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LEARNING from LINCOLN Principle and Pragmatism Getting the Balance Right a Symposium LEARNING FROM LINCOLN Principle and Pragmatism Getting the Balance Right A Symposium David Allen, Paul D. Allick, Greg Blankenship, Fran Bradley, Barry Casselman, Larry Colson, Kevin Donnelly, Jim Dueholm, Amitai Etzioni, Joseph R. Fornieri, Paul Gessing, John Gibbs, Jay P. Greene, John Gunyou, Jake Haulk, Matthew Heffron, Eric Lipman, Randolph J. May, James H. Miller, Grover Norquist, Tom Prichard, Donald P. Racheter, Lawrence W. Reed, Dane Smith, David Tuerck, Lou Wangberg, Craig Westover, Cheri Pierson Yecke, Stephen B. Young Introduction by Mitch Pearlstein Center of the American Experiment is a nonpartisan, tax-exempt, public policy and educational institution that brings conservative and free market ideas to bear on the hardest problems facing Minnesota and the nation. LEARNING FROM LINCOLN Principle and Pragmatism Getting the Balance Right A Symposium David Allen, Paul D. Allick, Greg Blankenship, Fran Bradley, Barry Casselman, Larry Colson, Kevin Donnelly, Jim Dueholm, Amitai Etzioni, Joseph R. Fornieri, Paul Gessing, John Gibbs, Jay P. Greene, John Gunyou, Jake Haulk, Matthew Heffron, Eric Lipman, Randolph J. May, James H. Miller, Grover Norquist, Tom Prichard, Donald P. Racheter, Lawrence W. Reed, Dane Smith, David Tuerck, Lou Wangberg, Craig Westover, Cheri Pierson Yecke, Stephen B. Young Introduction by Mitch Pearlstein AUGUST 2008 August 2008 LEARNING FROM LINCOLN Principle and Pragmatism Getting the Balance Right A Symposium Introduction writers, talk show hosts, and others hold fast to what they view as clear-cut principle. Mitch Pearlstein Founder & President Or, on the other hand, the extent to which such players are open to accommodation, perhaps even Principle and Pragmatism: Getting the Balance eager to reach compromise with their opponents, Right is part of year-long series of Center regardless of whether such foes are outsiders or activities aimed at re-energizing conservatism in insiders of their own party. Minnesota and the nation, prompted in part by the Republican National Convention to be held next As witness the current and everlasting month, September, in St. Paul. That said, I’m presidential campaign, it has been a tension doubly quick to emphasize – and as is the case equally relevant to conservatives and liberals, with everything the Center does – this is a wholly Republicans and Democrats, and germane to a nonpartisan exercise, featuring 29 local and other wide range of issues, especially keenly passionate writers from assorted ideological strains and party ones like immigration, abortion, same-sex denominations. And yes, while it may be marriage, and the war in Iraq. conducted under the rubric of “Learning from Lincoln,” and while our 16th president was How does Lincoln fit in all of this? indeed the first Republican to serve in the White House, I would like to think he rose above party For perhaps the best example, I know of no issue labels a while back. On this last point, you may in American history better defined by these kinds want to go first to Dane Smith’s very good of conundrums than the timing of the contribution: “Lincoln: Yours, Mine, or Ours?” Emancipation Proclamation. Both before and at the start of the Civil War, many abolitionists A useful frame for understanding current political vigorously urged Lincoln to free the slaves contests and debates is to consider, on the one immediately. Lincoln, however, while despising hand, the extent to which politicians, activists, slavery, saw his first responsibility as preserving the union, and to the extent that Border States PRINCIPLE AND PRAGMATISM| 1 might side with the South if he liberated the Writers were urged to be selective instead of slaves “too soon,” he delayed issuing the touching all these bases, as depth is almost Emancipation Proclamation until he thought the always better than breadth in columns like these. time was strategically – not necessarily I also urged them to tie their arguments, philosophically – sound. whenever possible, to one or two actual controversies or issues. One, however, did not have to be a Lincoln scholar to have participated in this project. In With that as prologue, what did they have to say? fact, writers didn’t even have to mention Lincoln Given their savvy, it’s not surprisingly that no if they chose otherwise, as our focus is on current one came down completely on one side or the events rather than 19th Century history. The other. No one, it should go without saying, was charge to contributors, simply, was to employ close to being so unrealistic or just plain silly. Lincoln if they thought doing so would bolster or Instead, they consistently construed and balanced add a little jazz to their arguments. the two ideas insightfully and helpfully. Here are snippets from a sampling of pieces. In addition to the on-the-one-hand-on-the-other- hand dilemma cited above, the letter soliciting Some writers emphasized the importance of essays also suggested questions like these: collaboration What course best serves Minnesota and the Paul Allick: “It used to be that public nation? officials who knew how to work with the other side became leaders. I can remember • Pursuing political aims in a ceaseless television coverage of President Ronald spirit of ideological purity? Reagan and House Speaker Tip O’Neill walking and laughing together and making • Or endeavoring more modestly to friendly comments about each other just suffice? after some great policy battle on Capitol Hill. Today, we see Joe Lieberman thrown Putting matters metaphorically, man may not out into the political wilderness for not live by bread alone, but what’s civically being pure enough in his worldview or healthier? tough enough on the other side. When did it become a political liability to agree with • Fighting for and accepting only full and work with the other side?” loaves? Fran Bradley: “Having spent 12 years in • Or, when necessary, taking victories in the Legislature as a commonsense slices? conservative trying to bring reform to our welfare and public assistance programs, I What about conservatism more specifically? learned that change is really a marathon, not a sprint. While it was always important to • Would the movement best be served by hold strong to principles and long-range more resoluteness (described by some as objectives, it was equally important to make futile dogmatism)? meaningful progress. Although this can be incredibly frustrating to those of us • Or would it best be served by more impatient for significant change and flexibility (described by some as perfection, experience shows that it usually defeatist squishiness)? is the only way to achieve our objectives. There is little satisfaction in repeatedly 2 | CENTER OF THE AMERICAN EXPERIMENT fighting the battle of idealism without ever merely a concrete, specific wish. In the achieving results.” context of this symposium, we paraphrase Rand by noting that the question on the Barry Casselman: “The next president will table (“What is the right balance between have to compromise on many vital issues, or principle and pragmatism?”) fails to he will fail and fail badly. John McCain has differentiate between fundamental a record of compromise in the Senate; principles and personal values.” Barack Obama has no such record. But that both candidates start with an appeal to the Stephen B. Young: “Aristotle spoke of political center as the final stage of the long what is needed in the ethical person as 2008 campaign unfolds is perhaps the most moderation – prudence and wisdom in the hopeful sign in the otherwise gloomy and choice of action. Approaching office as dubious political environment of today.” Lincoln did invokes both the learning of Aristotle and the best teachings of the Old Some symposiasts drew useful distinctions. and New Testaments. Too much fidelity to principle at the wrong time and in the wrong Jim Dueholm: “There is a tension between way can be a form of arrogance, while too principle and pragmatism only when both much compromise and opportunism is but a are achievable and there is no competing different form of willfulness.” principle. Many pro-lifers oppose exceptions even for rape and incest Some urged what might be described as a promptly recorded and verified. But if Roe measure of latitude. v. Wade were overturned, and a bill outlawing abortion – with those exceptions Greg Blankenship: “I recall that William – were the only politically possible F. Buckley, Jr. hinted concern about . alternative, pro-lifers would probably abandonment of reason late in his life. support the bill as a matter of principle. Given his stature as a founding father of Without the bill, over a million fetuses a conservatism, his conservatism was never year would die, and with the bill, maybe a challenged when he broke with conservative few thousand. Saving the savable lives ranks on issues. Despite a few somewhat would be the principled thing to do.” heterodox stances, no one ever questioned what he was. Today’s modern conservative Eric Lipman: “The better and more helpful may not always be afforded that courtesy. question to ask is: When did the Great To me that’s a problem.” Emancipator stand on principle, and were these pragmatic choices? Phrased in this Cheri Pierson Yecke: “Lincoln changed his way, it is clear that pragmatism is not views over time and allowed them to evolve always a pathway different from principle, while simultaneously being cognizant of the but could be part of a sequence, from one to need to ensure the principle for which he the other. Better still, I think that is how stood (freedom for slaves) could be President Lincoln viewed his own dilemmas successfully enacted. Fast-forward to and choices.” today: Were a contemporary politician to present such a nuanced proposal to a Craig Westover: “Ayn Rand, at her modern audience, he would most likely be philosophical best in the book The Virtue of called not a pragmatist but a “flip-flopper,” Selfishness, noted that the question “Doesn’t implying that that he was insufficiently life require compromise?” is usually asked grounded in principle and unwilling to take by people who fail to differentiate between a bold stand.
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