Colombia: Issues for Congress
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India's Domestic Political Setting
Updated July 12, 2021 India’s Domestic Political Setting Overview The BJP and Congress are India’s only genuinely national India, the world’s most populous democracy, is, according parties. In previous recent national elections they together to its Constitution, a “sovereign, socialist, secular, won roughly half of all votes cast, but in 2019 the BJP democratic republic” where the bulk of executive power boosted its share to nearly 38% of the estimated 600 million rests with the prime minister and his Council of Ministers votes cast (to Congress’s 20%; turnout was a record 67%). (the Indian president is a ceremonial chief of state with The influence of regional and caste-based (and often limited executive powers). Since its 1947 independence, “family-run”) parties—although blunted by two most of India’s 14 prime ministers have come from the consecutive BJP majority victories—remains a crucial country’s Hindi-speaking northern regions, and all but 3 variable in Indian politics. Such parties now hold one-third have been upper-caste Hindus. The 543-seat Lok Sabha of all Lok Sabha seats. In 2019, more than 8,000 candidates (House of the People) is the locus of national power, with and hundreds of parties vied for parliament seats; 33 of directly elected representatives from each of the country’s those parties won at least one seat. The seven parties listed 28 states and 8 union territories. The president has the below account for 84% of Lok Sabha seats. The BJP’s power to dissolve this body. A smaller upper house of a economic reform agenda can be impeded in the Rajya maximum 250 seats, the Rajya Sabha (Council of States), Sabha, where opposition parties can align to block certain may review, but not veto, revenue legislation, and has no nonrevenue legislation (see Figure 1). -
Guyana: an Overview
Updated March 10, 2020 Guyana: An Overview Located on the north coast of South America, English- system from independence until the early 1990s; the party speaking Guyana has characteristics common of a traditionally has had an Afro-Guyanese base of support. In Caribbean nation because of its British colonial heritage— contrast, the AFC identifies as a multiracial party. the country achieved independence from Britain in 1966. Guyana participates in Caribbean regional organizations The opposition People’s Progressive Party/Civic (PPP/C), and forums, and its capital of Georgetown serves as led by former President Bharrat Jagdeo (1999-2011), has 32 headquarters for the Caribbean Community (CARICOM), a seats in the National Assembly. Traditionally supported by regional integration organization. Indo-Guyanese, the PPP/C governed Guyana from 1992 until its defeat in the 2015 elections. Current congressional interest in Guyana is focused on the conduct of the March 2, 2020, elections. Some Members of Congress have expressed deep concern about allegations of Guyana at a Glance potential electoral fraud and have called on the Guyana Population: 782,000 (2018, IMF est.) Elections Commission (GECOM) to not declare a winner Ethnic groups: Indo-Guyanese, or those of East Indian until the completion of a credible vote tabulation process. heritage, almost 40%; Afro-Guyanese, almost 30%; mixed, 20%; Amerindian, almost 11% (2012, CIA est.) Figure 1. Map of Guyana Area: 83,000 square miles, about the size of Idaho GDP: $3.9 billion (current prices, 2018, IMF est.) Real GDP Growth: 4.1% (2018 est.); 4.4% (2019 est.) (IMF) Per Capita GDP: $4,984 (2018, IMF est.) Life Expectancy: 69.6 years (2017, WB) Sources: International Monetary Fund (IMF); Central Intelligence Agency (CIA); World Bank (WB). -
Achieving Export-Led Growth in Colombia Ricardo Hausmann John
Faculty Research Working Papers Series Achieving Export-Led Growth in Colombia Ricardo Hausmann John F. Kennedy School of Government - Harvard University Bailey Klinger John F. Kennedy School of Government - Harvard University October 2008 RWP08-063 The views expressed in the HKS Faculty Research Working Paper Series are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect those of the John F. Kennedy School of Government or of Harvard University. Faculty Research Working Papers have not undergone formal review and approval. Such papers are included in this series to elicit feedback and to encourage debate on important public policy challenges. Copyright belongs to the author(s). Papers may be downloaded for personal use only. Achieving Export-Led Growth in Colombia Ricardo Hausmann and Bailey Klinger CID Working Paper No. 182 September 2008 © Copyright 2008 Ricardo Hausmann, Bailey Klinger and the President and Fellows of Harvard College Working Papers Center for International Development at Harvard University Achieving Export-Led Growth in Colombia Ricardo Hausmann and Bailey Klinger September 2008 Abstract: The purpose of this paper is to analyze Colombia’s experiences with and opportunities for export led growth. We first review Colombia’s growth and export performance over the past 30 years and find that the country is indeed facing an export challenge. We then go on to develop new metrics and apply them to Colombia’s export challenge. First, we consider the opportunities for upgrading quality within existing exports, and find that Colombia has very little opportunity for growth in this dimension. Second, we consider the level of sophistication of the current export basket, and find that it is low and commensurate with the lack of export dynamism. -
The Venezuelan Crisis, Regional Dynamics and the Colombian Peace Process by David Smilde and Dimitris Pantoulas Executive Summary
Report August 2016 The Venezuelan crisis, regional dynamics and the Colombian peace process By David Smilde and Dimitris Pantoulas Executive summary Venezuela has entered a crisis of governance that will last for at least another two years. An unsustainable economic model has caused triple-digit inflation, economic contraction, and widespread scarcities of food and medicines. An unpopular government is trying to keep power through increasingly authoritarian measures: restricting the powers of the opposition-controlled National Assembly, avoiding a recall referendum, and restricting civil and political rights. Venezuela’s prestige and influence in the region have clearly suffered. Nevertheless, the general contours of the region’s emphasis on regional autonomy and state sovereignty are intact and suggestions that Venezuela is isolated are premature. Venezuela’s participation in the Colombian peace process since 2012 has allowed it to project an image of a responsible member of the international community and thereby counteract perceptions of it as a “rogue state”. Its growing democratic deficits make this projected image all the more valuable and Venezuela will likely continue with a constructive role both in consolidating peace with the FARC-EP and facilitating negotiations between the Colombian government and the ELN. However, a political breakdown or humanitarian crisis could alter relations with Colombia and change Venezuela’s role in a number of ways. Introduction aimed to maximise profits from the country’s oil production. During his 14 years in office Venezuelan president Hugo Together with Iran and Russia, the Venezuelan government Chávez Frias sought to turn his country into a leading has sought to accomplish this through restricting produc- promotor of the integration of Latin American states and tion and thus maintaining prices. -
Violence, Drugs, and U.S. Foreign Assistance
University of Tennessee, Knoxville TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange Masters Theses Graduate School 5-2006 Violence, Drugs, and U.S. Foreign Assistance Lauren Elizabeth Mattox University of Tennessee - Knoxville Follow this and additional works at: https://trace.tennessee.edu/utk_gradthes Part of the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Mattox, Lauren Elizabeth, "Violence, Drugs, and U.S. Foreign Assistance. " Master's Thesis, University of Tennessee, 2006. https://trace.tennessee.edu/utk_gradthes/1735 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange. It has been accepted for inclusion in Masters Theses by an authorized administrator of TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange. For more information, please contact [email protected]. To the Graduate Council: I am submitting herewith a thesis written by Lauren Elizabeth Mattox entitled "Violence, Drugs, and U.S. Foreign Assistance." I have examined the final electronic copy of this thesis for form and content and recommend that it be accepted in partial fulfillment of the equirr ements for the degree of Master of Arts, with a major in Political Science. Jana Morgan Kelly, Major Professor We have read this thesis and recommend its acceptance: Michael Fitzgerald, David Houston Accepted for the Council: Carolyn R. Hodges Vice Provost and Dean of the Graduate School (Original signatures are on file with official studentecor r ds.) To the Graduate Council: I am submitting herewith a thesis written by Lauren Elizabeth Mattox entitled “Violence, Drugs, and U.S. Foreign Assistance.” I have examined the final electronic copy of this thesis for form and content, and recommend that it be accepted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Masters of Arts, with a major in Political Science. -
The Impact of Kidnapping Characteristics on the Probability of Outcomes in Colombia 1970-2010
Syracuse University SURFACE Maxwell School – Distinction Theses Maxwell School of Citizenship and Public (Undergraduate) Affairs Winter 11-11-2017 The Impact of Kidnapping Characteristics on the Probability of Outcomes in Colombia 1970-2010 Wyatt D. Suling Maxwell School of Citizenship and Public Affairs, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://surface.syr.edu/distinction Part of the International Relations Commons, and the Other Economics Commons Recommended Citation Suling, Wyatt D., "The Impact of Kidnapping Characteristics on the Probability of Outcomes in Colombia 1970-2010" (2017). Maxwell School – Distinction Theses (Undergraduate). 6. https://surface.syr.edu/distinction/6 This is brought to you for free and open access by the Maxwell School of Citizenship and Public Affairs at SURFACE. It has been accepted for inclusion in Maxwell School – Distinction Theses (Undergraduate) by an authorized administrator of SURFACE. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Impact of Kidnapping Characteristics on the Probability of Outcomes in Colombia 1970-2010 Wyatt D. Suling May 09, 2017 Syracuse University Economics Distinction Thesis Program ABSTRACT This paper examines the effect of victim and perpetrator characteristics on the probability of kidnapping outcomes in Colombia from 1970-2010. The data is analyzed using linear regressions and competing risks survival analysis. I find that ransom amounts had very little effect on the probability of ransom payments, indicating a highly inelastic market for the return of loved ones. Sex had a small impact on the probability of being killed in captivity and of being rescued. Childhood improved a victim's chance of rescue by 21.3%. -
Yearbook Peace Processes.Pdf
School for a Culture of Peace 2010 Yearbook of Peace Processes Vicenç Fisas Icaria editorial 1 Publication: Icaria editorial / Escola de Cultura de Pau, UAB Printing: Romanyà Valls, SA Design: Lucas J. Wainer ISBN: Legal registry: This yearbook was written by Vicenç Fisas, Director of the UAB’s School for a Culture of Peace, in conjunction with several members of the School’s research team, including Patricia García, Josep María Royo, Núria Tomás, Jordi Urgell, Ana Villellas and María Villellas. Vicenç Fisas also holds the UNESCO Chair in Peace and Human Rights at the UAB. He holds a doctorate in Peace Studies from the University of Bradford, won the National Human Rights Award in 1988, and is the author of over thirty books on conflicts, disarmament and research into peace. Some of the works published are "Procesos de paz y negociación en conflictos armados” (“Peace Processes and Negotiation in Armed Conflicts”), “La paz es posible” (“Peace is Possible”) and “Cultura de paz y gestión de conflictos” (“Peace Culture and Conflict Management”). 2 CONTENTS Introduction: Definitions and typologies 5 Main Conclusions of the year 7 Peace processes in 2009 9 Main reasons for crises in the year’s negotiations 11 The peace temperature in 2009 12 Conflicts and peace processes in recent years 13 Common phases in negotiation processes 15 Special topic: Peace processes and the Human Development Index 16 Analyses by countries 21 Africa a) South and West Africa Mali (Tuaregs) 23 Niger (MNJ) 27 Nigeria (Niger Delta) 32 b) Horn of Africa Ethiopia-Eritrea 37 Ethiopia (Ogaden and Oromiya) 42 Somalia 46 Sudan (Darfur) 54 c) Great Lakes and Central Africa Burundi (FNL) 62 Chad 67 R. -
News Organizations in Colombia Building Consensus Through Social Media: a Case of Digital-Native La Silla Vacía
Article News Organizations in Colombia Building Consensus through Social Media: A Case of Digital-Native La Silla Vacía Vanessa de Macedo Higgins Joyce School of Journalism and Mass Communication, Texas State University, San Marcos, TX 78666, USA; [email protected] Abstract: Correlation of different segments of society is a major function of mass media and works by broadening individual’s perspectives and creating common ground between these different segments Little is known about how consensus building works in the networked, digital environment or how it works in Latin America. This study explores the premise on a social media page from a digital-native news organization in Colombia, La Silla Vacía, on the salient issue of Venezuela. It found that the news organization did provide a common ground within its comments, bringing men and women closer together in consensus (rs = 0.76, n = 10, p < 0.05) of the priorities of topics relating to Venezuela (substantive attributes). The study did not find a significant correlation between the topics prioritized by the posts and the topics prioritized by the comments. Audiences focus on Venezuela in relation to the local Colombian presidential election while the news organization focused on the country in relation to refugees and the political transition happening in Venezuela. Keywords: digital-native news; consensus building; social media; Colombian journalism; gender Citation: Higgins Joyce, Vanessa de divide; diversity in news; agenda setting; content analysis; immigration Macedo. 2021. News Organizations in Colombia Building Consensus through Social Media: A Case of Digital-native news organizations in Latin America are emerging at a steady-pace, Digital-Native La Silla Vacía. -
Assessing the US Role in the Colombian Peace Process
An Uncertain Peace: Assessing the U.S. Role in the Colombian Peace Process Global Policy Practicum — Colombia | Fall 2018 Authors Alexandra Curnin Mark Daniels Ashley DuPuis Michael Everett Alexa Green William Johnson Io Jones Maxwell Kanefield Bill Kosmidis Erica Ng Christina Reagan Emily Schneider Gaby Sommer Professor Charles Junius Wheelan Teaching Assistant Lucy Tantum 2 Table of Contents Important Abbreviations 3 Introduction 5 History of Colombia 7 Colombia’s Geography 11 2016 Peace Agreement 14 Colombia’s Political Landscape 21 U.S. Interests in Colombia and Structure of Recommendations 30 Recommendations | Summary Table 34 Principal Areas for Peacebuilding Rural Development | Land Reform 38 Rural Development | Infrastructure Development 45 Rural Development | Security 53 Rural Development | Political and Civic Participation 57 Rural Development | PDETs 64 Combating the Drug Trade 69 Disarmament and Socioeconomic Reintegration of the FARC 89 Political Reintegration of the FARC 95 Justice and Human Rights 102 Conclusion 115 Works Cited 116 3 Important Abbreviations ADAM: Areas de DeBartolo Alternative Municipal AFP: Alliance For Progress ARN: Agencies para la Reincorporación y la Normalización AUC: Las Autodefensas Unidas de Colombia CSDI: Colombia Strategic Development Initiative DEA: Drug Enforcement Administration ELN: Ejército de Liberación Nacional EPA: Environmental Protection Agency ETCR: Espacio Territoriales de Capacitación y Reincorporación FARC-EP: Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia-Ejército del Pueblo GDP: Gross -
The Role of Cities in the Foreign Policy of Emerging Powers: the Cases of Bogotá, Colombia and Johannesburg, South Africa
THE ROLE OF CITIES IN THE FOREIGN POLICY OF EMERGING POWERS: THE CASES OF BOGOTÁ, COLOMBIA AND JOHANNESBURG, SOUTH AFRICA Town JERÓNIMO DELGADO CAICEDOCape of THESIS PRESENTEDUniversity FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY IN THE DEPARTMENT OF ENVIRONMENTAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL SCIENCE, FACULTY OF HUMANITIES, UNIVERSITY OF CAPE TOWN DECEMBER, 2017 The copyright of this thesis vests in the author. No quotation from it or information derived from it is to be published without full acknowledgementTown of the source. The thesis is to be used for private study or non- commercial research purposes only. Cape Published by the University ofof Cape Town (UCT) in terms of the non-exclusive license granted to UCT by the author. University DECLARATION I, Jerónimo Delgado Caicedo, declare that this thesis is my own unaided work. It is being submitted to the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy to the University of Cape Town. It has not been submitted before for any degree or examination to any other University. ………………………………… 11 December, 2017 ii ABSTRACT Cities are increasingly important actors in the current International System. Cities fall under the jurisdiction of States where they play a fundamental role in the making and consolidation of emerging powers. In today’s State-centred International System, cities are underexamined in the field of foreign policy, a domain that is exclusively that of national governments. Using the cases of Colombia (Bogotá) and South Africa (Johannesburg), this thesis draws from multilingual sources to examine the role of cities in the foreign policy of emerging powers of the Global South. An interdisciplinary approach indicates that, by drawing together debates across International Relations and Urban Studies literature, there is little to no place for the conceptual and operational cross pollination necessary to engage the increasing importance of cities in the emerging powers of the Global South. -
Unicameralism and the Indiana Constitutional Convention of 1850 Val Nolan, Jr.*
DOCUMENT UNICAMERALISM AND THE INDIANA CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION OF 1850 VAL NOLAN, JR.* Bicameralism as a principle of legislative structure was given "casual, un- questioning acceptance" in the state constitutions adopted in the nineteenth century, states Willard Hurst in his recent study of main trends in the insti- tutional development of American law.1 Occasioning only mild and sporadic interest in the states in the post-Revolutionary period,2 problems of legislative * A.B. 1941, Indiana University; J.D. 1949; Assistant Professor of Law, Indiana Uni- versity School of Law. 1. HURST, THE GROWTH OF AMERICAN LAW, THE LAW MAKERS 88 (1950). "O 1ur two-chambered legislatures . were adopted mainly by default." Id. at 140. During this same period and by 1840 many city councils, unicameral in colonial days, became bicameral, the result of easy analogy to state governmental forms. The trend was reversed, and since 1900 most cities have come to use one chamber. MACDONALD, AmER- ICAN CITY GOVERNMENT AND ADMINISTRATION 49, 58, 169 (4th ed. 1946); MUNRO, MUNICIPAL GOVERN-MENT AND ADMINISTRATION C. XVIII (1930). 2. "[T]he [American] political theory of a second chamber was first formulated in the constitutional convention held in Philadelphia in 1787 and more systematically developed later in the Federalist." Carroll, The Background of Unicameralisnl and Bicameralism, in UNICAMERAL LEGISLATURES, THE ELEVENTH ANNUAL DEBATE HAND- BOOK, 1937-38, 42 (Aly ed. 1938). The legislature of the confederation was unicameral. ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION, V. Early American proponents of a bicameral legislature founded their arguments on theoretical grounds. Some, like John Adams, advocated a second state legislative house to represent property and wealth. -
GUYANA Date of Elections: December 16, 1968 Characteristics Of
GUYANA Date of Elections: December 16, 1968 Characteristics of Parliament The National Assembly of Guyana comprises 53 deputies elected for a period of 5 years. The Speaker, who is elected by the Assembly, may be chosen either from those of its members who are not Min isters or Parliamentary Secretaries or from among persons who are not members of the Assembly but are qualified for election to it. Furthermore, under the amended Constitution of January 10, 1969*, the Governor-General may designate up to 6 Ministers from among non-members qualified for election, "or such greater number as Parliament may prescribe". These Ministers become ex-oflicio members of Parliament but are not entitled to vote. The last general elections were held on December 7, 1964. Electoral System All Guyanese citizens of both sexes, at least 21 years of age and resident in Guyana or abroad, are entitled to vote in general elections provided they are duly registered as electors. Commonwealth citi zens of the requisite age who have lived in Guyana for at least one year are also entitled to participate. Voters are furthermore re quired to be sound of mind and not to have been deprived of their civil or political rights by court order. Guyanese and Commonwealth citizens are eligible for election as members of the National Assembly provided they qualify as voters, * See Parliamentary Developments in the World, p. 13 37 2 Guyana have been resident in Guyana for at least 1 year, and are able to speak and read the English language with a degree of proficiency sufficient to enable them to take an active part in parliamentary proceedings.