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Speaker of the House for one day and Maoate added to the perplexity when then resign to pave the way for Dr he labeled the previous two years as (CIN, 23 July 2001, 1). confusing, a reference to attempts to The process eventually took place transfer central government functions with Harmon Pou Arere substituting to the outer islands (CIN, 12 Sept for Cafferey. “Mickey Mouse,” “polit- 2001, 1). He was alluding to a grow- ical farce,” “comical exercise,” and ing management and accountability “stupidity” were some of the com- conflict between local and national ments directed at these government administration. After a five-month actions. The cost to taxpayers for the break, parliament finally met, but two-and-a-half hours of Harmon Pou’s their first session lasted only ninety work was estimated to be more than minutes (CIN, 2 Feb 2002, 1). Not nz$6,000 (CIN, 18 Aug 2001, 1). long after 12 Feb 2002, the deputy Almost immediately after the prime minister ousted his boss Dr Speaker fiasco, Prime Minister Dr Maoate as prime minister. Within sacked Deputy Prime ten days of his administration taking Minister and took office, new Prime Minister Dr Robert over all portfolios (CIN, 27 July 2001, Woonton promised to remove import 1). Unfortunately the timing of the levies, introduce a health insurance sacking loomed over the national scheme, pursue full un membership, constitutional celebrations known and review benefits and basic wages as Maire Maeva Nui, disappointing (CIN, 13 Feb 2002, 1). New govern- many members of the public. Curi- ment ministers were sworn in 13 ously, though, a quick street survey February 2002, and the by the Cook Islands News suggested had their fourth government since that few respondents were sympa- the 1999 general elections. Continued thetic to George’s predicament. With apathy or increased opposition seems Mr George sacked, Dr Maoate con- likely as the country approaches the firmed Dr as his general elections in two years’ time. new deputy prime minister. Woonton jon tikivanotau m jonassen warned that one or two senior officials in the prime minister’s department were not carrying out government pol- Reference icy, and that their actions could lead CIN, Cook Islands News. . to a reshuffle in the government (CIN, Daily. 4 July 2001, 1). He also suggested that “Promises of political reform and transparency were not being lived up Hawaiian Issues to,” a statement rebuffed by Prime Minister Maoate (CIN, 5 July 2001, 1). On 17 January 1893, the monarchy Rumors of back-seat maneuvers of Hawai‘i was deposed by a group continued as overseas member of par- who “represented the American and liament Dr Joe Williams declared that European sugar planters, descendents he had been ordered to stop a coup of missionaries and financiers” (US (CIN, 11 Aug 2001, 1). Prime Minister Public Law 103-150). With the aid 180 the contemporary pacific • spring 2003 of the United States minister, John L ian Homelands was established as Stevens, and US military forces, they part of the Hawaiian Homes Com- were able to deliver Hawai‘i into the mission Act in 1921, which set aside hands of the US federal government. 200,000 acres of land for native In a case of historical déjà vu, it seems Hawaiian homesteading. Both of the same adversaries from a century these agencies exist in an effort to ago have now been reincarnated and address the needs and concerns of the are attacking what is left of native Hawaiian people who suffered the rights in Hawai‘i. loss of a nation. Since the 1970s there has been Prior to the conservative shift in the slow, deliberate progress in raising US federal government, the stage was public awareness of Hawai‘i’s unique already being set by local challenges history, culminating in the “Apology to the Office of Hawaiian Affairs. In Bill” (US Public Law 103-150) of 1996, Harold “Freddy” Rice, a non- 1993, a formal apology by the US Hawaiian rancher and businessman, government to the Hawaiian people. was turned away after requesting a However, a shift toward a more con- ballot to vote in oha elections. On servative political climate under the this refusal, Rice sought legal recourse, new Bush administration, beginning accusing the state government of vio- in November 2001, and the hyperpa- lating his civil rights. Claiming that triotism inspired by September 11th, the Hawaiians-only policy reserved have fueled vigorous attacks on native for the Office of Hawaiian Affairs by Hawaiian rights and entitlements. the state government was racist, he These renewed attacks have prompted sought its abolishment. The infamous leaders of the Hawaiian independence case quickly went up the judicial hier- movement to stress the need for a sta- archy and was finally heard by the US ble, protected path toward self-deter- Supreme Court in early 2000. This mination. time the justices of the Supreme Court The Office of Hawaiian Affairs agreed with Rice and his legal team, (oha) and the Department of Hawai- and in February 2000, the US Supreme ian Homelands (dhhl) are two of the Court opened voting in oha elections most highly targeted agencies run by to non-Hawaiians. Fortunately, the the State of Hawai‘i. Since its incep- court confined its ruling to the voting tion in 1978, the Office of Hawaiian practices of the State of Hawai‘i and Affairs has served as a liaison agency did not make any further determina- between the native Hawaiian people tions regarding native entitlements. and the State of Hawai‘i. In that However, any sense of relief over the capacity, the office manages Hawaiian narrow ruling was tinged with feelings trust assets and entitlements, such as of dread as the case set a dangerous land and money, and programs for precedent. housing and education. As the benefi- Immediately following the Rice v ciaries of this trust, those of Hawaiian Cayetano ruling various anti–native ancestry alone elect the oha trustees rights groups filed lawsuits challeng- and have a say in issues relevant to ing the very existence of the Office of the trust. The Department of Hawai- Hawaiian Affairs, the Department of political reviews • polynesia 181

Hawaiian Homelands, and more and clarify the relationship between broadly, any programs meant to assist the US government and the Hawaiian Hawaiians. John Carroll, Patrick Bar- people, as well as to protect the one rett, and most recently, Earl Arakaki hundred or more federally funded pro- are among the plaintiffs rotating the grams and agencies that assist Hawai- lead on lawsuits threatening native ians. It was meant to provide a “pro- Hawaiian agencies and entitlements. cess for the recognition by the United While these lawsuits originate out- States of the Native Hawaiian Gov- side the Hawaiian community, the July erning Entity” and to create “an 2002 admission of a non-Hawaiian avenue for federal recognition of a student to the Kamehameha Schools, Native Hawaiian Government parallel a private institution that offers quality to the existing petition process for education to Hawaiian children, Native Americans” (Kanehe 2001, seemed to relocate the threat to the 863). Heralded as the “most viable boardroom of a Hawaiian trust insti- antidote to the feared unraveling of tution. Citing legal challenges to the entitlements for Hawaiians” (Boyd school’s tax-exempt status as a reli- 2000, 8), the “Akaka bill,” as it has gious institution, and its policy of pref- come to be known, may turn out to erence for Hawaiian children, the be nothing more than a Band-Aid Kamehameha trustees admitted a on a gushing head wound. The non-Hawaiian student to the Maui controversial bill has gone through campus, despite a waiting list of several drafts and amendments, the dozens of Hawaiian children. The latest of which is currently stalled in Hawaiian community, which sees the US Congress. Kamehameha Schools as one of the Passage of the bill would establish few remaining, distinctly Hawaiian a relationship between a Native strongholds, was outraged by the Hawaiian Governing Entity and the decision. The demands of alumni, US government by establishing an students, and many others in the office within the US Department of Hawaiian community ranged from the Interior to focus on native Hawai- requests for explanations and apolo- ian issues and to serve as a liaison gies to outright calls for trustees’ res- agency between native Hawaiians and ignations. Seeking a solution would the federal government, and establish- be simpler if the trustees’ decision was ing an interagency coordinating group seen as an isolated incident, but it is to be composed of representatives of not. Rather, it is one more symptom the federal agencies that administer of a larger problem of native entitle- programs and implement policies ments sliding away. impacting native Hawaiians (US In the midst of this rapidly eroding Senate 2001). landscape, enter US Senator Daniel Proponents of the bill also regard Akaka and his bill for federal recogni- it as a stepping-stone toward indepen- tion of a “Hawaiian Governing dence. As efforts progress, they hope Entity.” Introduced in 1999, this was the legislation would eventually lead an immediate response to the Rice v to secession from the United States. Cayetano case and the need to rectify The Native Alaskans recently received 182 the contemporary pacific • spring 2003 federal recognition from the United like the Akaka bill with “apartheid” States and are encouraging native and “ethnic cleansing” and claim Hawaiians to pursue the recognition that no reparations are owed to the avenue. While Alaskan recognition has Hawaiian people. not been ideal, it has nevertheless pre- It is ironic that the Rice v Cayetano served their entitlements and provided case consolidated the efforts of various a platform for further development of sovereignty advocates, while the their self-determination. Akaka bill has effectively divided While sponsors of the Akaka bill Hawaiians. The silver lining in the stress its defensive assets, opponents cloud threatening to eclipse native of the bill believe that we must be on Hawaiian entitlements, however, is the offensive and forcefully pursue the generation of political discussions international avenues. They view and choices on a scale larger than the Akaka bill as an “impediment to ever before. As local legal challenges achieving independent status” under to agencies such as the Office of international law. In the eyes of a col- Hawaiian Affairs, Department of onizing government, it may very well Hawaiian Homelands, and the Kame- be seen as a settlement and cripple all hameha Schools increase, the federal other efforts in the international arena. recognition bill is more and more While the bill may afford temporary tempting to opponents despite its legal protection for native programs shortfalls. The Alaskan natives have and entitlements, they say the price reiterated their solicitation of federal is too high. By being recognized as recognition, saying that the first bill Native Americans by the US govern- passed regarding their recognition was ment, the Känaka Maoli risk giving not ideal either, but it provided semi- up their identity and extinguishing autonomy over their lands and assets any chance of independence through as well as protection from opponents the United Nation’s decolonization to native rights. So, the Känaka Maoli process. Many advocates of Hawaiian of Hawai‘i now stand at another criti- independence remind us that the King- cal crossroad in Hawaiian history: to dom of Hawai‘i still exists despite for- support or oppose federal recognition eign occupation. Thus, as an internal in the face of multiplying legal attacks. US legislation, the Akaka bill has no Whether we make the choice to bearing on kingdom law. extol the protective properties of A second category of opponents the Akaka bill or disregard it for its to the Akaka bill includes those who wavering loyalties, the goal remains made the measure necessary. Rice, the same. We must proceed with Arakaki, and other members of assertive wisdom and use every anti–affirmative action groups, such resource to pin down self-determina- as Campaign for a Color-Blind Amer- tion in spite of the efforts of our ica, disapprove of any native entitle- adversaries in the US legal system, ments and dismiss them as racist. international arenas, and hedonistic Despite history, these groups equate Hollywood. the Office of Hawaiian Affairs, the There is no doubt that colonialism Kamehameha Schools, and actions is alive and well in Hawai‘i. Lorrin political reviews • polynesia 183

Thurston, John Stevens, and attack from the conservative opposi- WOSmith, the architects of the over- tion and the mainstream media when- throw of the Kingdom of Hawai‘i, ever they have attempted to articulate have been reincarnated as Harold Rice, Mäori aspirations for greater control Patrick Barrett, and Earl Arakaki. The over their lives. Calls from non-Mäori Kamehameha trustees have disap- lending support to those aspirations pointed the people who look to them generally receive little or no media for leadership and passively yielded to coverage. So on Waitangi Day in Feb- the demands of our adversaries, much ruary 2002, when Päkehä groups at like the cabinet that abandoned our Waitangi, including the Green Party, last queen, Lili‘uokalani, in her hour publicly stated their support for Mäori of need. As I write this, America is sovereignty, it went unreported in celebrating its Independence Day mainstream media. Several days later (July 4). Will the Hawaiian people it was partially reported when the once again be able to celebrate their Green’s leader signaled a softening Independence Day? Or, will history of the stance on Mäori sovereignty repeat itself and relinquish the Hawai- because “many people find the term ian Nation to a footnote in history? very frightening.” Yet even the Min- tracie ku‘uipo cummings istry for Mäori Development, Te Puni Kökiri, advocated restructuring local government to ensure that Mäori References have greater control over their own Boyd, Manu. 2000. Speeches, Debate, affairs. In the final weeks before the History and Song among Sovereign July 2002 election, as right-wing par- Sunday Highlights. Ka Wai Ola o OHA ties were attacking the Treaty of Wai- 19 (2 [February]): 8. Honolulu: Office of tangi and promoting a cut-off date for Hawaiian Affairs. all Mäori claims against the Crown, Kanehe, Le‘a Malia. 2001. The Akaka Bill: the largest mainstream newspaper ran The Native Hawaiian Race for Federal a story on Mäori views of Mäori sov- Recognition. University of Hawai‘i Law ereignty. It had to admit that a signifi- Review 23 (2 [Summer]): 857–906. cant number of Mäori interviewed US Senate. 2001. Native Hawaiian Recog- wanted Mäori sovereignty recognized, nition Bill. 107th Congress, 1st session, yet the article concentrated on report- s746rs(6 April). ing Mäori giving reasons for why it should not be recognized. Mainstream media coverage of Mäori issues has continued to be a Ma¯ori Issues matter of concern on several occasions In a year dominated by the approach- in the past year. Claims that the media ing general election, Mäori have were Mäori bashing surfaced on sev- watched the government, including eral occasions. A television documen- Mäori members of parliament, steer tary on the “Treaty Industry” inter- away from any public debate on viewed a disgruntled historian and Mäori issues. In recent years, Mäori two disaffected former employees of members have come under sustained the Crown Forestry Rental Trust, a