kangatti, house-breaking implement and a knife.

While narrating their criminal activities, Kennedy made distinction among the divisions concerning the intensity of crime. According to him, Kaddi Korwas steal grain and pick up any object related to agricultural produce. They also steal sheep and perform highway robbery and dacoity. Their women's ostensible occupation is begging. They

' ibid., p.80. 0 ibid., p.68. 1 ibid, pp.68-69.

49 are experts in committing day theft in any house through breaking open and picking locks. They are irredeemable thieves." The Korchas are expert highway dacoit, and steal cattle, sheep and goat.'3 Kennedy's observation regarding the Kunchi Koravas and Oor Koravas is a contrast compared to other divisions. Kunchi Koravas wander for then- survival but never engage in any severe offences. Oor Korava or Bajantri Korava is honest and Taw-abiding*, settled community. They survive like the ordinary cultivators.34

In entire description, Kennedy mostly stressed on criminal characters of Pamlors and Kail Koravas. According to him, Deccan Kaikadis, Pamlors and Kail Koravas of the Karnataka are bold and merciless dacoits and observe it as their hereditary occupation. They are expert burglars and highway dacoit.35 To conceal their identity as criminal they disguise themselves as Lingayats and Jangams (Lingayat priests), fortune tellers, Waid (medicine men) and shepherds which are either respectable or harmless roles in society. While narrations on criminality among Pamlors and Kail Koravas confirm their identification as criminal, it adduces the elucidation of non-criminality among Kunchi Koravas and Oor (Bajantri) Koravas. Kennedy writes, 'The criminal Kaikadi will also pose as belonging to the harmless kind such as Kunchi or Bajantri Koravas/

Thus the above description shows the engagement of the Kaikadis in criminal activity. Considering their varied occupational background let us have a look at the literature informing about the social status of the Kaikadi community in caste system.

Social Status Social status of the Kaikadi community is lower than other touchable castes and communities and mostly close to untouchable castes. Generally, they are supposed to be

32 ibid., p.74. 33 ibid. 34 ibid. 35 ibid., p.73. 36 ibid. 50 belonging to the lower strata. Caste Hindus treat them as untouchable.37 The social status of nomadic communities is determined by different factors. The Kaikadi's lower status might be caused by their multi occupational nature and food habits. The Kaikadis are engaged in the lower rung of occupations of semi-skilled, petty trading, monkey playing and theft. Secondly, their food habits are despised by Hindu castes. They eat the flesh of goats, sheep, fowls, hares, pigs, rats, cats, antelope, jackals and other animals and drink country liquor/8 Mostly these foods consumed by lower castes are scorned by upper caste Hindus. Moreover, the social practices of bride-price, widow marriage and divorce are viewed as immoral by upper strata.34 Hence, the Kaikadis' social status in the caste structure is not only at lower level but they are looked down as decadent and irreclaimable criminal.

We have already mentioned that the Kaikadi community was notified as criminal tribe in the Bombay Presidency under the CTA, 1911. The criminalization of the community restricted its movement and notification, registration and daily roll-call became compulsory. Due to such restrictions on their wandering life their survival becomes hard. And, their stigmatization as criminal community excluded them from entering the process of development.

Earlier we have seen a history that under the British rule in India the wandering tribes were labelled as criminal by bringing in legislation. But, the stigma of their criminality was abolished by Shahu Chhatrapati (1894-1922) in his princely state of Karveer (known as Kolhapur district after independence) and made some efforts of their rehabilitation also. Shahu Chh. is known for his social revolution programmes and so some of reformatory measures adopted for the upliftment of deprived/ backward sections in his state have been delineated. Also, to get justice to the deprived, marginal sections, the social movements led by the local socialist activists have been narrated. In

37 Prabhakar Mande: Gavagadyabaher (Mamthi),Par\ma\ Prakashan, Aurangabad.1983, p.125. 38 R. E. Enthoven: op.cit. p.130; Thurston: op.cit. p. 475. 39 Meena Radhakrishna: Dishonoured by History, Orient Longman. New Delhi, 2001, pp.12-13, 36.

51 addition, the several upliftment measures adopted by the state and central governments have been stated in the next part.

Universe of the study- Kolhapur district The rational of the making Kolhapur district as universe of the study is that the district has a background of glorious history of princely welfare state of Chh. Shahu Maharaja. During British regime there were 563 princely states in India.40 However, only three states devoted to promote the social reform. Sayajirao Gaikawad's Baroda state, Chhatrapati Shahu's Kolhapur state and Mysore state where some efforts were taken for the emancipation of backward communities. In 1894, Shahu ascended the throne as Chhatrapati of Kolhapur state. He was reformist and modernist in his approach. He emphasized on equality and social justice needs to be given to socially and economically backward/ deprived communities. Chh. Shahu had introduced the concept of "welfare state'. He implemented several welfare programmes for the downtrodden sections in his Karveer state, Kolhapur district today. He had taken special efforts for educational, industrial and agricultural development of Karveer state. He observed the mission at two levels. Firstly, he introduced several legislations in social, economic, political and educational fields. Secondly, he observed the implementation of the legislative reforms both at practical and experimental levels. He executed his social revolutionary approach from himself. To bring about egalitarian society, he brought in legislations concerning the inter-religion and inter-caste marriages, free and compulsory education, reservations for backward classes in state services, etc.

Shahu's Welfare Programme Chh. Shahu was social revolutionary. He followed Mahatma Phule and patronized the Satya Shodhak Samaj. Mahatma Phule had started the movement of education for all, particularly for women and untouchables. On the same line Chh. Shahu initiated educational development for deprived sections in Kolhapur state. He founded primary, secondary schools and hostels for the students of backward communities. Considering

40 Y. D. Phadke: Social Reformers of Maharashtra, Maharashtra Information Centre, New Delhi, 1975, p. 55.

52 the discriminatory approach of upper castes towards untouchables, initially, he established separate schools for children of the untouchable castes. By 1912, total 27 schools for untouchable castes were existing. Later on Chh. Shahu stopped such separate schools and banned the practise of untouchability in schools.41 In 1917, primary education was made free and compulsory in Kolhapur state. 42Shahu's education policy resulted in the increase of number of students in general and the students of deprived sections in particular. The total number of students increased from 10844 in 1894 to 27830 in 1922, i.e. 28 years of Shahu's rule. Amongst them the number of non-Brahmin students increased from 8088 to 21027 and the students of untouchable castes from 234 to 2162.43

Although endeavours were made to foster education among the backward castes had not met with the success i.e. the rewards of higher education were not sufficiently distributed in the form of employment. For this reason, Chh. Shahu made a provision of 50 per cent reservation for backward castes in the state services in 1902.44 Shahu's reservation policy resulted in the decentralization of employment opportunity. In 1884, the total number of non-Brahmin employees in administrative services and personal services of Shahu was 11 and 6 respectively and it rose to 59 and 109 in 1922. On the other side, in 1884, there were 60 and 46 Brahmin employees in administrative services and personal services respectively and it dropped to 26 and 43 in 1922.

He had made all types of efforts to annihilate the traditional discriminatory practices of caste system. He brought in inter-caste and inter-religious marriage Act on 12 July 1919. The inter-caste and inter-religious marriages among Hindus and Jains were

41 Jayasingarao Pawar: Rajarshi Shahu Maharaj: Aspntshyodhar ani Shikshan (Marathi), in Jayasingarao Pawar (ed.), Rajarshi Shahu Smarak Granth (Marathi), Maharashtra Itihas Prabodhini. Kolhapur, 2001, pp.71-75. 42 Kolhapur State Gazette, Vol.1, Kolhapur, 29 September, 1917. 43 Vilas Sangave: Rajarshi Shahu Maharajanche Ahhutapurva Shikshankaiya: Vyapti va Falashruti (Marathi), in Jayasingarao Pawar (ed.), Rajarshi Shahu Smarak Granth (Marathi), Maharashtra Itihas Prabodhini, Kolhapur, 2001, pp.591-600. 44 Kolhapur State Gazette, Vol.1, Kolhapur, 26 July, 1902. 4:>Gail Omvet: Shahu Maharaj: Shivaji Rajanche VanshajiBrahmanetaranche Kaivari (Marathi), in Jayasingarao Pawar (ed.), Rajarshi Shahu Smarak Granth (Marathi), Maharashtra Itihas Prabhodhini, Kolhapur, 2001, pp.470-484.

53 legalised. He had taken initiative for implementation of the legislation. He persuaded Maharaja Holkar of Indore for inter-caste marriage between Yashawantarao Holkar and Chandraprabha, a kin to Shahu Maharaja. Holkar was belonging to a Dhangar caste, lower to Maratha. It led to 25 inter-caste marriages between Dhangar and Maratha caste. He abolished the practice of untouchability and balutedari system. The untouchables were subjected to social ostracism. He issued an order on 23 August 1919, abolishing untouchability. ' Separate schools for untouchables were abolished and the practice of untouchability at public places was made punishable.49 Balutedari was a system of exploitation. In this system, specific occupation was mandatory to each caste. Remuneration for service was provided in the form of grain. It was a system of forced labour. Chh. Shahu abolished this balutedari system and granted the freedom of occupation.

Shahu had taken initiative to motivate the social workers belonging to marginal sections. He invited Dr. B. R. Ambedkar to Kolhapur and organized the first conference of the Deccan untouchables at Mangao near Kolhapur, in 1920. In the conference, Chh. Shahu declared that Dr. Ambedkar will be the leader of the untouchables. The conference was presided by Dr. Ambedkar. It was successful to motivate not only the untouchables but several other reformative activists also to fight against injustice.

Along with educational and social reforms, Shahu paid attention towards economic development of Kolhapur state. He made a number of development projects in agriculture and industrial sectors. He built Radhanagari dam. He encouraged the people to cultivate new type of crops such as tea, coffee, potato, etc. He had laid a foundation of the cooperative movement and enacted the Cooperative Act in 1913 and formed the

46Kolhapur State Gazette, Vol.4. Kolhapur, 12 July. 1919. 4 Jayasingarao Pawar (ed.): Rajarshi Shahu Smarak Granth (Marathi), Maharashtra Itihas Prabhodhini, Kolhapur, 2001, p.896. 48 Koihapur State Gazette, Vol.4, Kolhapur, 23 August, 1919. 49 Kolhapur State Gazette, Vol.1, Kolhapur, 18 October, 1919. 50 Kolhapur State Gazette, Vol.1, 2 March, 1918. 31 S. M. Dahiwale: Emerging Entrepreneurship Among Scheduled Castes Of Contemporary India, Concept Publishing Company, New Delhi, 1989. p.139.

54 'Urban Cooperative Credit Society". By the end of year 1920-21 total 37 cooperative societies were established in Kolhapur state. He established spinning and weaving mill in Kolhapur (later the mill named after him) and started 6 jenning factories at several places in the state. He set up Gur (jaggery) Market and trade centres in the state. Shahu's economic policies caused for the beginning of industrialization and urbanization and the growth of workers' population and self-employment.

Shahu Chh. was very keen about the settlement and upliftment of the nomadic and the then criminal communities. He paid special attention towards their permanent settlement through providing them land, building houses and employing them in the several departments of Kolhapur state. In the following part, Shahu's efforts for the settlement of the then criminal communities have been discussed.

The Settlement of Nomadic Communities Chh. Shahu's welfare approach was not confined merely to sedentary castes, but he extended it for the settlement of the then criminal and nomadic communities. These communities were wandering from place to place for their livelihood. Their stigmatization prevented them to assimilate and integrate into the mainstream of developing society. Chh. Shahu had taken effort to settle them permanently at a single place. He issued legislative orders for that. Shahu Maharaja was against the notion of 'Bom Criminals'. He made several attempts to bring them into the mainstream of society and to wipe out the stigma of criminality.

Nomadic communities such as Kaikadi, Wadar, Kolhati, Kanjarbhat, Rajput Bhamta and Paradhi were settled in Kolhapur under his patronage. He motivated several communities to settle in Kolhapur city. In 1908, Kolhapur state acquired private land and distributed it among Koravi (Gaon Kaikadi), Kumbhar, Dhor and Lonari castes for their settlement and occupations. 52 At present these settlements are near the municipal corporation office.

52 Kolhapur State Gazette. Vol.1, Kolhapur, 17 October, 1908, pp.216-217. 55 The Phanse Paradhis (noose hunters) in Kolhapur are migrated from Katkol in Raibag district of Karnataka. Once Shahu was on hunting expedition at Katkol, but the local people made complaints against their thieving activities. Shahu invited them to Kolhapur and made their settlement in his state. In Kolhapur at Kotitirth he built up huts for 23 families belonging to the Phanse Paradhi community.33 While providing shelter he donated cultivable land to Phanse Paradhis at Khanadal, Alagawadi and Kankanwadi villages. Total 288 acres of land was granted for the settlement of Phanse Paradhis.54

The Dombari (Kolhati) is also one of the nomadic communities survived through entertaining and begging from place to place. Shahu decided to liberate them from their destitution of unsettled life. He built up houses for them. The settlement of Dombari in Kolhapur today known as Dombarwada, which is close to Udyamnagar. Same type of settlements was developed at taluka places.55 The Rajput Bhamta migrated from Rajasthan was settled at Sonatali near Kolhapur under the patronage of Shahu. The settlement is known as Rajaputwadi. He supplied the construction material for housing at free of cost.56 The Kanjarbhat settlement in Kolhapur located near Shivaji University is also granted by Shahu.

The Kunchi Koravis" settlement in Kolhapur was coincided with their hunting skill and Maharaja's hunting hobby. The Kunchi Koravis were expert in hunting. They were hunting birds, antelopes, pigs and wild animals. Once, Maharaja was on hunting expedition at Torgal. He came into close contact with hunter Kunchi Koravis and impressed by their dexterity in hunting. Narrating the incident and shifting of Kunchi Koravis from Torgal to Kolhapur, Erappa Kuchikoravi, 66 year old, settled in the Makadwale colony, Kolhapur told:

53 General Resolutions No. 498, The Kolhapur State Gazette, Kolhapur, 16-11-1912, p.83. 54 K. G. Suryavanshi: Rajarshi Shahu: Raja Va Manns (Marathi), Thokal Prakashan, Pune, 1984, pp. 418-419. 55 ibid, pp.421-425. 56 Vyankappa Bhosale: Rajarshi Shahu: Bhatakya- Vimukla Samajacha Uddhar Karanara Raja (Marathi), in Jayasing Pawar (ed.), Rajarshi Shahu Smarak Granth (Marathi), Maharashtra Itihas Prabodhini, Kolhapur, 2001, pp.511- 512. Journal Orders from the Huzur office for the Calendar Year 1904, p. 179. S1 Laxman Mane: Shahu Chhatrapati ani Gunhegar Jamati (Marathi), in Jayasing Pawar (ed.), Rajarshi Shahu Smarak Granth (Marathi), Maharashtra Itihas Prabodhini, Kolhapur, 2001, p. 504.

56 My grandfather Erappa was in the personal service of local Sardar at Torgal. He was expert in hunting of flying bird. Shahu Maharaja was impressed by his hunting skill and asked him to join his hunting department. Obeying the order of Maharaja, he requested to allow him to bring some of the families of his own community. Maharaja agreed and grandfather shifted to Kolhapur with total 16 families. Grandfather and father Gangaram, both were employed in hunting department of Maharaja. They received Rs.5 and Rs. 16 per month respectively. Grandfather was also looking towards domesticated bear at palace.

Initially after their shifting from Torgal to Kolhapur, Kunchi Koravis were residing near palace under the patronage of Maharaja. The existing settlement of Kunchi Koravis at Kavala Naka known as Makadwale vasahat was established by Chh. Shahu Maharaja in 1890. For their settlement he granted 5 acres of space.58

Although the CTA came into force in 1911 in the Bombay presidency, several surveillance measures were already in practice. A daily roll-call of the members of criminal communities and untouchable castes was in practice in the nineteenth century Maharashtra. A daily-roll-call before Police Patil, a village police officer, was obligatory for criminal communities. The communities were humiliated and forced to provide free service to state administrators and landlords. Shahu was against these practices. According to him, a practice of daily-roll-call means to prevent the nomadic communities from honest livelihood. For hunting or entertaining or trading or selling of miscellaneous articles, they had to move from place to place, village to village. Shahu was aware about their hard life. He abolished the practice of daily- roll-call by issuing several orders. In 1904, by issuing an order he stopped the daily roll-call of both Koravi and Wadar communities.59 In 1918, he banned a daily-roll-call of nomadic communities such as Ramoshi, Berad, Gantichor and of Mahar and Mang.

While settling them, Shahu employed Erappa Kuchikoravi, Muttappa Koravi, Gurappa Koravi, Durgappa Chandanava, Yallappa Koravi and many others in personal service. Also, he employed them in housing and road construction works. Kunchi Koravis and

58 Source: Interview with Vyankappa Bhosale, Daily Lokmat, Kolhapur, 21.11.2004. 59 Journal of Orders from the Huzur office for the calendar year 1904, Fasli 1314, vol.51, P.l 11. 50 The Kolhapur State Gazetteer, Vol. 1, 10 August, 1918, p.l 18 & 21 Sept. 1918, p.140.

57 Phanse Paradhis were employed in Maharaja's personal service for hunting expedition. Mangalsingh of Rajaput Bhamata community, Erappa Wadd of Waddar community and Rama Koravi were favourite wrestlers of Shahu.61 Some Kunchi Koravis were employed on Radhanagari dam construction. The researcher was told that Gangaram Kuchikoravi was working on Radhnagari dam construction.62 Phanse Paradhis were employed in road, housing and Radhanagari dam constructions. To encourage their assimilation into the progressive society and to give them new identity, Shahu appointed them on respectable posts. Lalya and Aravya belonging to Paradhi community were appointed as police in the state police department.63 Rama and Marya belonging to the Berad community were appointed as Police Patil of Kalamwadi tarf Nesari village.64 Chh. Shahu paid attention towards the traditional occupations of nomadic communities. He patronized their occupations. The Wadars were stone workers. So Shahu granted stone mine for their traditional work.65

Although no special programme for educational development of nomadic communities was started in Kolhapur state, Chh. Shahu was very keen about the educational progress of nomadic communities. His definition of depressed classes was inclusive. The order issued on 24th November 1911 regarding free education to children of depressed classes reveal Chh. Shahu's view. In the order it was stated that the children of Koravi and Waddar castes were interested to join the school but they were unable to pay school fee, hence he issued order to give free education to children of all depressed classes.1 He made arrangement of school education for the children of Kunch Koravi, Phanse Paradhi and Dombari. He started school at Dombari settlement and declared that educated persons belonging to Dombari community will be employed in the state services. He made arrangement of school education for the children of Phanse Paradhi at Sonatali, near Kolhapur. He also admitted some children of Phanse Paradhi in

61 Vyankappa Bhosale: 2001, op.cit. pp. 506-513. 62 Source: Interview with Erappa Gangaram Kuchikoravi, dtd.4 March, 2010. 63 K.G.Suryavanshi: op.cit. pp.411-421. 64 Journal of Orders from the Huzur office for the Calendar Year 1904, Fasli 1314, vol. 51 p.161. 65 Vyankappa Bhosale: Amhi Upekshit (Marathi), Parivartan Prakashan, Kolhapur, 2006, p.29. 66 Jayasingarao Pawar (ed.): Rajarshi Shahu Smarak Granth (Marathi), Maharashtra Itihas Prabhodhini, Kolhapur, 2001, p.966. 58 giirukul (residential) school. To implement the free and compulsory education policy, the Kolhapur state imposed/ put an annual educational tax of Re. one on each and every household. But this tax was obligatory for only settled people and the nomadic people were exempted from this collection. The order states that the educational tax should be levied on the permanently settled people, and the nomads and temporarily residing people such as Dhangar community should be exempted from the collection.68

Thus, Shahu's all inclusive policies fostered the process of assimilation and integration of all social groups into the state. His endeavours for educational and economic development generated new opportunities of employment for people belonging to all strata. While there was apathetic attitude towards nomadic communities in society, Shahu's patronage to nomadic communities helped their settlement and raising aspirations to adopt new occupational role.

After the death of Chh. Shahu in 1922, criminal communities lost the royal patronage. CTA, 1911 came into force in Karveer state on 30l May, 1925. The register of criminal communities was maintained and all the surveillance measures were implemented as per the provisions of the Act.6 A daily-roll-call was made compulsory for the members of criminal communities in 1927.

The Kolhapur state was merged into India in the year 1948 and new district Kolhapur was formed. We must bear in mind that the reservation policy and programmes of equality, social justice and fraternity adopted by Shahu Chh. in his state are reflected in the objectives and several provisions of the Constitution of independent India.

Post-Independent Socio-Political Movements The reformative and modernist foundation established by Chh. Shahu served for further social and political developments in Kolhapur district and particularly in Kolhapur city.

67 K.G.Suryavanshi: op.cit. pp.411-421. 68 The Kolhapur State Gazetteer, Vol. 1. 69 Kolhapur State Gazetteer, Vol. 1, General Order No.50, p.63 70 Kolhapur State Gazetteer, Vol. 1, General Order No. 43, 26 November, 1927, p. 247 59 As a result, social and political movements in Kolhapur district were continued to contribute to the process of social integration, secularism, social justice and welfare of backward communities and classes. Some social activists, namely, Bapusaheb Patil71 and others like him, in Kolhapur had ideological training in Rashtra Seva Dal (National Service Organisation) worked in the interest of deprived sections/ backward classes.72 It had programmes of untouchability eradication, social integration, inter-caste marriages, etc. It started movement of temple entry for untouchables at several places in Maharashtra. Sane Guruji had sit-down hunger strike at Pandharapur for entry into Vitthal temple. It had organized inter-dining programme at 830 villages in Maharashtra on the Republic Day to integrate Hindu, Muslim and untouchable castes. To eradicate caste in society, it motivated its activists for inter-caste marriages. Rashtra Seva Dai's (RSD) struggle against discrimination and injustice was extended to form an organization of peasants and workers. Enchanted activists of RSD had taken initiative to form cooperative societies, peasants-workers union and educational institutions.73 All these efforts were led for the establishment of democratic socialist society. To bring about democratic socialism, the organization had supported Socialist Party and its counterpart. Understandably the members of the Praja Samajvadi Party (PSP), Samajvadi Party (SP), Peasants and Workers Party or any other leftist party were offspring of the Rashtra Seva Dal and served for its agenda. For instance, S. M. Joshi, first chief of Rashtra Seva Dal, had led the Praja Samajvadi Party (PSP) and afterwards joined the Samajvadi Party (SP) as a president.

71 Bapusaheb Patil a social activist in Kolhapur was laurelled with the award of 'Dalit Mitra' by the Government of Maharashtra. He led several movements of workers, ex-untouchables, farmers and marginal sections of society. He was associated with the Rashtra Seva Dal and Socialist party. ": Rashtra Seva Dal is a non-political organization established in 1941 in Pune city, Maharashtra. It is devoted to the values of democracy, secularism, egalitarianism and caste annihilation. In pre- independence period, it dedicated for freedom movement, to foster the integration and fraternity among all religions and castes. The main objective of the Rashtra Seva Dal was to generate disciplined, committed and competent volunteers for freedom movement. In post-independence period, its intention was to create casteless, secular society based on social and economic equilibrium. The organization was led by V.M. Hardikar.Shirubhau Limaye, N.G. Gore and S.M. Joshi, the leading socialists in Maharashtra (See, Anusaya Limaye, Nana Dengale and Liladhar Hegadf.Rashtra Seva Dal, Rashtra Seva Dal Prakashan, Pune, 1965). 73 Anusaya Limaye, Nana Dengale and Liladhar Hegadf.Ra.shtra Seva Dal, Rashtra Seva Dal Prakashan, Pune, 1965, pp.32-35, 136-137,168-172. 14 ibid., pp.48-55. 75 ibid., p. 179. 60 Rashtra Seva Dal and its counterparts such as Socialist Party, Peasants and Workers Party, Communist Party had been working together for social harmony and social justice. Ram Manohar Lohia founded Socialist Party. His ideology76 of social justice became the doctrine of Socialist Party. It reflected in the social movements of socialists. In 1969, Socialist Party had organized a long march 'Kolhapur- Sangli- Mumbai' to aware people against caste system and untouchability.77 In 1977, social activists as well as common citizens were participated in lAka Gaon Aka Pcmavatha' movement (one village one well).78 In 1984, Madhavarao Bagal, a social and political activist, influenced by Shahu's inspiration arranged Satyagraha to support the implementation of the Mandal Commission Report. Workers of all political parties and particularly Lohiaite activists participated in the satyagraha?9 In 2008, Hindu fundamentalists arranged Vishwashanti Yadnya (religious sacrifice for universal peace) meant for the propagation of Hinduism and superstitions. Socialist workers in the city registered a protest and appealed people not to participate in the programme. The social workers of Other Backward Classes Organization and Bhatake-Vimukta Sanghatana were participated in the movement.80 To abolish the caste system in the Hindu society several social activists of Rashtra Seva Dal were motivated for intercaste marriage, to mention a few, Bapuso Patil-Lilatai Phadke, Avinash Adke- Anjalitai, Chandrakanta Patagaonkar- Kusuma Paranjape, Shanataram Patil- Sumitra Datar. These are the

6 Rammanohar Lohia's approach towards social justice and equality was all inclusive. According to him, Hindu caste policy/ frame created vertical solidarity of the castes and couldn't bring social justice and equality in society. Rather than the unity of poor dwija, socially depressed and economically marginalised sections would bring social justice, equality and destroy caste system. He identified five major categories of excluded and depressed peoples,viz., women of all castes and classes, the scheduled castes, the shudras, lower castes among the Muslims and Christians, and adivasis. He demanded 60% reservation for these categories in government, political parties, business and armed services. It became official agenda of SP (See, Anand Kumar: Understanding Lohia's Political Sociology; Intersectionality of Caste, Class, Gender and Gender, Economic and Political Weekly. Vol XLV No.40, Oct. 2-8, 2010). 77 G. P. Pradhan: Jiddi Vyankappa in Sharad Gaikwad, Pramod Kaparde, Goutamiputra Kamble, Husen Jamadar (ed.), Jagatikaranacha Avakash ani Parhvartanachya Chalavali (Marathi), Dalitmitra Sathi Vyankappa Bhosale Karyagourav Samiti, Kolhapur, 2010, pp.83-84. 78 Pravin Kamble: Rashtriya Ekatmatesathi Maharashtratil Rashtra Seva Dalache Yogadan (Marathi), Ph.D. dissertation (unpublished), Shivaji University, Kolhapur, 2007, p.283. 79 The news reported in Daily Sakal (Marathi), Kolhapur, October 3, 1984. 80 The news reported in Daily Sakal (Marathi), Kolhapur, August 8, 2008.

61 prominent couples who were intercaste married.81 V. S. Khandekar82, Chandrakanta Patagaonkar and many other social workers had taken initiative for educational reforms. They established Antar Bharati Shikshan Mandal and started schools. The educational institutes such as Antar Bharati Shikshan Mandal, Sane Guruji Shikshan Sanstha, Sadhana and Lokamitra are the products of Rashtra Seva Dal.83 Mostly the children of slum dwellers and lower strata were the students of these schools.

The background of socialist movement in Kolhapur district reflected in the politics of the district as well. The representatives elected either for Loka Sabha or Vidhan Sabha had association with socialism and social movements. For Loka Sabha, in 1957 Shankarrao Dighe of Scheduled Caste Federation, and in 1977, Dajiba Desai of Peasants and Workers Party were elected. For Vidhan Sabha, candidates of Socialist Party, Peasants and Workers Party and Communist Party of India were elected several times. Thus, the politics in the district was dedicated for the cause of marginal sections. The issues of untouchability, atrocities against dalit- denotified communities, issue of permanent settlement of slum dwellers and denotified-nomadic communities, and minorities, etc. were on the agenda of political parties, particularly Socialist Party.84 These endeavours had major role in the development of marginal sections in Kolhapur district.

In post-independent period, the state government of Maharashtra started some welfare programmes for the upliftment of marginal sections in the state. It made legislative provision of reservation in public sector for marginal sections, and particularly for denotified-nomadic communities. In the following part, the outline of policies and programmes for the welfare of denotified-nomadic communities is given.

81 Rashtra Seva Dal Dashakapurti Mahotsava Smaranika (Marathi), Rashtra Seva Dal, Kolhapur, 1998, pp.9-14. Pravin Kamble:op.c/7. p. 279. S2V.S. Khandekar was a Marathi litterateur laurelled with Dnyanapeetha Award and a prominent activist of Rashtra Seva Dal. 83Bharat Latkar: Shyam Patavardhan: Aka Samarpit Jivan Dhara (Marathi) in Rashtra Seva Dal Dashakapurti Mahotsava Smaranika (Marathi), Rashtra Seva Dal, Kolhapur, 1998, p.4. 84 Vyankappa Bhosale: Samajavadi Pakshache Samajik Chalavatil Yogadan (Marathi), Vruttavedha, Kolhapur, 1 January, 2005. Also, Vyankappa Bhosale: 2006, op.cit. pp. 17-18.

62 State Government's Welfare Programmes for Denotified-Nomadic communities The CTA was repealed in Bombay Presidency in 1949. Although the act was repealed, paradoxically the Habitual Offenders Act was enacted in 1956 and it was adopted by the state government of Maharashtra in 1960. Therefore the rehabilitation, settlement and development were futile terms for denotified communities. The then prime minister Jawaharlal Nehru freed them from criminal tribes' settlement in Sholapur on 23 August 1960, and they became known as Vimukta Jatis (denotified tribes).85 Afterwards the state government of Maharashtra has launched some welfare programmes for their development and the process of rehabilitation and assimilation of denotified communities.

Initially the backward communities in Maharashtra were divided into three categories, i.e. Scheduled Castes (SCs), Scheduled Tribes (STs) and Other Backward Classes (OBCs). The Government reserved vacancies in government services for the members of the backward classes. At first in 1962, the state government formed the category of denotified and nomadic communities and classified them as Other Backward Classes.86 In fact, compared to denotified communities, OBCs are settled and socio-economically advanced classes. Thus the provision of reservations in government services remained irrelevant.

In 1965, the government appointed the committee under the chairmanship of B. D. Deshmukh to review the reservation of seats and the recruitment of backward classes to government service. The government revised the reservation and recruitment policies in the light of the committee recommendations and formed four backward categories as (i) SCs,(ii) STs,(iii)OBCs and (iv) Denotified Tribes(DTs) and Nomadic Tribes(NTs). First time in 1965, four per cent reservation was made for the appointment of candidates

5 Ramanath Chavan: Bhatakya Vimuktanchi Jatpanchayat (Marathi), Deshamukh ani Compani. Pune. 2003, p.24. ;6 Government of Maharashtra, Education and Social Welfare Department, Resolution No. CBC-1361- M, Dt. 21 November, 1962. 63 belonging to denotified and nomadic communities in government jobs.87 In most of the states, denotified communities are categorised as either SCs or STs or OBCs, but the state government of Maharashtra created a separate category for them. Total 14 communities were categorised as denotified tribes and total 28 communities were categorised as nomadic tribes. The denotified communities listed by the state are Berad, Bestar, Bhamata, Kaikadi, Kanjarbhat, Katabu, Banajra, Pal Paradhi, Raj Paradhi, Rajput Bhamata, Ramoshi, Wadar, Waghari and Chapparband. However, the reserved vacancies in government services and granted certain concessions was not in proportion to their population. For the total 48 denotified and nomadic communities, there has been a provision of only 4 per cent. As a result, most of the persons remain deprived from welfare schemes.

In 1994, state government revised the reservation policy for denotified and nomadic communities and restructured it. According to the government resolution of 1994, nomadic communities were classified into four categories. For the total 14 denotified communities, 3 per cent reservation was made in government jobs and educational institutions. First time, the state government made appropriate provisions for the denotified and nomadic communities after independence. The following table shows the classification of nomadic communities and percentage of reservation allocated to them.

Government of Maharashtra, General Administration Department, Resolution No. BCC-1064-111, Dt. 9 April, 1965. Government of Maharashtra, GeGeneran l Administration department, Resolution No. B.B.C. 2/67/CR/ 141/ 96/16 B, Dt. 18 July, 1994. 64 Table 2.1 Classification of nomadic communities and reservation quota Category Communities included Reservation Quota (percentage) A category: 1. Berad, 2.Bestar, 3. Bhamta, Vimukta Jati 4. Kaikadi ( a. Dhontale, b. Korava, c. Pamlor, (Denotified d. Makadwale / Kunchi Koravi, e. Koravi), 3 Tribes) 5. Kanjarbhat, 6. Katabu, 7.Banjara, 8. Pal Paradhi, 9. Raj Paradi, 1 O.Rajput Bhamta, ll.Ramoshi, 12. Waddar, B.Waghari, 14. Chapparband. B category: 1. Gosavi, 2.Beldar, 3.Bharadi, 4.Bhute, Bhatakya 5.Garudi, Jamati 6. Chitrakathi, 7. Ghisadi, 8.Golla, 9.Gondhali, (Nomadic lO.Gopal, ll.Helavi, 12Joshi, 13.Kashi Kapadi, 2.5 Tribes) 14. Kolhati. 15.Mairal, 16. Masan Jogi, 17.Pangul, 18.Nandiwale, 19.Rawal, 20.Sikkalgar, 21.Vaidu, 22.Thakkar Cohly, 23.Vasudev, 24.Bhoi, 25.0tari, 26.Bahurupi, 27.Thelari.

C category: Dhangar and its sub-divisions 3.5 Bhatakya Jamati (N T)

D category: Vanjari tribe and its sub-divisions 2 Bhatakya Jamati (N T)

Source: Linkumar Bavane: Bhatakyancba Bhagna Sansar am Sanskniti (Marathi), Sudhir Prakashan, Vardha, 2005, pp.156-160.

65 From the above table it reveals that the total 14 communities are categorised as denotified tribes and the total 29 communities categorised as nomadic tribes. In original list approved by the government, each community and its divisions are mentioned. Here, in the Table 2:1 only Kaikadi community's sub-divisions are given for the purpose of study. Along with the above listed 29 nomadic tribes, under the recommendation of State Backward Class Commission (1993-2000), government has listed new five nomadic tribes in the list. The tribes are: 1) Mariaaiwale/ Kadaklaxmiwale/ Maragammawale, 2) Gihara/ Ghara, 3) Gusai/ Gosai, 4) Musim Madari, 5) Indian Irani.89 It means, the process of inclusion of denotified and nomadic communities for public sector jobs was effectively started only after 1994.

For the economic development of denotified and nomadic tribes a separate corporation has been set up by the Government of Maharashtra. Its programmes/ schemes are given as follows.

Vasantrao Naik Vimukta Jati and Nomadic Tribes Development Corporation Besides the reservation in public services, the state government has launched several welfare policies for rehabilitation and development of the Denotified and Nomadic communities. More systematic attempts have been made by the state government with the establishment of Vasantrao Naik90 Vimukta Jati and Nomadic tribes Development Corporation on 2 February 1984. The corporation established with an objective to promote economic development and encourage the denotified and nomadic communities for self-employment. The Corporation provides loans and subsidy for cottage industry and self-employment. It organizes vocational training for the members of nomadic communities. The corporation has opened offices at every district place.

Linkumar Bavane: Bhatakyancha Bhagna Sansar ani Sanskruti, Sudhir Prakashan, Vardha, 2005, pp. 161-163. Vasantrao Naik was the third Chief Minister (CM) of Maharashtra. He served as CM for 12 years. He made several reforms in agriculture and education sector. He was highly influenced by the philosophy of Jotiba Phule. He was belonging to Vanjara community, a nomadic community. 66 The Corporation launched several schemes and programmes for the development of denotified and nomadic tribes. To encourage the members of nomadic communities for self-employment, the Corporation has started several schemes. Some of the prominent schemes are as follows: 1. The corporation provides loan up to Rs.50, 000 at 4 per cent interest for self employment such as starting dairy farm, to purchase auto-rickshaw and setting up a medical clinic, etc. 2. It also provides 50 per cent subsidy to start any occupation requiring Rs. 12,000 capital investment. 3. The corporation organizes vocational training of short term courses such as Radio- TV-VDO repairing, carpentry, tailoring, handicraft, welding, fitter, driving, etc. 4. The coiporation gives 50 per cent subsidy and 50 per cent loan for purchasing the share-capital of Rs.200 of co-operative sugar factory and for purchase the share- capital of Rs. 1000 of co-operative spinning mill. 5. The corporation supports the vocational training of candidate in the form of scholarship if the training centre is at his residence. The corporation also grants Rs. 3200 for each trainee for the computer training of six months. 6. To start any profession which require capital investment of Rs. 50,000, the 75 per cent loan to be sanctioned by a Bank and then the remaining 25 per cent of amount is to be sanctioned towards its margin money by the corporation. For this scheme, applicant's annual income should be below Rs.39, 308 for the applicant from rural area and Rs.54, 494 for urban area.

The corporation has been appointed as a state channelizing agency to implement various schemes of National Backward Class Financial and Development Corporation, New Delhi. Under this provision the corporation provides loan and subsidy for following schemes: 1. To start any occupation it sanctions loan of Rs. 5 lac for the fixed period of five years.

91 Source: The pamphlet published by Social Justice and Special Assistance Department, Government of Maharashtra, 2008.

67 2. Educational loan scheme: The students who are admitted to institutes affiliated to All India Council for Technical Education (AICTE), for higher education and technical training education, it sanctions educational loan up to Rs. 3 lac. For this scheme, the student should be from the below poverty line. 3. Self-supportive scheme: It sanctions loan up to Rs. 5 lac to start any profession for the trained candidates. 4. Swarnima scheme: It is for women's self sufficiency. Under this scheme women get loan of Rs. 50,000 to start any profession.

Other than the above schemes, the state government of Maharashtra has started several schemes for the economic development of backward classes, including denotified and nomadic tribes. These are as follows: 1. Motor driving training scheme: It is for the training of motor driving for backward class candidates.92 2. To encourage women for self employment, government has started tailoring and Toys making training programme at Nashik, Pune, Amarawati and Mumbai. Government provides free kit for starting an occupation. 3. To promote higher education among denotified and nomadic communities, there is a provision of concession in tuition fee, admission fee for entire higher education. For this scheme, applicant's parent's annual income should be below Rs. 49,000 for 100 per cent concession and Rs. 65,290 for 50 per cent concession. 4. From 1983, the students belonging to denotified and nomadic communities who are occupying professional/vocational education such as medical, engineering and veterinary and residing in hostel are eligible for residential allowances. 5. From 2003, the state government has started a scheme titled 'Training on Demand' at government's industrial training institutes. The objective of this scheme is to give a short term training to candidates and to encourage them for self employment.

92 Government of Maharashtra, Resolution No.EBC-1070/121397-J, Dt. 7 Sept. 1979. 93 Government of Maharashtra, Resolution No. B.C.H.-1081/29280/450, Dt. 17 Nov.1983. 94 Government of Maharashtra, Resolution No. EMV-2003/P.K.-205/MVK-3/ Dt.25 July, 2003.

68 To promote education among the children of denotified communities, the government introduced the schemes such as concession in tuition fee and examination fee at secondary level, Savitribai Phule scholarship to prevent drop out of girls at secondary level and Ashram schools, etc.

In this historical background of social reform movements for about a century and several upliftment programmes both of state and central governments in post- Independent India, having in mind that some amount of occupational mobility must have taken place in the Kaikadi, denotified community, settled in Kolhapur district, the researcher has carried out a study. For this reason, the following part is dealt with the selection of sub-group for the study, the social demographic pattern, socio-educational and occupational/ industrial development characteristics of Kolhapur city.

Selection of Sub-group The Kaikadis in Kolhapur district are mostly concentrated in Kolhapur city. The Kunchi Koravi and Gaon Kaikadi, divisions among the Kaikadis, are prevailing in the Kolhapur district. In the Kolhapur Gazetteer of 1886, the Kaikadis are described as a chief criminal tribe migrated from the south Deccan or Madras. They committed theft and gang robberies. The Gaon Kaikadis were basket-makers and day-labourers. The Kunchi Koravis were engaged in basket and broom making and also used to play music and

95 rearing pigs.

The Gaon Kaikadis are of settled habit for long period. M. Kennedy has mentioned that Gaon Kaikadi are not involved in criminal activities and 'law-abiding', however, the Kunchi Koravis are in the process of settlement and stigmatized as criminal. In view of the existing social status of both sub-divisions, the Kunchi Koravis are selected for investigation. The focus of the study is occupational mobility among the Kunchi Koravis in Kolhapur district. At local level they are known as Koravi, Kunchi/ Kuchi Koravi or Makadwale. The members who were engaged in making Kunchi (brush) are

1,5 Gazetteer of the Bombay Presidency, Kolhapur Gazetteer, Government Central Press, Bombay, 1886, pp.274, 107-108. Major Graham: Statistical Report on Kolhapur, 1854, pp.132. 350, 139.

69 recognized as Kunchi Koravi. The members who were showing the play of the Makad (monkey) become known as Makadwale.96

In the following maps, we see the location of Maharashtra, Kolhapur district and the city, and Gadhinglaj taluka.

Vyankappa Bhosale: 2006, op.cit. p.25. 70 Map of Maharashtra in India Map 2.1

P«*

•CARMA-AXA /

The Admit«t-ati*e headquarts-* of Chafes***. Puduchwy Hgryana am PiiajAn »i> at Ownrtgaiti = - PUDJCHERRY

AtJOAtXAM SEA

TliiLvtf ai>tlK*.uiam SRI LANKA

/ N i- - t»lc<3n«wkft Source: Census of India, 2011

71 Map of Maharashtra with Kolhapur District Map 2.2

*—y> • *:' Sindttu )

'.. f\.

Source: Census of India, 201

72 Map of Kolhapur District Map 2.3

A \ \ KOLHAPUR (Maharashtra) ^ \ 'i TcKame,! RATNAOIRI \V|{jM™ ^

^Sh^itir _^4 SANGLI 1 A Johba Blip' 0 % Kumt*ioj Tn uw \ Anasiua A ttaAj

.O / KOLHAPUR^ iih&ii»fO J /^ / PalljR Kadoli0 0 r\_ Kuiandrtd / Bawfe/ ****'; I J)

\L*ao Radhwgan . S \ ., 1 • 0-- «-*L ToNipar„ ) ttogud' f V- o! / Ka'" [^ V Gad/unpla/i s y J Kamataka

j 0 Patooorv •.. — DericrBftisay C—^ Jp /O SlNDHUDURfi I <\ **•• tafc-JKHpTCf \ - - Y^Vc^fidgatf / — ftp tad Road » RafcavfcKk ® bETtct Headquarter • lakjkhz«f4>aner 0 * feur^ Places C=w :H : 1006 Cwi:i-t lite Pd -'.d

Source: Census of India, District Census Handbook: Kolhapur, 2001.

73 Map of Kolhapur City Map 2.4

\>pur**i>

NH4

\ Am1. "A* '".^

74 Map of Gadhinglaj Taluka Map 2.5

Tahsil's StaUslk-s INDIA 2 MAHARASHTRA Area in hni~ TAHSIL GADHINGLAJ Population DISTRICT KOLIIAPUR No. of Towns Total Villages Uninhabited Villages: 2

J1" A I S.J TO !ls„ ' l A - II B'A I v, 41739 <• |Caihinglaj

77R ' ' 777'-' S 77CJ no ' ^ w .778'-,., J • {•'.HaJkariii B A ro>' 780 TO. / / • ..- - '• 798 >782 D™ I i- V

T .M»h««.OU.,7W/ 7. .. - - j , po '. , T. -iSB '(T 799" 7M -. 787 " \8oe 800 .' 804 \ '

DUNDAGK

J © ... .• inJ i <^ 1-B Vr*.-s«ii (3> HALKARNI (4) MAHAGAON /•^ IIBlV- ~-, , © NKSAKI 017 /' -J si- ' '«24 • ,'2*1 , Deo PO : > s BOUNDARY. STATE —. .=.. I 838 » TAHSII - ', • i 839 REVENUE CIRCLE .-..-. •. o+auooo j VILLAGE KITH PERMANENT L C. NUMBER L _™_ _ J \i • / V HEAIXjI'ARTERS : TAHSII (5) / \ VILLAGES WITH POPULATION SIZE : DELOW 300, o • • # • w 200-499. 500-990. 1000-4999. 5000 AND ABOVE UNINHABITED VILLAGES WITH PERMANENT L C. NO.... L. _ Jg'_ J UKHAN AREA WITH LOCATION CODE 1 XV|I 1 STATE HIGHWAY SH ':'"_ Notc:- IMl'ORTANT METALLED ROAD UNMETALLED AND OTHER ROADS - C. D. Block Boundary o( Gadhinglaj is RIVER AND STREAM Co-terminus with Tahsil Boundary POST OFFICE/TELEGRAPH OFFICE EXCLUDING R.MS. ... PO/TO Exeludiug all Statutory Towns. HIGHER SECONDARY SCHOOI - S L. C. NO. : Location Cc.dc- Number. POLICE STATION EXCLUDING RLY. POLICE STATION ... PS PRIMARY HEALTH CENTRE A ' "<>I.I r-«_nv>ri.'»Tiyt: I'OMMEKCIAI HANK D Source: Census of India, District Census Handbook: Kolhapur, 2001.

75 The Locale of the Study: Kolhapur city Kolhapur city is the headquarter of Kolhapur district. It is one of the important Class-1 cities in Maharashtra, located in the south-west part of the state. The city is located in North longitude 16 to 42 and East longitude 74 to 14. The city is renowned for its social harmony established in the rule of Chh. Shahu. At present it is known as a growing city due to its educational, industrial and agricultural developments.

The Kolhapur Municipality was established in 1854. After Chh. Shahu, the local self government also committed to his ideology, particularly the local self government of 1941-44 was formed with the motto 'Too reserve the Society without any discrimination.' The then local self government was represented by socialist leaders, viz., Madhavarao Bagal, Ratnappa Kumbhar and Sheth Govindarao Koragaonkar. Their dedication at administrative level became more important in the development of Kolhapur city and marginal sections too. On 15th December, 1972, the municipal council was converted into Municipal Corporation. This was significant moment in the life of citizens of Kolhapur because with the establishment of Corporation and Town Development Plan Scheme of 1960, several job opportunities were to be opened in service sectors as well as in self employed sector.97 Thus, this social background of Kolhapur city caused for the development of marginal sections.

Population Composition According to 2001 Census, the population of Kolhapur district is 3,523,162 and literacy rate is 76.9 per cent.98 The population of Kolhapur City is 493,167 and literacy rate is 88.6 per cent.94 The scheduled caste population in Kolhapur city is 60640 (12.3 per cent) and scheduled tribes population is 1511(0.3 per cent).100 The literacy rate of scheduled castes and scheduled tribes is 78.6 and 83.3 per cent respectively.10

'" Kolhapur Municipal Corporation, Kolhapur. 1)8 Census of India 2001, District Census Handbook: Kolhapur, Table 1 & Table 21, pp.28, 44. 99 Census of India 2001, District Census Handbook: Kolhapur, Table 24: Number and Percentage of Literates and Illiterates in Urban Agglomerations/ Towns, 2001, p.47. 100 Census of India 2001, District Census Handbook: Kolhapur, Table 18: Number and Percentage of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes Population in Urban Agglomerations/Towns, 2001, p.41. 101 Census of India 2001, District Census Handbook: Kolhapur, Table 27: Number and Percentage of

76 Recently, statistical figures for 2011 Census have been available. According to the 2011 Census, the population of Kolhapur district is 3,874,287 and literacy rate is 82.89 per cent. The population of Kolhapur city is 549283 and literacy rate is 92.11. It means the literacy rate of total population for both the city and district has increased by near about five per cent within last 10 years.102

According to 2001 Census, the distribution of religion wise population in Kolhapur city is shown in Table 2.2

Table 2.2 Kolhapur City Classified By Religion

Religion Persons Percentage Hindu 416,073 84.36 Muslim 50,702 10.28 Jain 17,093 3.46 Christian 5,184 1.15 Buddhist 2,540 .51 Sikh 716 .15 Other religions 281 .05 Religion not stated 378 .07 Total Population 493,167 100.00

Source: Census 2001. District Census Handbook, Kolhapur, Table C-l, pp.845-875.

The figures of Table 2.2 clearly indicate for the majority of the Hindus and the rest of the religion-population belonging to minority. It clearly mentions that heterogeneous

Scheduled Castes Literates and Illiterates in Towns, 2001, pp. 49-50. Census of India 2001, District Census Handbook: Kolhapur, Table 30: Number and Percentage of Scheduled Tribes Literates and Illiterates in Towns, 2001, pp. 52-53. 12 Census of India 2011, Provisional Population Totals, Paper 1:2011, Chapter 6, Table 6.2 Literacy Rates by Sex for Districts:2001& 2011, p.51

77 character of urban population is existing in Kolhapur city. Several cities have experienced social tensions and communal riots in pre and post independence period but Kolhapur has no history of communal riots. In the city, thus, the people belonging to different religion background live peacefully for a long time.

Slums in the City According to the 2001 Census, total slum population in Kolhapur city is 85841 (17.4 per cent) with total 10447 huts.103 And according to Environmental Status Report, there 'are total 54 slums in Kolhapur city, amongst them 44 slums are notified by government. These slums are located on municipal lands (10 slums), government lands (22 slums) and private lands (12 slums) too.104 The majority people of denotified-nomadic communities are residing in slum area. The Makadwale vasahat is homogenous slum occupied by Kunchi Koravi community. Some members of Kunchi Koravi community are shifted to Rajendranagar slum and Shivaji Park slum.

Educational Institutions Educational development of Kolhapur is continued in post-independent period. Kolhapur Municipal Corporation has taken initiative to establish primary (I-IV) and upper primary (V-VIII) schools. At present, total 64 primary schools and 60 upper primary schools are run by the Corporation. Apart from these schools, total 69 primary and 79 upper primary schools are established by private institutes.105 All these schools have government funding. Several schools are within the reach of the settlement. Hind Vidya Mandir and Ravaba Vichare Vidya Mandir, primary schools of the Coiporation are adjacent to the settlement. The social activists of Rashtra Seva Dal have opened schools, namely, Antarbharati Shikshan Mandal's Koragaonkar High School, Koragaonkar High School (English Medium), S.K. Pant Walawalkar Highschool and Sane Guruji Balak Mandir and Vikram Education Society's Vikram Highschool are close to the settlement. These are primary and secondary schools. These schools are in

103 Census of India 2001, District Census Handbook: Kolhapur, Table 46, Proportion of Slum Population in Towns, 2001, p. 81. 104 Environmental Status Report, 2008-09, Kolhapur Municipal Corporation. Kolhapur, p. 29. 105 Primary Education Board, Kolhapur Municipal Corporation, Kolhapur.

78 the vicinity of slums such as Makadwale colony, Vichare mal slum, Shivaji Park slum and other poor people. Seventh Day Adventist High School, a convent school established in 1975 and the recently started Bharathi Vidyapeeth English Medium School are near to the settlement.

With the establishment of Shivaji University in 1962 the city is a centre of higher education. There are several educational institutions established in the field of engineering, architecture, technology, medical, agriculture, commerce and business management, etc. These institutions provide opportunities for education as well as for service jobs. Rayat Shiskhan Santha's106 Shahu College is close to Makadwale colony. This college is well connected with transportation facilities. Student coming to this college are mostly from marginal sections of society and from rural background.

In addition to these educational institutions, two Ashram Schools are established in Kolhapur especially for the children belonging to nomadic communities. One of the schools is started by Vyankappa Bhosale, a social activist, belonging to Kunchi Koravi community.

Industrial Developments Kolhapur is one of the developing districts of the Maharashtra state. In the district, total 12368 small scale industries, and 254 medium and large scale industries were functioning by the end of March 2009. These industries produce cotton fabrics, foundry leather articles, steel casting, agricultural implements, pumps, leather working machines; oil engines spare parts, non-ferrous casting, bearings, printing machinery, electrical motors, etc. Cooperative sector is also well developed in Kolhapur district and

1 07 at present there are 17 co-operative sugar factories and 3 co-operative milk societies.

6 Rayat Shiskhan Sanatha is founded by Bhaurao Patii, inspired by Chh. Shahu. He started educational movement establishing educational network of schools and colleges all over Maharashtra. His 'Earn and Learn' scheme become a great source of education for poor peoples of all stratas. A number of persons educated from the institute are working in several fields are served for making of modern Maharashtra. " Pamphlet published by District Business and Trade Centre, Kolhapur.

79 Kolhapur city is well connected to Mumbai, Pune, Bangalore and Hyderabad by rail and road transportation and on the national highway. It is a big asset for the industrial development of Kolhapur city. Kolhapur has three main industrial zones of Maharashtra Industrial Development Corporation at Shiroli, Gokul Shiragaon and Kagal. In these zones total 1,152 industries are functioning and total 28,000 workers are employed.108 These industrial zones are along the Mumbai-Bangalore Highway and within the reach of Kolhapur. Another industrial zone developed in inner city is known as Shivaji Udyamnagar. Large scale industries such as Kirloskar Oil Engine Ltd., Manugraph India Ltd., Menon Group of Companies, Raymond Textiles Company, Ghatge-Patil Industries etc. are known for their productions in Kolhapur.109

As a result of industrialisation and urbanisation transportation network has been grown and the profession of vehicle repairing has been increased. In addition to these developments, services like hoteling, entertainment, etc., are also in high demand. By 31st March 2008, total 2,37,492 vehicles were registered. In all these, 122035 motorcycles, 33985 scooters, 25,580 motor cars, 6957 Jeeps, 9183 auto-rickshaws, and 4646 trucks and lorries were registered. As a result of increase in number of vehicles, automobile repairing industry has been boosted. By March 2008, total 715 automobile repairing workshops and garages were established. In Kolhapur city, there were 998 hotels and restaurants, 24,892 shops and commercial establishments, 16 plastic industries, 156 public motor transports and 17 theatres. ' Thus the city has become a centre of new job opportunities and space for self-employment to unemployed persons.

According to the 2001 Census, main workers of the total population in Kolhapur city are 147,090 i.e. 29.8 per cent. Amongst them 144,268 (98.08 per cent) are other workers."2 Other workers are government servants, municipal employees, teachers,

108 Environmental Status Report. 2008-09, Kolhapur Municipal Corporation, Kolhapur, p. 18. m S. C. Bhatt (ed.) : The Encyclopedic District Gazetteers of India. Western Zone .(vol.7), Gyan Publishing, New Delhi, 1998. pp. 432-433. 'l0 Environmental Status Report, 2008-09, Kolhapur Municipal Corporation, Kolhapur, p. 50. 111 ibid, p. 19. 11: Census of India 2001, District Census Handbook: Kolhapur, Table 36, Number & Percentage of Main Workers in Urban Agglomerations/ Towns, 2001, p.66. 80 factory workers and those engaged in trade, commerce, transport, construction, etc. It is a big source of livelihood. The Kolhapur Municipal Corporation provides civil services such as sanitation, drainage, public health, transport, etc., which also require manual and non-manual staff at larger scale. For instance, at present in the sanitation department of the coiporation, total 1565 sweepers are working. In brief, the industrial development of Kolhapur has influenced the growth of workers population in the city.

In Kolhapur district, there are two settlements of Kaikadi (Kunchi Koravi) community. One is at Kolhapur, where almost people of the community are concentrated. Second settlement is at Gadhinglaj, a taluka place in Kolhapur district. The following part is dealt with the organisational development for the improvement of community's settlement.

The Settlement of the Kaikadis (Kunchi Koravi) in Kolhapur: the organisational efforts In post-independence period, the Kaikadis (Kunchi Koravis)"3 are settled in Kolhapur city and Gadahinglaj town. A majority of Kunchi Koravis in Kolhapur district are settled at Makadwale vasahat (colony), near Kavala Naka in the city. As earlier mentioned, this colony was established by Shahu Chh. The settlement is on the old Mumbai- Bangalore high way and adjacent to central bus and railway station.

Makadwale Vasahat is one of the slums in Kolhapur city. Due to its non-statutory status, the lack of civil amenities such as electricity, drinking water, sanitation and wastewater services etc; the issue of ration card, social segregation and impermanent status of the settlement were some common problems faced by the Kunchi Koravis. The Rashtra Seva Dal in Kolhapur city always comes to help solving the issues of marginal sections. Slums are usually occupied by the marginalised people, i.e. ex-untouchables, nomadic and Muslim communities. The activists of RSD had taken initiative to form an organization of slum dwellers. The Municipal Corporation of Kolhapur had negative

" After here only 'Kunchi Koravi' will be used to indicate the community.

81 approach towards slum dwellers and was reluctant to settle them permanently. Bapusaheb Patil, Ravindra Sabanis"4 and other RSD activists organised the slum dwellers and formed their divisional unions. The slum dwellers' conference was held on 14th August 1969 and it asked for permanent land for their settlement, statutory status for slum and civic amenities. The conference was presided by S. M. Joshi and led by Ravindra Sabanis and Bapusaheb Patil."5 In this way, the involvement of slum dwellers in social movement was begun. Afterwards, their participation in social movement led by RSD and SP was irrespective of the issues.

Slum dwellers' association with Rashtra Seva Dal and Socialist Party encouraged their involvement in social movement. In 1977, RSD activists inspired the slum dwellers to form central slum organization named Janata Zopadapatti Sanghatana (Janata Slum Dwellers Organization)."6 Vyankappa Bhosale"7, belonging to Kunchi Koravi community residing at Makadwale Vasahat was nominated as president of the organization. It became a big asset for Kunchi Koravi community to assimilate with society at broader level.

Several times in the cases of robbery or theft, the nomadic community people and particularly the Kunchi Koravis were to be the usual suspects by the police and people in general. The police were reluctant to confirm the truth. It was noticed by Socialist activists in Kolhapur, and particularly Bapusaheb Patil and Ravindra Sabanis. They had taken initiative to persuade the senior police officers with narrating the history of settlement of Kunchi Koravai under the Shahu Chh. rule. With the help of socialist activists community workers Vyankappa Bhosale, Shrikrushna Palakhande, Ramabhau Pundalik, Yallappa Revan, Lagav Jondhale and Yankappa Keraba had organized a

i4Ravindra Sabanis was a member of the state legislative assembly, who had led the movement of workers, dalits, farmers and marginal sections of society. He was associated with the Rashtra Seva Dal and Socialist party. 115 Vyankappa Bhosale: 2006, op.cit. p.56. Ub ibid., pp.91-92. " Vyankappa Bhosale, a social activist, 61 years old. is trying to integrate and motivate the community members for their development. He is the first matric pass Kunchi Koravi student in Kolhapur district. His involvement in several social-political movements motivated him to devote for community service.

82 morcha (march) to stop the brutal atrocities by police against the community people. Their intervention in this matter became effective to solve the cases of atrocities.118 The community workers realised the significance of unity and social movement. This incident motivated the young generation for formation of community organization. RSD activists supported and guided the community people to found an organization. Under the leadership of Vyankappa Bhosale community formed Kunchi Koravi Samaj Seva

Mandal in 1971. The Mandal served for the progress of community. Several efforts v made by the Mandal resulted in the statutory status of the vasahat in 1976 and Corporation provided the civil services such as electricity, water, public toilet, drainage, etc. for the vasahat. Collaborating with RSD, the Mandal started several programmes such as tailoring course for community women, library for students and gymnasium. The Mandal, i.e. the community association and Socialist Party's activists served as intervener between community and government. The Mandal negotiated with Municipal Corporation for employment. Many community people were appointed as clerk, bus driver, peon and sweeper in Kolhapur Municipal Corporation." Due to poverty and lack of permanent source of livelihood Kunchi Koravis were depending upon the private moneylenders to fulfil their needs. Moneylenders were taking disadvantage of their condition. To emancipate the people from debtness, Vyankappa Bhosale and community workers instituted Rammanohar Lohia Credit Cooperative Society. The Society grants loan to start a petty business and house renovation.

While protesting the atrocities perpetrated on nomadic peoples, the Mandal had taken initiative to wean away from criminal acts. Due to their illiteracy and non-acceptance for a job by local businesspersons, majority of them had to beg for survival. They used zoli (a small haversack) to collect offered begging. Begging and stigmatized criminal

'l8 Vyankappa Bhosale: 2006, op.cit. p. 57. Ramesh Kuchkoravi: Shahuni Wasavaleli Makadwala Vasahat :Ethech Jadanaghadan Zali Eka Dalitamitrachi (Marathi), in Sharad Gaikwad, Pramod Koparde, Goutamiputra Kamble, Husen Jamadar (ed.), Jagatikaranacha Avakash ani Parivartanachya Chalavali (Marathi), Dalitamitra Vyankappa Bhosale Karyagourav Samiti, Kolhapur. 2010, pp.131-135. 119 Vyankappa Bhosale: 2006, op.cit. p. 106. 1:0 Jangappa Vaidu: Bhatake Vimukta Kashtakaryancha Lada (Marathi), in Sharad Gaikwad, Pramod Koparde, Goutamiputra Kamble, Husen Jamadar (ed.), Jagatikaranacha Avakash ani Parivartanachya Chalavali (Marathi), Dalitamitra Vyankappa Bhosale Karyagourav Samity, Kolhapur, 2010, pp.166-169.

83 identity segregated them from mainstream society. To show disdain for crime and begging, the Criminality Eradication Conference was organized on 11 June 1984 at Kolhapur. In the conference, the zoli and fetters were burnt to indicate that these were the symbols of destitute of the community.'~' To guide and help the organisers RSD activists participated in the conference.

Kunchi Koravi community was highly superstitious and traditional. The Mandal had taken efforts to wean away them from superstitions and to motivate them for reforms. On 28 May 1987, under the leadership of Vyankappa Bhosale, the community organized "Maharashtra-Karnataka Kuchikoravi Samaj Melawa'. The Melawa (conference) passed several crucial resolutions. More emphasis was on social reforms within community. The Melawa resolved to discontinue the practice of child marriage. Melawa urged upon the Jamat Panchayat to come to an end the wicked practice of selling of wife and to ban the second marriage of male if the first wife is alive. The Melawa also passed some resolutions appealing the Government to include the Kunchi Koravi community in the list of SC/ST, to provide free education for community children and fifty percent subsidy on loan taken from Vasantarao Naike Denotified/ Nomadic Tribes Vikas Mahmandal.122

The problems faced by denotified communities are mostly common. Suresh Shipurakar, Tukaram Chavan and other socialist activists encouraged the Kunchi Koravi community workers to provide leadership from the denotified communities. To raise the community issues on a single platform, Bhataka va Vimukta Samaj Vikas Mandal was formed on 29th June 1981. The Mandal has organized several programmes for awakening and progress of people. The Mandal arranged campaigns for family planning, HIV/AIDs awareness, eradication of superstition, and giving up the habit of drinking liquor.

121 Appa Powar: Phaseparadhi: Manvi Nyaya Hakkachi Ladhai (Marathi), in Sharad Gaikwad, Pramod Koparde, Goutamiputra Kamble, Husen Jamadar (ed.), Jagatikuranacha Avakash ani Parivartanachya Chalavali (Marathi), Dalitamitra Vyankappa Bhosale Karyagourav SamitL Kolhapur, 2010, p.161. The news reported in Daily Sakal, Kolhapur on June 12, 1984. 122 Vyankappa Bhosale: 2006, op.cit. p.61.

84 Moreover, worth mentioning is that the Mandal runs Balawadi (nursery school) in the Kunchi Koravi vasahat.123

After independence in the last sixty years, Kunchi Koravis are settled at a single place and slowly shifting towards modern occupations. At present, some Kunchi Koravis in the Kolhapur city are seen engaged in their petty jobs. Some of them are working as labourer on construction sites. And, a few of them are doing semi-skilled and skilled jobs in public sector organisations.

In addition to the respondents in Kolhapur city, since some have been selected from Gadhinglaj town in Kolhapur district, the data on social demography about the town are presented as follows.

Gadhinglaj Town Gadhinglaj town is a taluka place in Kolhapur district. It is categorised as class-Ill city in Maharashtra state, located exactly at the border of Maharashtra and Karnataka. According to the 2011 Census, the population of the city is 27,166 and literacy rate is 90.23 percent.124

Table 2.3 Gadhinglaj Town Classified By Literate Population in 2001

Category Total persons Percentage of literate persons Total population 25.-357* (100%) 87.0** Scheduled castes 2371* (9.4%) 78.4*** Scheduled tribes 93* (04%) 93.8****

123 Vyankappa Bhosale: 2006. op.cit, pp. 18, 106-107. G.P.Pradhan: 2010, op.cit. 1-4 www.censusindia.gov.in, List of Towns, Census of India, 2001.

85 Source: * Census of India 2001, District Census Handbook: Kolhapur, Table 18: Number and Percentage of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes Population in Urban Agglomerations/ Towns, 2001,p.41. ** Census of India 2001, District Census Handbook: Kolhapur, Table 24: Number and Percentage of Literates and Illiterates in Urban Agglomerations/ Towns, 2001, p.47. *** Census of India 2001, District Census Handbook: Kolhapur, Table 27: Number and Percentage of Scheduled Castes Literates and Illiterates in Towns, 2001, pp. 49-50. **** Census of India 2001, District Census Handbook: Kolhapur, Table 30: Number and Percentage of Scheduled Tribes Literates and Illiterates in Towns, 2001, pp. 52-53.

In brief, the above table indicate that scheduled tribes in Gadhinglaj city have highest

literacy rate compared to the general population and scheduled castes have lowest

literacy rate.

According to the 2001 Census, the distribution of religion-wise population in Gadhinglaj town is shown in Table 2.4

Table 2.4

Gadhinglaj Town Classified By Religion

Religion Persons Percentage

Hindu 21,956 86.00

Muslim 2,838 11.19

Jain 300 1.18

Christian 134 .52

Buddhist 45 .17

Sikh 28 .11

Other religions 43 .43

Religion not stated 13 .08

Total Population 25,357 100.00

Source: Census 2001, District Census Handbook, Kolhapur, Table C-l, pp.845-875.

86 The figures of Table 2.4 clearly indicate the majority of the Hindus followed by Muslims and the rest of the religion-population, which belong to the insignificant minority.

The Nagarpalika (Municipality) was established in 1887. The Municipality has School Education Board, which looks towards primary education. Total 6 primary schools have been opened by the Municipality. Along with government schools, there are several government aided private schools, mostly started by social activists associated with Rashtra Seva Dal. There are two senior colleges and the colleges of Homeopathic, Ayurvedic and technical education.

According to the 2001 Census, the total main workers in Gadhinglaj town are 7,946, i.e. 31.3 per cent of total population. Amongst them 6,376 (78.4 per cent) are other workers, " which include government servants, municipal employees, teachers, and workers engaged in trade, commerce and factory.

The Settlement of Kunchi Koravi's in Gadhinglaj A few families of Kunch Koravi community are settled in Gadhinglaj town. Kunchi Koravi settled in the town are migrated from Karnataka. The present settlement of Kunchi Koravi was established by Vithal Banne, so it was named after him as Vithal Banne Nagar. The Vithal Banne Nagar is a settlement of marginal communities such as scheduled castes, Muslim and nomadic communities. The settlement is established under the Central Government's scheme, Indira Avas Yojana. At present, total 11 > families of Kunchi Koravis are settled in the town. Most of them are surviving on selling of scrap material, candy floss, begging, etc. Vithal Banne and other social workers motivated them for taking up new occupations and schooling of children.

:5 Census of India 2001, District Census Handbook: Kolhapur, Table 36, Number & Percentage of Main Workers in Urban Agglomerations/ Towns, 2001, p.66.

87 Objectives of the Study Taking into account the above mentioned historical background of Kolhapur district and the post-independent welfare programmes of the governments, social mobility among the Kunchi Koravis is assumed to be developed. In this background, some questions have been taken up for an inquiry. Although nomadic communities were not a part of caste system, a caste-like status has been accorded to their occupation and living condition. The degree of occupational specialization determines a community's position. Among nomadic communities, pastoralist identified as middle castes, while the foraging and peripatetic communities occupy lower caste status. The Kunchi Koravi is a peripatetic community. After their settlement, whether they have been mobilized towards modern occupations and what motivated them for it? Whether they are assimilated or integrated with the other communities in the city/ town? In the light of this background, the present study is an endeavour to examine the sources of occupational mobility and its impact on social mobility among the Kunchi Koravis.

The objectives of the study are as follows: 1. To identify the new occupations adopted by the Kunchi Koravis. 2. To examine the different determinants of occupational mobility and motivational sources. 3. To examine the role of government/ welfare measures in the occupational change / development of the Kaikadis. 4. To examine occupational mobility by variables such as education, family background and income. 5. To understand the changing trends of occupational mobility at inter-generational and intra-generational levels. 6. To investigate the patterns of their social interaction and relations with others in the context of occupational mobility. 7. To study the impact of their occupational mobility on socio-cultural and political life of the households/ families. 8. To observe the level of assimilation and integration of the Kunchi Koravi into the larger society.

88 Hypotheses In order to examine the processes of occupational and social mobility the following hypotheses have been formulated. 1. Shahu Chhatrapati's welfare policies and programmes helped the Kunchi Koravis for their both social settlement and occupational mobility. 2. Reservation policies and welfare programmes of the governments helped them taking up service jobs and self-employment. 3. Enlightened and dedicated social activists and community leadership inspired the members of Kunchi Koravi community towards the direction of better life. 4. Occupational mobility and cultural improvement of the members of Kunchi Koravi community helped raising their social status.

Data Collection The researcher has used two kinds of data for the present study. The data have been obtained from the following sources.

Secondary Data Sources of secondary data are as follows: 1. The published books on Shahu Chhatrapati and the old administrative documents relating to Shahu Chhatrapati of the princely state of Karveer from the Office of Archives, Kolhapur are referred to understand the historical background of nomadic communities' settlement in Kolhapur city. 2. The Kolhapur District Gazetteers are referred to know the historical background of the city. 3. The Census Reports. 4. State Government Resolutions and pamphlets concerning the welfare of Denotified- Nomadic communities. 5. The regional office of the Vasantarao Naik Denotified -Nomadic Tribes Development Corporation for the data of beneficiaries from the groups of

89 Kaikadi community. 6. Ethnographic studies on the Kaikadi community and social status of Kunchi Koravi community. 7. Souvenirs of organizations, Newspapers, published books on social movements and social activists in Kolhapur are referred to understand the post-independent social environment in Kolhapur city. 8. The pamphlets published by District Business and Trade Centre, Kolhapur on industrial growth in Kolhapur district. 9. The office of the Kolhapur Municipal Corporation.

Primary Data Presently, the Kunchi Koravis of Kolhapur district are concentrated in the Makadwale colony in Kolhapur. Out of 190 families, 134 families are settled in the Makadwale colony and eleven families are settled at Gadhinglaj, a taluka place in Kolhapur district. The remaining forty five families are shifted from their original place, i.e. Makadwale colony and settled at different localities in Kolhapur city. For the data collection, social survey method has been used and all 190 households were interviewed. Along with the ' interview of respondents, the researcher had discussion with community activists and non-members too.

Strategy of Data Collection For collecting primary data, a strategy of developing good rapport with the respondents was adopted. The data were collected from individual interactions with respondents. After constructing an in-depth interview schedule responses were recorded through personal interviews of the respondents. The interview timings were observed according to their convenience, mostly in the mornings and evenings. Initially, respondents were not so open since they did not know about the researcher, but later on, after continuous interaction with them, they did not have any doubts and came up with frank responses.

Denotified and Nomadic communities in Maharashtra are considered as OBCs in the central list. According to the census guidelines, only SCs and STs are enumerated

90 separately. Caste-wise figures of OBCs are not available. That was the major task to find out total number of Kunchi Koravis in Kolhapur district. Initially the researcher has conducted pilot survey of Kunchi Koravis in the district with the help of community activists. Then it came to know that the community is small with only 190 families in Kolhapur district. Afterwards, it was decided to interview each and every household through survey method.

The researcher had collected data within two months, i.e., September-October 2010. Consultations with activists and leaders helped a lot in collecting data. It took almost an hour for interview of one respondent. Mostly the interviews were conducted at their residence because the majority of Kunchi Koravis were residing at Makadwale Vasahat. The Vasahat is a homogeneous slum. Every slum and even any homogeneous settlement have its own culture. . The researcher has preferred to stay at the Vasahat from morning to evening to observe their daily schedule and environment in the slum. To confirm the information concerning their occupation and income, cross checking method was used. In this matter, community activists and educated persons were consulted.

The interview schedule was constructed to collect the data from the respondents. In the interviews the following items were in focus: • Individual information of the respondents • Their family background and education • Standard of living • Occupation and chances of mobility • Economic condition • Ideological commitment and political affiliation • Social awareness • Information about the concerned organisations and their membership • Welfare schemes

91 The study is carried out in the light of specific social movement background of Kolhapur city and state role for the development of denotified communities. It is a big asset for occupational mobility of the Kunchi Koravis.

Conceptual Framework "Social Capital' is the main concept used as conceptual framework for this study. For examining the downward mobility or immobility, 'Culture of Poverty' defined by Oscar Lewis has been used. These two concepts have been dealt with in the following part.

Social Capital For undertaking a study on occupational mobility among the Kunchi Koravi in Kolhapur district, the concept 'Social Capital' has been considered a framework. The concept social capital is widely used in social sciences to explain achievement and improvement of an individual as well as a group/ community. The prominent theorists who originated and developed the concept are Pierre Bourdieu, James Coleman and Robert Putnam. The concept is based on economic term 'capital, i.e. investment in the form of money, which could be followed by profitable return. On the same line social capital means social ties, social relations which provide a basis for individual as well as societal achievement. Bourdieu, a French sociologist defined social capital as 'Social capital is the sum of resources, actual or virtual, that accrue to an individual or a group by virtue of possessing a durable network of more or less institutionalized relationships of mutual acquaintance and recognition.*126 He has seen social capital as resources of merely privileged groups. According to him, social capital 'reproduces inequality' and maintains the supremacy of predominant persons.

James Coleman, an eminent American sociologist, while studying relationship between social inequality and educational achievement in America, focused on the concept of social capital. According to him, 'social capital is the set of resources that inhere in family relations and in community social organization and that are useful for the cognitive or social development of a child or young person. These resources differ for

1:6 John Field: Social Capital Routledge, New York, 2008, p.17.

92 different persons and can constitute an important advantage for children and adolescents in the development of their human capital'.ni Coleman had studied the relation between educational achievement and opportunity among six ethnic groups in America. Coleman concluded that social capital is an asset of not simply privileged individuals and groups, but it is of underprivileged and poor people too.

Robert Putnam, a political scientist, echoing the Coleman's approach reveals that mutual interrelationship between government and civil society generates political stability and economic prosperity. People's social network in society, its norms and trust among the members function as social capital to pursue common goals.

For Bourdieu, social capital is an exclusive asset of elite class. Coleman's concept is inclusive and serves for underprivileged people. Extending Coleman's approach Putnam has taken the approach at society level. Present study is on the Kunchi Koravis, which is \ underprivileged and backward community, hence Coleman and Putnam's concept of social capital has been considered for conceptual framework.

According to Coleman and Putnam, in social life, people are members of various social networks such as family network, friendship network, community network, etc. Through these networks people develop social relations which serve as resources. Personal relations developed at family, kinship and friend circle become useful to attain common goals and consequently personal achievement. Social networks serve as information resources. Educational achievement, job finding, promotion, financial support, etc. could be possible through social relations. Therefore family, neighbourhood, community associations and public institutions contribute to social mobility.129 Putnam has focused on state's role in building social capital. According to him, state could serve as resource of social capital through its role as welfare state. Various welfare programmes such as educational scholarships, reservation in public

127 ibid., p.21. 128 ibid., p.34-35. 129 ibid., pp.48-60. 93 sector, training, marginal sections' empowerment, housing for poor people, micro- finance, etc., help the improvement of disadvantaged people.l30For taking the benefits of these programmes, social capital serves as a tool of development and welfare of the disadvantaged group. The concept of social capital, therefore, has been applied to examine the upward social mobility among the Kunchi Koravis.

Culture of Poverty Oscar Lewis in his study of Mexican and Puerto Rican families has observed the features of poverty and termed it as 'Culture of Poverty'.131 According to him, poor people develop their own life style. Lewis termed this way of life as culture of poverty. He observed this subculture in urban and rural slums. I32

Due to their segregation and discrimination, lack of proper livelihoods, apathetic approach of outsiders; slum dwellers could not assimilate and take share in larger society. Thus, they develop their own solutions, i.e. subculture to bring to an end their economic needs. They resort to informal mechanism such as money lenders, neighbours for monetary need and pawning personal goods, etc. Low literacy rate, deprived from property ownership, inadequate income, lack of saving, low quality food consumption, no access to social services such as health, education, banking etc. become the features of culture of poverty. These people develop negative traits in their personality. They are , sluggish, pessimistic, fatalist having low aspiration about future. This culture of poverty j or subculture passes from generation to generation and become part of their life. In the process of socialization, children also adopt sub-cultural traits and become part of the system and show antithetical approach to achievement.133 Taking into account the: phenomenon in slum, the researcher used the concept of culture of poverty to comprehend the immobility and downward social mobility in a section of Kunchi Koravi community.

130 ibid., pp. 133-156. iM Oscar Lewis: A Study of Slum Culture, Random House. New York, 1968, pp.4-21. I3- /foV/.,pp.4-5. 133 ibid., pp.7-9.

94 The Definitions of Concepts and Terms In this study, key terms/ concepts such as social mobility, occupational mobility and stigma have been used. The brief introduction to these concepts/ terms has been spelled out as follows:

Occupational Mobility Occupation is an indicator of social-economic status of an individual, which determines through income and prestige of occupation. According to the Dictionary of Sociology, 'occupational mobility refers to the movement of an occupational group itself, or of an individual member of an occupation, or of an occupational vacancy, through the stratification system of social space.'1 It means mobility from one stratum to another either upward or downward through occupational change. It is the movement of an individual or a group (occupational) from one occupational category to another, i.e. manual to non-manual, semi-skilled to skilled. Prestige level of any occupation is prominent indicator of occupational ranking.1'5 Hence, prestige and socio-economic status are considered to mapping the occupational mobility.

Occupational mobility is a crucial component of social mobility because the positional change in social mobility properly presents by occupation of a person. Occupation is not only a source of livelihood but it is a sign of social position.1 6 The income, place of residence and material conditions which are the scales of social status related with occupation. Social status and inheritance of father's occupation also has a significant role in the occupational mobility of a person.137

134 Gordon Marshall (ed.): The Oxford Dictionary of Sociology, Oxford University Press, New York, 1998, p.459. Thomas Fox, S. M. Miiler: Occupational Stratification and Mobility, in R. Bendix and S. M. Lipset(ed.), Class, Status and Power, Routledge and Kegan Paul Ltd., London, 1970, p.574. 136 Keshav C. Kaistha: Measuring Social Mobility through Occupational Prestige, Sociological Bulletin, Vol. 36, No.2: September 1987, pp. 81-98. 137 P. B. Jorapur: Intergenerational Occupational Mobility, The Indian Journal of Social Work, Vol. XXXI, No.4, 1971, pp. 461-467.

95 Social Mobility

Social stratification is a system of different social strata ranked hierarchically according to their social and economic status in a society. Whenever the ranks of these stratified social groups change in descending or ascending order, it is known as social mobility. Pitirim Sorokin has elucidated the concept of social mobility. He defines: Social mobility as 'any transition of an individual or social object or value- anything that has created or modified by human activity- from one social position to another.' I38 For Sorokin, change in social position or social status is significant in social mobility. Social position is determined by various determinants such as occupation, prestige, income, wealth, power, etc.

Social mobility is of two types. He classified mobility into vertical and horizontal mobility. Horizontal mobility means 'the transition of an individual or social object from one social group to another situated on the same level.' J In the horizontal mobility social status of individual or social object remains constant in the same stratum. Vertical social mobility means 'the relations involved in a transition of an individual (or a social object) from one social stratum to another.' According to the direction of change, Sorokin classifies vertical social mobility into two types, upward vertical social mobility and downward vertical social mobility. For upward mobility, he used the term 'ascending' or 'social climbing", and for downward mobility, he used the term 'descending' or 'social sinking'. m Upward mobility indicates the direction of change from a lower stratum to higher one, and for downward mobility, it is from higher to a lower stratum.

S.M. Miller has given three types of vertical mobility: Intergenerational mobility, Intragenerational mobility and Career or Stratum mobility. I42 The intergenerational

8 P.A. Sorokin: Social and Cultural Mobility, Free Press, Illinois, 1959, p.133. 9 ibid.

0 ibid. •J ibid. 2 S. M. Miller: Comparative Social Mobility, Current Sociology, Vol.19, January 1960, pp 1-61.

96 mobility is concerned with positional changes within two or three generations. Intragenerational mobility indicates change in social position during the life-span of the individual. Career or Stratum mobility is mobility of a stratum or an occupational class in the upward or downward direction.

Occupation, education, residence and material conditions are the components of social mobility. The present study on occupational mobility, obviously, considers occupational change as a major dimension of social mobility. Along with educational achievement/ status, change in residence and material living conditions are regarded as dimensions of social mobility. In this sense, the concept of social mobility has been conceived for understanding social mobility among the Kunchi Koravis.

Stigma Erving Goffman has defined stigma as an "attribute that is deeply discrediting" the stigmatized person or group and excludes from a social system. He classifies stigma into three types- bodily, moral, and tribal. Tribal stigma is attributing to a race, nation and religion and it passes from generation to generation. In tribal stigma, all members of family are to be supposed as stigmatized. Link and Phelan have explained the concept of stigma through its social outcome. According to them, culturally dominant peoples in society label some persons making differences among humans. Then attributing 'negative stereotype' characteristics on labelled persons they separate them making their distinct category. As a result labelled persons experience condemnation, denial, 'exclusion', and 'discrimination' in society.144 Rightly defining the impact of stigma Goffman says that 'the situation of the individual who is disqualified from full social acceptance.' In this sense, the concept of stigma is considered for understanding the stigma of criminality on the Kunchi Koravis.

Erving Goffman: Stigma: Notes on the Management of Spoiled Identity, Prentice-Hall Inc., New Jersey, 1963, pp.13-14. Brace G. Link and Jo C. Phelan: Conceptualizing Stigma, Annual Review of Sociology, Vol.27, 2001, pp.363-385. Erving Goffman: op.cit. p. 9.

97 Since this chapter is aimed at presenting research design of the study, it discussed the origin of Kunchi Koravis, and their traditional occupational structure, social status and notification as criminal tribe. In the universe of the study, the discussion is on social movement background of Kolhapur city in pre and post-independent period, and the settlement of nomadic communities in general and Kunchi Koravis in particular. The chapter also focuses on state welfare programmes for denotified and nomadic communities in detail.

The following chapter deals with the profile of respondents. As the topic of enquiry is occupational mobility, it requires to examine personal and social factors such as age, sex, religion, educational background of the respondents. In addition, nature of modern occupation and occupational experience, intergenerational and intragenerational mobility, income level of respondents, etc. have been considered for investigation. Taking into account these aspects, the profile of respondents has been presented in the next chapter.

98