Sectional Representation on the Supreme Court Daniel S

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Sectional Representation on the Supreme Court Daniel S Marquette Law Review Volume 35 Article 3 Issue 1 Summer 1951 Sectional Representation on the Supreme Court Daniel S. McHargue Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarship.law.marquette.edu/mulr Part of the Law Commons Repository Citation Daniel S. McHargue, Sectional Representation on the Supreme Court, 35 Marq. L. Rev. 13 (1951). Available at: http://scholarship.law.marquette.edu/mulr/vol35/iss1/3 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at Marquette Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Marquette Law Review by an authorized administrator of Marquette Law Scholarly Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. SECTIONAL REPRESENTATION ON THE SUPREME COURT DANIEL S. MCHARGUE* Despite the prominence of Texas and Indiana in American politics, neither state could point to one of its citizens as having been named to the nation's highest tribunal until President Truman named Tom Clark and Sherman Minton to the Supreme Court.1 Thus for the first time in the course of some 120 nominations to the highest bench were these two states honored. It is therefore of interest to examine the extent to which Supreme Court membership has been representative of the states and sections of the country and to pose the question of sectional in- fluence in determining the Presidents' choices of Supreme Court per- sonnel. In our early history sectional representation was an important factor in naming men to the Supreme Court. President Washington wrote that, "In the appointments to the great offices of the government, my aim has been to combine geographical situation, and sometimes other considerations, with abilities and fitness of known characters."'2 The diversity of residence of his thirteen nominees to the Court shows that there, as in general, Washington "... prudently consulted geography in making his ... appointments." 3 That Washington consciously took the geographical factor into con- sideration when making judicial appointments was evidenced by a letter he wrote to Edmund Pendleton referring to a rumored vacancy on the Supreme Court. Washington said, "Whenever one does happen, it is highly probable that a geographical arrangement will have some atten- tion.. ."4 In a letter written March 7, 1796, to Alexander Contee Han- son, President Washington said in part, "... it would be inexpedient to take two of the Associate Judges from the same State. The practice has been (founded I conceive in sound policy) to disseminate them *B.A., M.A., Ph.D., University of California. Instructor in Political Science and Research Associate, Institute of Public Administration at University of Michigan. 1 Texas, admitted to the Union in 1845, ranks sixth in population, while In- diana, admitted in 1816, ranks twelfth. 2 Jared Sparks, (ed.), The Writings of George Washington, Vol. XI, p. 78 (1831). Washington nominated thirteen men to the Supreme Court, as fol- lows: John Jay of New York, John Rutledge of South Carolina, William Cushing of Massachussetts, Robert Harrison of Maryland, James Wilson of Pennsylvania, John Blair of Virginia, James Iredell of North Carolina. Thomas Johnson of Maryland, William Paterson of New Jersey, again John Rutledge of South Carolina, again William Cushing of Massachussetts, Samuel Chase of Maryland, and Oliver Ellsworth of Connecticut. 3 Carl R. Fish, The Civil Service and Patronage, p. 8 (1921). ' Charles Warren, The Supreme Court in United States History, Vol. I, p. 118, 1922, citing Washington papers. MARQUETTE LAW REVIEW [Vol. 35 5 through the United States." Hence, one must agree that ". from the very beginning geography was considered an important factor in mak- 6 ing appointments to the United States Supreme Court." In two of his three Supreme Court nominations President John Adams followed the practice of selecting men from judicial circuits whose representation on the Court had been diminished. The exception was his choice of John Marshall of Virginia as Chief Justice to replace Oliver Ellsworth of Connecticut. In this and later appointments to the center chair Presidents have paid relatively less attention to the geo- graphical factor than they have in selecting Associate Justices. Pi:esident Jefferson appointed men from circuits having no repre- sentatives on the Supreme Court-namely William Johnson of South Carolina and Henry B. Livington of New York. Jefferson felt himself bound to do so, for he wrote, "The last judiciary system requiring a judge for each district, rendered it proper that he should be of the district. This has been observed in both the appointments to the supreme bench made by me. Where an office is local we never go out of the limits for the officer."7 When in 1807 Congress created a seventh circuit including Kentucky, Tennessee, and Ohio,. Jefferson nominated a resi- dent of the new circuit-Thomas Todd of Kentucky. Space precludes a detailed recital of the extent to which succeeding Presidents adhered to the principle that each circuit be represented on the bench. Likewise, the details of successive circuit reorganizations, changes in the number of Supreme Court personnel, and other factors must be omitted. However, a few of the most significant developments deserve notice. The Civil War largely upset the normal effect of the geographical factor on judicial appointments. Lincoln hesitated a long time before naming Northerners to vacancies that in the ordinary course of events would have gone to Southerners but finally did so. 10 In 1869 Congress drastically curtailed circuit riding, thus eliminating one of the main reasons why Presidents had attempted in the past to provide that each circuit be represented on the bench and that each Justice be assigned to duty in the circuit in which he was a resident. 5 John C. Fitzpatrick (ed.), The Writings of George Washington, Vol. XXXIV, p. 488 (1931-39). 6Louis B. Boudin, Government by Judiciary, Vol. I, p. 152 (1932). 7 Paul L. Ford (ed.), The Writings of Thomas Jefferson, Vol. VIII, pp. 496- 497 (1897). a 2 Stat. 420 (Feb. 24, 1807) amended 2 Stat. 477 (Mar. 22, 1808) and 2 Stat. 516 (Feb. 4, 1809). 9 For these facts see the author's unpublished doctoral dissertation, Appoint- ments to the Supreme Court of the United States, The Factors that Have Affected Appointments, 1789-1932, pp. 501-528 (U. of Calif. 1949). 10 In his message to Congress of December 3, 1861, he said, "I have been un- willing to throw all the appointments northward, thus disabling myself from doing justice to the South on the return of peace. ." See James D. Rich- 1951] SECTIONAL REPRESENTATION In 1891 Congress completely relieved the Supreme Court Justices of the obligation of circuit riding.'1 They had been forced to ignore the practice for some years because of the press of work in Washington, D. C. As had been said, "... by 1890 the statutory duty of the justices to attend circuit was practically a dead letter."'12 Though the new legis- lation made the justices "competent to sit as judges of the Circuit Court of Appeals within their respective circuits,"'1 it was noted in 1927 that ".. in recent years attendances on circuit are very rare."' 4 After Congress officially took cognizance of the fact that circuit duty was an impossibility, most Presidents felt little further need to recognize the principle that each circuit should have one of its residents on the bench of the Supreme Court. However, the factor of section representation still exerted some influence. There were 79 nominees to the highest bench prior to 1891. Of these 9 appointees were not replaced until after 1891. As to the 70 indi- viduals either simply nominated or actually appointed and replaced prior to 1891, 43 (61%) came from states located in the same circuit as that of their predecessors, while 27 (39%) did not. Subtracting the 9 incumbents from the other 50 nominations made since 1891, we dis- cover that 10 (24%) came from residences located in circuits identical to those of their predecessors, while 31 (76%) did not.'5 These figures indicate the sharply diminished influence of the sectional factor on Su- preme Court appointments. The figures with respect to the periods separated by the year 1891 would have contrasted even more pointedly had not the Civil War upset the normal practice of according weight to sectional considerations. During the years 1860-1870 inclusive, there were 11 nominees (exclud- ing Mr. Justice Field, who came from a newly created circuit). Only 4 (36%) came from states lying within the circuits of the men they succeeded, while 7 (64%) did not.' ardson (ed.), Messages and Papers of the Presidents, Vol. VI, p. 49 (1901). "26 Stat. 827 (Mar. 3, 1891). 12Felix Frankfurter and James M. Landis, The Business of the Supreme Court, p. 87 (1927). 1326 Stat. 827 (Mar. 3, 1891). '1 Frankfurter and Landis, op. cit., p. 78 n. 100. The same authors went on to note a few examples of attendances on circuit in the twentieth century. However, Roscoe Pound, Organization of Courts, 1940, p. 199 said, "But there is no longer more than a rare occasion for the circuit justice to sit in his allotted circuit." 1 Most writers on Supreme Court appointments have indicated that Lamar took White's place and that Van Devanter took Moody's place. However, a Table of Succession of the Members of the Supreme Court of the United States prepared by the Office of the Marshal of the Supreme Court, April 1, 1944, indicates that Van Devanter took White's place and Lamar took Moody's place. This succession would mean that since 1891 only nine indi- viduals had been appointed to the bench who came from the same circuits as those whom they replaced.
Recommended publications
  • The Political Effects of the Addition of Judgeships to the United States Supreme Court Following Electoral Realignments
    A Compliant Court: The Political Effects of the Addition of Judgeships to the United States Supreme Court Following Electoral Realignments Lauren Paige Joyce Judson Thesis submitted to the faculty of the Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of: Master of Arts In Political Science Jason P. Kelly, Chair Wayne D. Moore Karen M. Hult August 7, 2014 Blacksburg, Virginia Keywords: Judicial Politics, Electoral Realignment, Alteration to the Supreme Court Copyright 2014, Lauren J. Judson A Compliant Court: The Political Effects of the Addition of Judgeships to the United States Supreme Court Following Electoral Realignments Lauren J. Judson ABSTRACT During periods of turmoil when ideological preferences between the federal branches of government fail to align, the relationship between the three quickly turns tumultuous. Electoral realignments especially have the potential to increase tension between the branches. When a new party replaces the “old order” in both the legislature and the executive branches, the possibility for conflict emerges with the Court. Justices who make decisions based on old regime preferences of the party that had appointed them to the bench will likely clash with the new ideological preferences of the incoming party. In these circumstances, the president or Congress may seek to weaken the influence of the Court through court-curbing methods. One example Congress may utilize is changing the actual size of the Supreme The size of the Supreme Court has increased four times in United States history, and three out of the four alterations happened after an electoral realignment. Through analysis of Supreme Court cases, this thesis seeks to determine if, after an electoral realignment, holdings of the Court on issues of policy were more congruent with the new party in power after the change in composition as well to examine any change in individual vote tallies of the justices driven by the voting behavior of the newly appointed justice(s).
    [Show full text]
  • To the Franklin Pierce Papers
    INDEX TO THE Franklin Pierce Papers THE LIBRARY OF CONGRESS • PRESIDENTS' PAPERS INDEX SERIES INDEX TO THE Franklin Pierce Papers MANUSCRIPT DIVISION • REFERENCE DEPARTMENT LIBRARY OF CONGRESS WASHINGTON: 1962 Library of Congress Catalog Card Number 60-60077 For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office Washington 25, D.C. - Price 25 cents Preface THIS INDEX to the Franklin Pierce Papers is a direct result of the wish of the Congress and the President, as expressed by Public Law 85-147 of August 16,1957, and amended by Public Law 87-263 dated September 21,1961, to arrange, micro­ film, and index the papers of the Presidents in the Library of Congress in order "to preserve their contents against destruction by \'.'ar or other calamity," to make the Pierce and other Presidential Papers more "readily available for study and research," and to inspire informed patriotism. An appropriation to carry out the provision of the law was approved on July 31, 1958, and actual operations began on August 25. The microfilm of the Pierce Papers became available in 1960. Positive copies of the film may be purchased from the Chief, Photoduplication Service, Library of Congress, \Vashington 25, D.C. A positive print is available for interlibrary loan through the Chief, Loan Division, Library of Congress. Contents Introduction PAGE Provenance . V Selected Bibliography vi How to Use This Index vi Reel List viii A b brevia tions viii Index The Index 1 Appendices National Union Catalog of Manuscript Collections card 14 Description of the Papers 15 Sources of Acquisition 15 Statement of the Librarian of Congress 16 III Introduction Provenance These surviving Pierce Papers represent but a small part of \vhat must have existed when Pierce left the E\V HAMPSHIRE \vas silent for half a \Vhite House.
    [Show full text]
  • Reminiscences of the United States Supreme Court
    YALE LAW JO URNAL. REMINISCENCES OF THE UNITED STATES SUPREME COURT. On motion of Reverdy Johnson, at one time Attorney-General and afterward Senator in Congress from Maryland, I was admitted to the bar of the Supreme Court in 1865. Salmon P. Chase was then Chief Justice, and the associates were James M. Wayne, Robert C. Grier, Noah H. Swayne, David Davis, Samuel Nelson, Nathan Clifford, Samuel F. Miller and Stephen J. Field. All of these, ex- cepting Justice Field,* are now dead. I was in Washington at the inauguration of Franklin Pierce in 1853 and attended some of the sessions of the Supreme Court at that time. That court then con- sisted of Roger B. Taney, Chief Justice; John McLean, James M. Wayne, John Catron, Peter V. Daniel, Samuel Nelson, Robert C. Grier, Benjamin R. Curtis and John A. Campbell, associates, none of whom are now living. I never saw Taney, Catron or Daniel afterward, and have no very distinct impressions as to Catron or Daniel, but Chief Justice Taney was a noticeable man and his ap- pearance is still daguerreotyped upon my memory. He was a tall, angular and exceedingly slim man. Apparently there was little or no flesh upon his bones and his face was deeply furrowed by the ravages of time. His eyes surmounted by shaggy eyebrows were deeply set under a remarkably low forehead. There was a rough and rugged distinctness about all his features. He was appointed Chief Justice in 1836 and died in office when he was 88 years old. He was 8o years of age when he delivered the opinion of the court in the celebrated Dred Scott case.
    [Show full text]
  • Caqe ,T-)65 61
    eiF C714rd FF27JAIKL,ti Ckw.i,ZSI CAqE ,t-)65_61,. ;bo'7qra TAE C3h11© I-SuPRLrnE COi.I fF,a,qRh aF- CoFnmi SSiWER.SI 1N fvE: LE VEF2T K. PdE3221't2^. AKC^N.d^l ^f^r's^'L., t.^SES. A- LLCyt:LSTiN P. oSUEL^Sa7.ReGA(a.OGi 115% 511 M.MArN ST ./LMZc^ni.e^l1 4431U< .4AOa.... pE^,' 0 6 Z006 LAWREIJGE R. Sin^TiJ.FS©.,REG.NO.a©2902Es1 ONE CflSCA6E PLZ.. 7t1(.FL..AKR-dN.ON 44 3ej8, MARCIA J NIENGEL, CLERI( AEFTS.,APLEES..RES.... SUPREME CUF;! OF ILELATQiZ.AP('ELLAnfT, PLAu.ITiF'F LEVErc'l` K,C►RIPFrn! MOi IGaI FdR r-N7RY FdOR ALLEGE LdA1rQI.ITN6kI ZE P'cAcT 1 CE aF LAW L6t^^EN AGAwsT ZnTF1 A'T'f'oRAfEYs Lf1ldYER lA1LAPTlOAIEN As AL3ouE SEE NEraLE EXNIL3rT#'^"^4 "C° &IbuS CvMES,RELATafZ.ArPELLqM.PLAinitrFF LEUERT nc.6RIF'FiN.NE(mF3Y PRRY PbfZ RELIEF LLPOni'Ta WlliG.N RELIER CAnr BE GPtAn[TEd. A.rnaTrer.t FrafR Eti1TRY FoR ALLEGE dnrr4uTW0rtraE PreACTrcE aF LAru IoOisEO Afvr^,E6-ra ArTaRuEYs LAwyER. ^nsCA.PTranrE& AS AbevsE_ .SEC r(s,ucE cxAI PEr.li,rmL. L>APPE.FlL As QF R1a13T z^TRFanI Smi?R'Fa L eF RS.Car'.h LEVESZ~1 SOaw Cl-,..uSE- dRDE2 FOp^ REL)Ar11b, MmANf]E& TA)C f'fLEE AT ALL COS*P `TAlS RZEqmCLE5r wER Ciau F3AR rL, U rs 6lFl, PEnrtvAjG AISTddtC A7rVE REL/EF C,u P. RL. 55(a1^6) t*'s4,uERN WJLUE' 7)IE Au7'F1.. SctP CT RL. P"h.'00 , iti{E rgAl2cFoAln RL,$L.LIh^A^t^^JGR^ZEb PrZALT^CECK LAC^/.
    [Show full text]
  • Under the Administration of General Franklin Pierce, Whose Pro·Slavery Words), No Doubt to the Wonder and Astonishment Ofthe Boston Del 23 Glory Is Now Eclipsed by Mr
    228 POUGHKEEPSIE. NEW YORK 2 AUGUST 1858 under the Administration of General Franklin Pierce, whose Pro·Slavery words), no doubt to the wonder and astonishment ofthe Boston Del 23 glory is now eclipsed by Mr. James Buchanan. ic Club. He talked gloriously, vain·gloriously, and furiously, fOI Mr. Cushing20 was the honored orator of Old Tammany, that favored trouble for Mr. Choate to talk. But what, think you, these thl resort of all that is decent, patriotic, and Democratic, in the City of New tinguished sons of old Massachusetts had to say on that day which York.21 Mr. Everett was favored with a select audience of Democrats remind us of the days when men dared to rebuke tyranny, and (Democrats again you see) at the Revere House, over or under a dinner danger full in the face? What had they to say in favor of the prinl table-only costing $10 a plate.22 Quite a democratic dinner that. While Liberty, which your fathers nobly asserted, and bravely defende Mr. Cushing was addressing the Democracy of Old Tammany, and Mr. their lives, their fortunes and their sacred honor? I say, what idea W(j Everett, saying his speech at the Revere House, Mr. Choate was discharg· prominent? Tum to Mr. Choate, and if you can understand him, : ing a perfect whirlwind, (not of periods, for he don't use any, but of this idea. The Union of these States is a great bleSSing, and t Northern people, in their wild devotion to liberty, are putting the U Whig pany in New England.
    [Show full text]
  • Justice Jackson in the Jehovah's Witnesses' Cases
    FIU Law Review Volume 13 Number 4 Barnette at 75: The Past, Present, and Future of the Fixed Star in Our Constitutional Article 13 Constellation Spring 2019 Justice Jackson in The Jehovah’s Witnesses’ Cases John Q. Barrett Professor of Law, St. John’s University School of Law, New York City Follow this and additional works at: https://ecollections.law.fiu.edu/lawreview Part of the Constitutional Law Commons, First Amendment Commons, and the Religion Law Commons Online ISSN: 2643-7759 Recommended Citation John Q. Barrett, Justice Jackson in The Jehovah’s Witnesses’ Cases, 13 FIU L. Rev. 827 (2019). DOI: https://dx.doi.org/10.25148/lawrev.13.4.13 This Keynote Address is brought to you for free and open access by eCollections. It has been accepted for inclusion in FIU Law Review by an authorized editor of eCollections. For more information, please contact [email protected]. 10 - BARRETT.DOCX (DO NOT DELETE) 5/9/19 6:03 PM JUSTICE JACKSON IN THE JEHOVAH’S WITNESSES’ CASES John Q. Barrett* I. Robert H. Jackson Before He Became Justice Jackson ..................828 II. Barnette in Its Supreme Court Context: The Jehovah’s Witnesses Cases, 1938–1943 ...........................................................................831 A. The General Pattern of the Decisions: The Court Warming to Jehovah’s Witnesses’ Constitutional Claims .......................831 1. The Pre-July 1941 Court ....................................................831 2. The July 1941–May 1943 Court ........................................833 3. The June 1943 Court ..........................................................834 B. Some Particulars of Supreme Court Personnel, Cases, and Decisions, From Gobitis (1940) to Barnette (1943) ................834 III. Justice Jackson on Jehovah’s Witnesses: The Author of Barnette Wrote First, and Significantly, in Douglas .....................................844 IV.
    [Show full text]
  • Justice William Cushing and the Treaty-Making Power
    Vanderbilt Law Review Volume 10 Issue 2 Issue 2 - February 1957 Article 9 2-1957 Justice William Cushing and the Treaty-Making Power F. William O'Brien S.J. Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.vanderbilt.edu/vlr Part of the Constitutional Law Commons, and the Supreme Court of the United States Commons Recommended Citation F. William O'Brien S.J., Justice William Cushing and the Treaty-Making Power, 10 Vanderbilt Law Review 351 (1957) Available at: https://scholarship.law.vanderbilt.edu/vlr/vol10/iss2/9 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Scholarship@Vanderbilt Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in Vanderbilt Law Review by an authorized editor of Scholarship@Vanderbilt Law. For more information, please contact [email protected]. JUSTICE WILLIAM CUSHING AND THE TREATY-MAKING POWER F. WILLIAM O'BRIEN, S.J.* Washington's First Appointees Although the work of the Supreme Court during the first few years was not great if measured in the number of cases handled, it would be a mistake to conclude that the six men who sat on the Bench during this formative period made no significant contribution to the develop- ment of American constitutional law. The Justices had few if any precedents to use as guides, and therefore their judicial work, limited though it was in volume, must be considered as stamped with the significance which attaches to all pioneer activity. Moreover, most of this work was done while on circuit duty in the different districts, and therefore from Vermont to Georgia the Supreme Court Justices were emissaries of good will for the new Constitution and the recently established general government.
    [Show full text]
  • Conflicts of Interest in Bush V. Gore: Did Some Justices Vote Illegally? Richard K
    Maurice A. Deane School of Law at Hofstra University Scholarly Commons at Hofstra Law Hofstra Law Faculty Scholarship Spring 2003 Conflicts of Interest in Bush v. Gore: Did Some Justices Vote Illegally? Richard K. Neumann Jr. Maurice A. Deane School of Law at Hofstra University Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarlycommons.law.hofstra.edu/faculty_scholarship Recommended Citation Richard K. Neumann Jr., Conflicts of Interest in Bush v. Gore: Did Some Justices Vote Illegally?, 16 Geo. J. Legal Ethics 375 (2003) Available at: https://scholarlycommons.law.hofstra.edu/faculty_scholarship/153 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Scholarly Commons at Hofstra Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in Hofstra Law Faculty Scholarship by an authorized administrator of Scholarly Commons at Hofstra Law. For more information, please contact [email protected]. ARTICLES Conflicts of Interest in Bush v. Gore: Did Some Justices Vote Illegally? RICHARD K. NEUMANN, JR.* On December 9, 2000, the United States Supreme Court stayed the presidential election litigation in the Florida courts and set oral argument for December 11.1 On the morning of December 12-one day after oral argument and half a day before the Supreme Court announced its decision in Bush v. Gore2-the Wall Street Journalpublished a front-page story that included the following: Chief Justice William Rehnquist, 76 years old, and Justice Sandra Day O'Connor, 70, both lifelong Republicans, have at times privately talked about retiring and would prefer that a Republican appoint their successors.... Justice O'Connor, a cancer survivor, has privately let it be known that, after 20 years on the high court,'she wants to retire to her home state of Arizona ...
    [Show full text]
  • Rare Books & Special Collections Tarlton Law Library University Of
    Rare Books & Special Collections Tarlton Law Library University of Texas at Austin 727 E. 26th St., Austin, Texas 78705-3224 512/471-7263 SUPREME COURT NOMINATIONS RESEARCH FILES, 1823-1955, Bulk 1860-1939 Inventory Date printed: SUPREME COURT NOMINATIONS RESEARCH FILES Inventory Extent: 1.25 linear ft. (3 boxes). Frank, John P., 1917-2002- John P. Frank, a noted attorney and constitutional scholar, was born in 1917. He received his LL.B. at the University of Wisconsin, and his J.S.D. from Yale University. He was law clerk to Justice Hugo L. Black at the October, 1942 term, among other prominent positions. He taught law from 1946 to 1954 at Indiana and Yale Universities. He has authored 12 books on the Supreme Court, the Constitution and constitutional law. A senior partner with the Phoenix firm of Lewis and Roca, which he joined in 1954, Frank was lead counsel on the ground-breaking Miranda v. Arizona case, and served as counsel to Anita Hill during the Clarence Thomas confirmation hearings. While serving on the Committee on Rules of Civil Procedure, Frank led a group that worked on drafting revisions to Rule 11 attorney sanctions. Frank also served from 1960 to 1970 on the Advisory Committee of Civil Procedure of the Judicial Conference of the United States. Scope and Content: The collection consists of research into U.S. Supreme Court nominations of the 19th and 20th centuries, and includes 8 inches of printed materials and 7 microfilm reels (35mm), 1823-1939 (bulk 1860-1939), collected by Frank, for a research project concerning Supreme Court nominations.
    [Show full text]
  • Not the King's Bench Edward A
    University of Minnesota Law School Scholarship Repository Constitutional Commentary 2003 Not the King's Bench Edward A. Hartnett Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.umn.edu/concomm Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Hartnett, Edward A., "Not the King's Bench" (2003). Constitutional Commentary. 303. https://scholarship.law.umn.edu/concomm/303 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the University of Minnesota Law School. It has been accepted for inclusion in Constitutional Commentary collection by an authorized administrator of the Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. NOT THE KING'S BENCH Edward A. Hartnett* Speaking at a public birthday party for an icon, even if the honoree is one or two hundred years old, can be a surprisingly tricky business. Short of turning the party into a roast, it seems rude to criticize the birthday boy too harshly. On the other hand, it is at least as important to avoid unwarranted and exaggerated praise.1 The difficult task, then, is to try to say something re­ motely new or interesting while navigating that strait. The conference organizers did make it easier for me in one respect: My assignment does not involve those ideas for which Marbury is invoked as an icon. It is for others to wrestle in well­ worn trenches with exalted arguments about judicial review and its overgrown descendent judicial supremacy, while trying to avoid unseemly criticism or fawning praise. I, on the other hand, am to address more technical issues involving section 13 of the Judiciary Act of 1789 and its provision granting the Supreme Court the power to issue writs of mandamus.
    [Show full text]
  • Law Clerk Influence on Supreme Court Decision Making: an Empirical Assessment
    DePaul Law Review Volume 58 Issue 1 Fall 2008 Article 3 Law Clerk Influence on Supreme Court Decision Making: An Empirical Assessment Todd C. Peppers Christopher Zorn Follow this and additional works at: https://via.library.depaul.edu/law-review Recommended Citation Todd C. Peppers & Christopher Zorn, Law Clerk Influence on Supreme Court Decision Making: An Empirical Assessment , 58 DePaul L. Rev. 51 (2008) Available at: https://via.library.depaul.edu/law-review/vol58/iss1/3 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the College of Law at Via Sapientiae. It has been accepted for inclusion in DePaul Law Review by an authorized editor of Via Sapientiae. For more information, please contact [email protected]. LAW CLERK INFLUENCE ON SUPREME COURT DECISION MAKING: AN EMPIRICAL ASSESSMENT Todd C. Peppers* and Christopher Zorn** INTRODUCTION In the past ten years, U.S. Supreme Court law clerks have achieved a visibility unmatched in Supreme Court history. A former Blackmun clerk wrote a tell-all tale of law clerk mischief at the Supreme Court,' a series of articles in USA Today addressing the lack of law clerk di- versity sparked protests and the grilling of Supreme Court Justices by congressional subcommittees, 2 former clerks offered insight into the turmoil gripping the Court during the 2000 presidential election,3 and two new television series focused on the behind-the-scenes machina- tions of Supreme Court clerks.4 The decade of the law clerk culminated in the publication of two major academic works on Su- preme Court law clerks.5 Both books sought to provide a thorough * Associate Professor of Political Science, Roanoke College; Lecturer in Law, Washington and Lee School of Law.
    [Show full text]
  • The Constitution in the Supreme Court: State and Congressional Powers, 1801-1835 David P
    The University of Chicago Law Review Law__Review _VOLUME 49 NUMBER 4 FALL 1982 1982 by The University of Chicago The Constitution in the Supreme Court: State and Congressional Powers, 1801-1835 David P. Curriet This article is the third installment of an attempt to analyze and criticize the constitutional work of the Supreme Court in his- torical sequence, from the lawyer's point of view.' In the twelve years of its existence before the appointment of John Marshall as Chief Justice, the Supreme Court began to de- velop lasting principles of constitutional adjudication, but it de- cided few significant constitutional questions. In the first decade of Marshall's tenure, apart from Marbury v. Madison,2 the Court's constitutional docket consisted almost entirely of relatively minor matters respecting the powers of the federal courts. Although im- t Harry N. Wyatt Professor of Law, University of Chicago. I should like to thank my colleagues Frank Easterbrook, Richard Epstein, Richard Helmholz, Dennis Hutchinson, Stanton Krauss, Philip B. Kurland, Phil C. Neal, Rayman Solomon, and James B. White for their helpful comments and encouragement, and Locke Bowman and Paul Strella, Chicago class of 1982, for their valuable research assistance. I See Currie, The Constitution in the Supreme Court: 1789-1801, 48 U. CHI. L. REv. 819 (1981) [hereinafter cited as Currie, Supreme Court, 1789-1801]; Currie, The Constitu- tion in the Supreme Court: The Powers of the Federal Courts, 1801-1835, 49 U. CH. L. REv. 646 (1982) [hereinafter cited as Currie, FederalCourts, 1801-1835]. These articles form the beginning of a study to be published in book form by The University of Chicago Press.
    [Show full text]