Dirk Van Den Bulck (Photo) Is Commissioner General for Refugees and Stateless Persons

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Dirk Van den Bulck (photo) is Commissioner General for Refugees and Stateless persons. The Office of the Commissioner General for Refugees and Stateless Persons (CGRS) is an independent federal administration acting as the central asylum authority in Belgium. Mr. Van den Bulck was officially appointed in 2004 with a five-year mandate. His mandate was renewed twice and he started his third mandate in December 2014. During his mandates he guided the CGRS through several reforms of the asylum procedure in Belgium and through several asylum crises. The protection of refugees always remained his key focus and he also holds a clear eye on the quality of the asylum decisions, the efficiency of the organisation and the well- being of his staff. As the Belgian member of the EASO Management Board he is a strong advocate for the realization of the Common European Asylum System. Throughout his career Dirk Van den Bulck held several positions in the field of asylum and migration. After obtaining a law degree at the Catholic University of Leuven (KUL) in 1988 , Dirk Van den Bulck started working as a company lawyer, but quickly chose for more social commitment as a legal expert at the Brussels Centre for Integration Foyer. As an Advisor and Deputy Principal Private Secretary at the cabinets of the Ministers of the Interior Johan Vande Lanotte, Louis Tobback and Luc Van den Bossche, he helped shaping the Belgian asylum and migration policy in the 1990s. In 1999 he was appointed as Assessor at the Permanent Appeal Commission for Refugees (the asylum appeal body, later replaced with the Council for Aliens Law Litigation). In July 2002 he was appointed Deputy Commissioner General for Refugees and Stateless persons and in September 2003 he became Commissioner General. 1 Office of the Commissioner General for Refugees and Stateless Persons (CGRS) WTC II, Boulevard du Roi Albert II, 26 A B-1000 BRUSSELS Tel: ++ 32 2 205 51 11 Fax: ++ 32 2 205 51 15 .

Copy Link

Recommended publications

Séance Plénière Plenumvergadering
SÉANCE PLÉNIÈRE PLENUMVERGADERING du van MERCREDI 18 DECEMBRE 2013 WOENSDAG 18 DECEMBER 2013 Matin Voormiddag ______ ______ La séance est ouverte à 10.23 heures et présidée par M. André Flahaut. De vergadering wordt geopend om 10.23 uur en voorgezeten door de heer André Flahaut. Le président: La séance est ouverte. De vergadering is geopend. Une série de communications et de décisions doivent être portées à la connaissance de la Chambre. Elles seront reprises sur le site web de la Chambre et insérées dans l'annexe du compte rendu intégral de cette séance. Een reeks mededelingen en besluiten moeten ter kennis gebracht worden van de Kamer. Zij worden op de website van de Kamer en in de bijlage bij het integraal verslag van deze vergadering opgenomen. Ministres du gouvernement fédéral présents lors de l’ouverture de la séance: Aanwezig bij de opening van de vergadering zijn de ministers van de federale regering: Servais Verherstraeten, John Crombez Excusés Berichten van verhindering Minneke De Ridder, Flor Van Noppen, pour raisons de santé / wegens gezondheidsredenen. 01 Éloge funèbre – M. Dany Vandenbossche 01 Rouwhulde – de heer Dany Vandenbossche Le président (devant l’assemblée debout): De voorzitter (voor de staande vergadering): M. Dany Vandenbossche, ancien membre de la Chambre, est décédé à Gand, le 1er décembre dernier à l'âge de 57 ans. Après avoir obtenu ses diplômes de licencié en droit et de licencié en criminologie à l'Université de Gand, M. Dany Vandenbossche devint, en 1979, l'assistant du professeur Willy Callewaert alors ministre de la Fonction publique et des Réformes institutionnelles.
[Show full text]
Prediction of a Dichotomous Criterion Variable by Means of a Logical Combination of Dichotomous Predictors Mathématiques Et Sciences Humaines, Tome 102 (1988), P
MATHÉMATIQUES ET SCIENCES HUMAINES IVEN VAN MECHELEN Prediction of a dichotomous criterion variable by means of a logical combination of dichotomous predictors Mathématiques et sciences humaines, tome 102 (1988), p. 47-54 <http://www.numdam.org/item?id=MSH_1988__102__47_0> © Centre d’analyse et de mathématiques sociales de l’EHESS, 1988, tous droits réservés. L’accès aux archives de la revue « Mathématiques et sciences humaines » (http:// msh.revues.org/) implique l’accord avec les conditions générales d’utilisation (http://www. numdam.org/conditions). Toute utilisation commerciale ou impression systématique est consti- tutive d’une infraction pénale. Toute copie ou impression de ce ﬁchier doit conte- nir la présente mention de copyright. Article numérisé dans le cadre du programme Numérisation de documents anciens mathématiques http://www.numdam.org/ 47 PREDICTION OF A DICHOTOMOUS CRITERION VARIABLE BY MEANS OF A LOGICAL COMBINATION OF DICHOTOMOUS PREDICTORS Iven VAN MECHELEN 1 INTRODUCTION Logical relations between dichotomous variables are of interest in several areas of human sciences. A number of methods have been developed already to detect such relations. For example Lerman, Gras and Rostam (1981) proposed a technique to discover all significant pairwise implications within a set of dichotomous variables. Another example is Van Buggenhaut’s (1987) approach to reveal collections of more complex logical relations. A particular case where logical relations are of use is the situation in which one wants to predict a given criterion by means of a logical combination of predictor variables. In this contribution we propose a method to find, for a given dichotomous criterion C and a given set of n dichotomous potential predictor variables (P1,...,Pn), a logical 1 Université de Leuven, Tiensestraat 102, B 3000 Leuven, Belgium.
[Show full text]
The Gender Issue in Belgian Party Politics and Elections Sabine De Bethune and Els Van Hoof1
The Gender Issue in Belgian Party Politics and Elections Sabine de Bethune and Els Van Hoof1 Every country deserves to have the best possible leader and that means that women have to be given a chance to compete. If they’re never allowed to compete in the electoral process then the countries are really robbing themselves of a great deal of talent. —Madeleine K. Albright Abstract This article looks at how female politicians in Belgium, driven by a strong women’s movement, have sought to achieve gender parity in politics. The first part explains the system of legislated candidate quotas introduced in 1994. The second part deals with the way the Flemish Christian Democratic party and its women’s movement, which greatly contributed to the establishment of the quota system, have used the new legal framework to raise awareness and promote female candidates during and beyond election campaigns. We will conclude that both adequate legal conditions and a proactive stance towards women’s empowerment on the part of political parties are crucial to achieving gender parity. Keywords Gender – Political participation – Elections – Women’s movement – Quotas – Agenda setting – Christian Democracy – Awareness raising Introduction Women represent more than 50% of the world’s population but continue to be under- represented as voters, electoral candidates, officials and political leaders. Several countries have realised that the problem is not a lack of knowledge, experience, 1 S. de Bethune Paleis der Natie, Natieplein 1, 1009 Brussel, Belgium email: [email protected] E. Van Hoof Paleis der Natie, Natieplein 1, 1009 Brussel, Belgium email: [email protected] 1 ambition or talent on the part of women and have adopted policies to increase women’s involvement in politics.
[Show full text]
Le Sp.A (Socialistische Partij Anders)
Le SP.a (Socialistische Partij anders) Régis DANDOY Le 13 octobre 2001, les membres du parti socialiste flamand SP adoptent en congrès à Gand un nouveau nom et un nouveau sigle pour leur parti qui devient le Socialistische Partij anders – Sociaal progressief alternatief (SP.a). Cette double appellation est révélatrice des tendances observées au cours de la dernière décennie dans ce parti, à savoir un discours rénovateur récurrent et une volonté de construire un grand mouvement de gauche, flamand et progressiste. Ces deux ambitions parallèles jalonnent son histoire récente, expliquant en grande partie les performances électorales, les participations au pouvoir, l’éphémère cartel électoral avec Spirit, le contenu des programmes électoraux ou encore le profil socio-démographique des électeurs et des membres du parti socialiste flamand. Le parti socialiste flamand provient de la scission linguistique de l’historique parti socialiste belge (PSB) en une aile francophone – menant à la création du PS – et une aile flamande en 1978. Les socialistes flamands étaient minoritaires par rapport aux francophones, ce qui eut un impact non négligeable, notamment sur la sélection des dirigeants et élites ou la ligne idéologique et programmatique du parti. Le SP (Socialistische Partij), officiellement créé lors du congrès des 8 et 9 mars 1980, se départit peu à peu de l’influence de son « grand frère » francophone. Le mot anders (autrement) dans le nom du parti fait en partie référence à cette prise de distance par rapport à l’héritage historique du parti et ses liens avec son alter ego francophone. Cette différenciation des deux anciennes ailes linguistiques du PSB atteint son apogée en 2007 lorsque le PS choisit de participer à la coalition en place au gouvernement fédéral, tandis que le SP.a fait le choix de l’opposition.
[Show full text]
Gouvernement Jean-Luc Dehaene I (7.03.1992 – 23.06.1995)
Gouvernement Jean-Luc Dehaene I (7.03.1992 – 23.06.1995) Quadripartite : CVP / PS / SP / PSC 15 ministres, 1 secrétaire d’État Jean-Luc Dehaene, CVP : Premier ministre Guy Coëme, PS : vice-Premier ministre, Erik Derycke, SP : secrétaire d’État à la ministre des Communications et des Coopération au développement, adjoint au Entreprises publiques ministre des Affaires étrangères Willy Claes, SP : vice-Premier ministre, ministre des Affaires étrangères Melchior Wathelet, PSC : vice-Premier ministre, ministre de la Justice et des Affaires économiques Philippe Maystadt, PSC : ministre des Finances Philippe Moureaux, PS : ministre des Affaires sociales Jean-Maurice Dehousse, PS : ministre de la Politique scientifique Robert Urbain, PS : ministre du Commerce extérieur et ministre des Affaires européennes, adjoint au ministre des Affaires étrangères Freddy Willockx, SP : ministre des Pensions Louis Tobback, SP : ministre de l’Intérieur et de la Fonction publique Miet Smet, CVP : ministre de l’Emploi et du Travail, chargée de la Politique d’égalité des chances entre hommes et femmes André Bourgeois, CVP : ministre des Petites et Moyennes Entreprises et de l’Agriculture Leo Delcroix, CVP : ministre de la Défense nationale Laurette Onkelinx, PS : ministre de l’Intégration sociale, de la Santé publique et de l’Environnement. Mieke Offeciers-Van de Wiele, CVP : ministre du Budget Remaniements et modifications de compétences : 4 mai 1993 Philippe Moureaux et Laurette Onkelinx démissionnent. Bernard Anselme, PS, devient ministre des Affaires sociales. Magda De Galan, PS, devient ministre de l’Intégration sociale, de la Santé publique et de l’Environnement. 5 septembre 1993 Mieke Offeciers-Van de Wiele démissionne. Herman Van Rompuy, CVP, devient vice-Premier ministre, ministre du Budget.
[Show full text]
Gouvernement Wilfried Martens VIII (9.05.1988 – 29.09.1991)
Gouvernement Wilfried Martens VIII (9.05.1988 – 29.09.1991) Pentapartite : CVP / PS / SP / PSC / VU 19 ministres, 13 secrétaires d’État Wilfried Martens, CVP : Premier ministre Philippe Moureaux, PS : vice-Premier André Geens, VU : ministre de la ministre, ministre de la Région bruxelloise Coopération au Développement et des Réformes institutionnelles Alain Van der Biest, PS : ministre des Willy Claes, SP : vice-Premier ministre, Pensions ministre des Affaires économiques et du Luc Van den Brande, CVP : ministre de Plan et ministre de l’Éducation nationale l’Emploi et du Travail Jean-Luc Dehaene, CVP : vice-Premier ministre, ministre des Communications et des Réformes institutionnelles Élie Deworme, PS : secrétaire d’État à l’Énergie, adjoint au ministre des Affaires Melchior Wathelet, PSC : vice-Premier économiques ministre, ministre de la Justice et des Classes moyennes Pierre Mainil, PSC : secrétaire d’État aux Classes moyennes et aux Victimes de la Hugo Schiltz, VU : vice-Premier ministre, guerre, adjoint au ministre de la Justice et ministre du Budget et de la Politique des Classes moyennes scientifique Paul De Keersmaeker, CVP : secrétaire Léo Tindemans, CVP : ministre des d’État aux Affaires européennes et à Relations extérieures l’Agriculture, adjoint au ministre des Philippe Maystadt, PSC : ministre des Relations extérieures Finances Jean-Louis Thys, PSC : secrétaire d’État à Robert Urbain, PS : ministre du la Région bruxelloise, adjoint au ministre Commerce extérieur de la Région bruxelloise Michel Hansenne, PSC : ministre de
[Show full text]
The Municipal Administrative Sanctions Act in Belgium
Eur J Crim Policy Res DOI 10.1007/s10610-016-9321-2 An Expanding Culture of Control? The Municipal Administrative Sanctions Act in Belgium Elke Devroe1 & Gerben Bruinsma 2 & Tom Vander Beken3 # The Author(s) 2016. This article is published with open access at Springerlink.com Abstract This article provides an in-depth study of the Act on Municipal Administrative Sanctions 1999 (MAS), which is the first major piece of legislation regulating antisocial behaviour in Belgium. MAS provides municipalities with an instrument to sanction antisocial behaviour and conduct perceived to disturb public order. The article uses Garland’s(2001) thesis on the culture of control to analyse whether MAS has led to increased government control and the exclusion of significant groups of the population. The research is based on a multiple case study in which the application of MAS was analysed over a 25-year period of security policies in Belgium (1985–2010). The Act’s implementation was studied in the two Belgian cities of Antwerp and Liège in order to consider the influence of the Flemish government and the Walloon government, respectively, in this policy area. The article uses insights from this comparison to revisit the culture of control thesis and its limitations in understanding the political competition that exists over the formulation of policies on antisocial behaviour. Keywords Policing public space . Incivilities . Police . Administrative sanctions . Culture of control . Antisocial behaviour Introduction In 1999 Belgium introduced the Act on Municipal Administrative Sanctions (MAS), which enabled municipalities to control antisocial behaviour through the imposition of administrative, * Elke Devroe [email protected] 1 Institute of Security and Public Affairs, Department of Governance and Global Affairs, Leiden University, Leiden, The Netherlands 2 Netherlands Institute for the Study of Crime and Law Enforcement (NSCR), Amsterdam, The Netherlands 3 Department of Criminology, Criminal Law and Social Law, Ghent University, Gent, Belgium E.
[Show full text]
Belgian Polities in 1995
Belgian polities in 1995 Kris DESCHOUWER & Marc PLATEL Kris Oeschouwer is professor of Polities at the Vrije Universiteit Brussel Marc Pl ace! is chief editor of Het Belang va n Limburg Nobody expected 1995 to be an easy and normal year in Belgian polities, since elections were due for the end of the year. Elections were held indeed, but ear lier than expected and overshadowed by the Agusta-scandal. I. The beginning of 1995 A. Voeren back on the agenda During the last weeks of 1994 a number of language related issues animated the scene. The francophones <lid not appreciate the exceptions to the local vot ing rights for European citizens that had been granted to prime minister De haene at the European Top. The Dutch-speakers were not happy with the ap pointment of a (bilingual) francophone vice-governor in the new province of Vlaams-Brabant, for supervising the application of the linguistic laws favoring the francophone minority in that province. And last but not least José Happart had announced that he wanted to become mayor of Voeren again, this village located in the Flemish Region but with a local francophone majority. Philippe Busquin, the president of the PS (Parti Socialiste) asked the federal government to find a solution, preferably accepting in one way or another a bi-regional status for Voe ren. Quite some imagination and a number of nightly meetings were needed to find a way out of this 'crisette' in the early morning ofJanuary 9. The agreement basically accepted the idea that the French 'minority' in Voeren (and the Dutch-speaking minority in the Walloon municipality ofMoucron) need ed a better protection, and that therefore extra personnel was to be appointed.
[Show full text]
Democratizing Party Leadership Selection in Belgium
Toppan Best-set Premedia Limited Journal Code: POST Proofreader: Mony Article No: POST12002 Delivery date: 26 Dec 2012 Page Extent: 20 POLITICAL STUDIES: 2012 doi: 10.1111/1467-9248.12002 1 Democratizing Party Leadership Selection in 2 Belgium: Motivations and Decision Makers 3 4 Bram Wauters 5 University College Ghent 6 Political parties are increasingly adopting more inclusive procedures to select their party leader, most notably by 7 introducing party primaries.This article tries to detect motives and decision makers for this introduction in Belgian 8 parties.The literature on Westminster-style parties contends that party elites only reluctantly transfer more power from 9 the parliamentary party group (PPG) to party members.They do so only when ﬁnding themselves in a weak position: 10 after electoral defeat, when in opposition, when other parties are doing so or when the party is new.The situation in 11 Belgium is different, as is demonstrated with quantitative and qualitative data. Mostly, the party elite was keen on 12 introducing party primaries and took the initiative itself to carry them through.The mechanism at work, however, is 13 the same as in Westminster parties: avoiding too much power for middle-level elites. Because of the different starting 14 position (party delegates selecting the leader), the decision-making process looks completely different.We also argue 15 that the results from Belgian parties might apply to consensus democracies in general. 16 17 Keywords: Belgium; party leader; party members; primaries; leadership selection 18 19 Party change is a remarkable phenomenon. On the one hand, parties are thought to be 20 conservative organisations that resist change (Harmel and Janda, 1994).
[Show full text]
The Europarties Organisation and Influence
Pascal DELWIT, Erol KÜLAHCI & Cédric VAN DE WALLE (eds.) The Europarties Organisation and Influence Centre d’étude de la vie politique of the Free University of Brussels (ULB) Pascal DELWIT, Erol KÜLAHCI & Cédric VAN DE WALLE (eds.) The Europarties Organisation and Influence Brussels, 2004 Centre d’étude de la vie politique of the Free University of Brussels (ULB) © by Editions de l’Université de Bruxelles Avenue Paul Héger, 26 - B-1000 Bruxelles First published: Pascal Delwit, Erol Kulahci, Cédric Van de Walle (eds), Les fédérations européennes de partis. Organisation et influence, Bruxelles, Editions de l’Université de Bruxelles, 2001. The European party federations. A political player in the making? Pascal DELWIT, Erol KÜLAHCI and Cédric VAN DE WALLE, Free University of Brussels (ULB) 1. “Political parties at European level”? The development of European party federations is experiencing new impetus nowadays following recent measures integrated into the Treaty of Nice. They aim at regulating the financing of these federations and assuring them a legal status. But for all that, the history of these transnational partisan organisations already goes back a long way. Considered as essential players in the smooth running of representative democracy, the parties have tried to adapt themselves to the new European environment. First, they did so by developing original structures within the European assemblies. From the founding of the Council of Europe in 1948, the national political groups sent their MEP’s into the midst of that which was only the embryo of a supranational parliamentary complex. In 1953, at the time of the first meeting of the Assembly of the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC), the first transnational and parliamentary groups were formed at European level.
[Show full text]
Belgian Polities in 1998
Belgian Polities in 1998 by Stefaan FIERS Research assistant at the secrion Politica! Sociology of the Katholieke Universiteit Leuven and Mark DEWEERDT Politica! journalist of the Financieel Economische Tijd For the third consecutive year, Belgian polities was to a large extent domi nated by the aftermath of the Dutroux-pedophile case. The politica/ world was under pressure to reform the judiciary and the police farces, as these had shown lack of competence in this case. The pressure mounted after Dutroux' brief es cape on April 23rd, which caused the resignation of the ministers ofInterior (Van de Lanotte) and ofJustice (De Clerck). Dutroux' escape, however, reunited the majority and the opposition parties to make a deal on the reforms of the judi ciary and the police farces (the Octopus-agreements). The aftermath of Dutroux' escape, and the Octopus-agreements overshad owed the entry of Belgium into the EMU. It also made an end to the everlasting speculations about snap elections. From autumn 1998 onwards, most attention was paid to the policy on asy lum and the Agusta/Dassault trial. The death of a Nigerian refugee during her forced repatriation caused the resignation of deputy prime minister Tobback, and a limited adjustment of the procedure to grant asylum. In December 1998, the Court of Cassation convicted the politicians that were charged in the Agus ta/Dassault-bribery cases. Other important issues in 1998 were the policy on employment, the right to vote /or non-Belgian citizens and disputes on the implementation of the lan guage-laws in communities with a special linguistic status.
[Show full text]
Belgian Polities in 1994
Belgian polities in 1994 by Kris DESCHOUWER Pro fessor of Polities at the Vrije Universiteit Brussel and Mark DEWEERDT Politica! journalist of the Financieel -Economische Tijd Two cases of possible corruption created quite some politica! tensions and even some difficulties for the federal cabinet of christian-democrats and socialists. The cabinet, that was reshuffled a couple of times, could present acceptable budget results. It was however also confronted with some linguistic or 'communautari an' matters. Bath the European and the local elections confirmed the success of right-wing extremist parties. I. The Agusta and Uniop cases A. Agusta and the resignation of the "three Guys" On January 6 the news was spread that judge Véronique Ancia from Liège was accusing Guy Coëme, the minister of Transport, Infrastructure and Public Enter prises of forgery. In 1988, when he was minister of Defense, he would have used a falsified document in the decision to buy 46 A109-helicopters from the Italian firm Agusta. The judge's file was also said to contain proofs of corruption in this case. At the end of 1993 the Parliament had already been asked to lift the parlia mentary immunity of Guy Coëme and of two other Walloon socialists, Guy Spi taels and Guy Mathot. The first was the prime minister of the Walloon regional government, the latter was minister of the Interior in that same regional govern ment. Judge Ancia had found the documents that suggested corruption in the Agusta-case while investigating the murder (on July 18 1991) of André Cools. The House of Representatives set up a special commission that had to see whether there were indeed enough reasons to accuse minister and MP Guy Coëme and to bring him to the Court of Cassation.
[Show full text]