Japanese Politics and the 1993 Election
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Nationalism in Japan's Contemporary Foreign Policy
The London School of Economics and Political Science Nationalism in Japan’s Contemporary Foreign Policy: A Consideration of the Cases of China, North Korea, and India Maiko Kuroki A thesis submitted to the Department of International Relations of the London School of Economics for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, London, February 2013 Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the MPhil/PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of <88,7630> words. Statement of use of third party for editorial help I can confirm that my thesis was copy edited for conventions of language, spelling and grammar by Josh Collins and Greg Demmons. 2 of 3 Abstract Under the Koizumi and Abe administrations, the deterioration of the Japan-China relationship and growing tension between Japan and North Korea were often interpreted as being caused by the rise of nationalism. This thesis aims to explore this question by looking at Japan’s foreign policy in the region and uncovering how political actors manipulated the concept of nationalism in foreign policy discourse. -
New Directions In
New Initiatives for Solving the Northern Territories Issue between Japan and Russia: An Inspiration from the Åland Islands Conference Mariehamn/Åland, 18-20 August 2006 Organized by Kimie Hara & Masako Ikegami Proceedings Edited by Kimie Hara and Geoffrey Jukes Issues & Insights Vol. 7- No. 4 April 2007 Pacific Forum CSIS Based in Honolulu, the Pacific Forum CSIS (www.pacforum.org) operates as the autonomous Asia-Pacific arm of the Center for Strategic and International Studies in Washington, DC. The Forum’s programs encompass current and emerging political, security, economic, business, and oceans policy issues through analysis and dialogue undertaken with the region’s leaders in the academic, government, and corporate areas. Founded in 1975, it collaborates with a broad network of research institutes from around the Pacific Rim, drawing on Asian perspectives and disseminating project findings and recommendations to opinion leaders, governments, and members of the public throughout the region. Table of Contents Page Foreword v By Kimie Hara The Åland Settlement as a Resolution Model for Asia-Pacific Regional Conflicts? Considering the “Nitobe Settlement” for the “Northern Territories” Problem as a Case Study 1 By Kimie Hara The Autonomy of Åland and Conflict Resolution 15 By Elisabeth Nauclér The Northern Territories Issue Japanese-Russian Relations and Concerns in Japan 25 By Hiroshi Kimura The Territorial dispute between Japan and Russia The “Two-island Solution” and Prospects for Putin’s Last Years as President 39 By Konstantin Sarkisov -
Japanese Electoral Politics: Reform, Results, and Prospects for the Future
Japanese Electoral Politics: Reform, Results, and Prospects for the Future Author: Joe Michael Sasanuma Persistent link: http://hdl.handle.net/2345/470 This work is posted on eScholarship@BC, Boston College University Libraries. Boston College Electronic Thesis or Dissertation, 2004 Copyright is held by the author, with all rights reserved, unless otherwise noted. BOSTON COLLEGE JAPANESE ELECTORAL POLITICS: REFORM, RESULTS AND PROSPECTS FOR THE FUTURE A SENIOR HONORS THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE HONORS PROGRAM OF THE DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE AND THE COLLEGE OF ARTS AND SCIENCES BY JOE M. MICHAEL SASANUMA April 2004 - 1 - Table of Contents Part I: Introduction 3 Chapter 1: The Lost Ten Years 4 Part II: Revolution, Realignment, and the Man Named Ozawa 12 Chapter 2: Money and Machine Politics 13 Chapter 3: Ozawa Ichiro’s Reform, Revolt, and Revolution 15 Chapter 4: Hosokawa’s Fall, LDP’s Return, and Ozawa Again 21 Chapter 5: Realignment 24 Part III: The Electoral System: Before and After 38 Chapter 6: The Medium Size Election District System 39 Chapter 7: The Mixed System 43 Chapter 8: Analyzing the New Electoral System 49 Part IV: Previous Elections 66 Chapter 9: The Election of 1996 67 Chapter 10: The Election of 2000 69 Part V: The Election of 2003 77 Chapter 11: Results and Analysis 78 Chapter 12: Predictions and Results 88 Chapter 13: District Analysis 102 Part VI: Conclusion 132 Chapter 14: Prospects for the Future 133 - 2 - Part I Introduction - 3 - Chapter 1: The Lost Ten Years In an interview conducted by the Yomiuri Shinbun newspaper in May of 2003, then- vice-speaker of the Lower House Watanabe Kozo called the past decade of Japanese politics “The Lost Ten Years.”1 Although the term is used more commonly to describe the Japanese economic stagnation of the 1990s, in many ways his use of the term to describe politics was equally appropriate. -
Establishing a Two-Party System in Japan
CENTRE FOR EAST AND SOUTH-EAST ASIAN STUDIES MASTER’S PROGRAMME IN ASIAN STUDIES ESTABLISHING A TWO-PARTY SYSTEM IN JAPAN ICHIRO OZAWA AND HIS DREAM OF ‘NORMAL NATION’ Li Xianwen May 2010 Supervisor: Mayumi Saegusa Li 2 ESTABLISHING A TWOPARTY SYSTEM IN JAPAN ICHIRO OZAWA AND HIS DREAM OF ‘NORMAL NATION’ Li Xianwen May 2010 In the 1990s, since the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) has dominated Japanese politics for nearly forty years, making Japanese politics more democratic became a hot issue. Many politicians and political organizations in Japan had joined the debate. A bestseller book, Blueprint For A New Japan, written by Ichiro Ozawa, arguing that establishing a two‐party system is the best way to make Japan more democratic. The two‐party system is the key factor of being a ‘normal nation’ that Ozawa has dreamed of. In 2009, the LDP was finally replaced by the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ). The two‐party system was thus established. Ozawa, currently the Secretary‐general of the DPJ, has contributed the most to the DPJ victory. This article explains that how Ozawa has contributed to the establishment of the two‐party system. I argue that Ozawa uses three strategies to establish the two‐party system: the single member district, party realignment, and Ozawa’s electoral successes. It is significant to see how Japanese democratization has developed in the last two decades through tracing Ozawa’s endeavors. TABLE OF CONTENTS AcknowleDgements I. IntroDuction Research Aims and Question Li 3 Research Methods Theoretical Framework and Literature Review Ethical Considerations Disposition Background The 1955 Political System Ichiro Ozawa II. -
Mizuho Research Paper [32] February, 2013
MIZUHO RESEARCH PAPER 32 Japan’s strategy on the regional economic integration of the Asia–Pacific region: its role as a bridge between the “Asia-Pacific” and “East Asia” Junichi Sugawara Senior Research Officer Junichi Sugawara, currently holds the position of Senior Research Officer at Mizuho Research Institute Ltd. (MHRI). He has engaged in research on international trade issues including those of the World Trade Organization (WTO), Asia–Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) and Free Trade Areas/Agreements (FTAs). He also served as advisor to the Permanent Delegation of Japan to the OECD in Paris during the period from July 2001 tro June 2004, engaging in trade, investment and cooperation with non–members. He concurrently holds the position of guest fellow of the WTO Research Center of Aoyama Gakuin University. E–mail: junichi.sugawara@mizuho–ri.co.jp This publication is compiled solely for the purpose of providing readers with information and is in no way meant to encourage readers to buy or sell financial instruments. Although this publication is compiled on the basis of sources which we believe to be reliable and correct, the Mizuho Research Institute does not warrant its accuracy and certainty. Readers are requested to exercise their own judgment in the use of this publication. Please also note that the contents of this publication may be subject to change without prior notice. Japan’s strategy on the regional economic integration of the Asia–Pacific region: its role as a bridge between the “Asia–Pacific” and “East Asia” Junichi Sugawara Senior Research Officer Published by Tokyo, February 2013 Contents page Summary 1 1. -
President Clinton's Meetings & Telephone Calls with Foreign
President Clinton’s Meetings & Telephone Calls with Foreign Leaders, Representatives, and Dignitaries from January 23, 1993 thru January 19, 20011∗ 1993 Telephone call with President Boris Yeltsin of Russia, January 23, 1993, White House declassified in full Telephone call with Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin of Israel, January 23, 1993, White House Telephone call with President Leonid Kravchuk of Ukraine, January 26, 1993, White House declassified in full Telephone call with President Hosni Mubarak of Egypt, January 29, 1993, White House Telephone call with Prime Minister Suleyman Demirel of Turkey, February 1, 1993, White House Meeting with Foreign Minister Klaus Kinkel of Germany, February 4, 1993, White House Meeting with Prime Minister Brian Mulroney of Canada, February 5, 1993, White House Meeting with President Turgut Ozal of Turkey, February 8, 1993, White House Telephone call with President Stanislav Shushkevich of Belarus, February 9, 1993, White House declassified in full Telephone call with President Boris Yeltsin of Russia, February 10, 1993, White House declassified in full Telephone call with Prime Minister John Major of the United Kingdom, February 10, 1993, White House Telephone call with Chancellor Helmut Kohl of Germany, February 10, 1993, White House declassified in full Telephone call with UN Secretary-General Boutros Boutros-Ghali, February 10, 1993, White House 1∗ Meetings that were only photo or ceremonial events are not included in this list. Meeting with Foreign Minister Michio Watanabe of Japan, February 11, 1993, -
RELIGIÃO E SEGURANÇA NO JAPÃO: Padrões Históricos E Desafios No Século XXI
UNIVERSIDADE FEDERAL DO RIO GRANDE DO SUL INSTITUTO DE FILOSOFIA E CIÊNCIAS HUMANAS PROGRAMA DE PÓS-GRADUAÇÃO EM CIÊNCIA POLÍTICA LORENZO DE AGUIAR PERES RELIGIÃO E SEGURANÇA NO JAPÃO: Padrões Históricos e Desafios no Século XXI Porto Alegre – RS 2010 LORENZO DE AGUIAR PERES RELIGIÃO E SEGURANÇA NO JAPÃO: Padrões Históricos e Desafios no Século XXI Dissertação de Mestrado apresentada ao Programa de Pós-Graduação em Ciência Política da Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul, para obtenção do grau de Mestre em Ciência Política. Orientador: Marco Aurélio Chaves Cepik Porto Alegre – RS 2010 2 Dedico esta Dissertação à minha mãe, Lícia Peres, cujo amor e estímulos diários me motivam a superar cada desafio. 3 AGRADECIMENTOS À Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) que financiou esta pesquisa. Ao programa de Pós-Graduação em Ciência Política da UFRGS por todo suporte acadêmico e técnico, possibilitando um ambiente propício para a elaboração do presente trabalho. Ao meu orientador e professor, Marco Cepik, pelo auxílio e rigor acadêmico, sempre buscando desenvolver meu senso crítico. Ao professor e amigo José Miguel Quedi Martins, que me estimulou a pesquisar este tema e sempre se dispôs a debatê-lo. Aos professores do Mestrado em Ciência Política, pelos ensinamentos e pela busca constante da excelência. Aos colegas e amigos Igor Castellano da Silva, Fernando Sebben, Julio Rodriguez, Rodrigo Cardoso, Gustavo Dullius, Luiza Schneider, Lucas Kerr, Fabrício Ávila, Nilo de Castro, Márcio Guimarães, Eduardo Bueno e João Chiarelli, que sempre se colocaram à disposição para debater assuntos relacionados às Relações Internacionais e à Ciência Política. -
Koizumi's Reform of Special Corporations Susan Carpenter
Journal of International Business and Law Volume 3 | Issue 1 Article 4 2004 Koizumi's Reform of Special Corporations Susan Carpenter Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarlycommons.law.hofstra.edu/jibl Recommended Citation Carpenter, Susan (2004) "Koizumi's Reform of Special Corporations," Journal of International Business and Law: Vol. 3: Iss. 1, Article 4. Available at: http://scholarlycommons.law.hofstra.edu/jibl/vol3/iss1/4 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Scholarly Commons at Hofstra Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in Journal of International Business and Law by an authorized administrator of Scholarly Commons at Hofstra Law. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Carpenter: Koizumi's Reform of Special Corporations THE JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL BUSINESS & LAW KOIZUMI'S REFORM OF SPECIAL CORPORATIONS By: Dr. Susan Carpenter* When Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi assumed office in April 2001 he pledged to initiate extensive structural reforms that would bring Japan's deflation-ridden economy back on track and renew consumer confidence. His mantra 'structural reform without sanctuary' brought memories of former Prime Ministers Morihiro Hosokawa and Maruyama's attempts at reforming the political and economic system during three turbulent years from 1993-1996. Koizumi's proposed reforms encompass three areas: (i) fiscal reforms; (ii) state-sector reforms; (iii) tackling the non-performing loans (NPL). He also promised to downgrade the Liberal Democratic Party, the party that has dominated national and local politics since 1955 and over which he presides as the president. Nearly three years later, despite Koizumi's efforts, the process of reform has occurred slowly, giving voters, who had high expectations that Japan's worst post-war recession would come to an end, the distinct impression that Koizumi's reforms may be more an image of the effort to reform. -
The Electoral Foundations of Japan's Financial Politics: the Case of Jusen
The Electoral Foundations of Japan’s Financial Politics: The Case of Jusen Frances Rosenbluth (Yale) and Michael F. Thies (UCLA) Draft, June 16, 1999 This paper was first presented at the American Political Science Association meetings held in Boston, September 1998. We would like to thank Stephan Haggard for many helpful suggestions, and Allison Kido, Ittetsu Kojima, Lung-Chi Lee, Robin Moriyama, Yasunori Saito, Atsuhiko Sakamoto, Ross Schaap, and Mitsue Sakomoto Suzuki for excellent research assistance. We also thank the participants of the UCLA Conference on Conference on The Political Economy of the Japanese Financial Crisis, February 1999, especially Ellis Krauss, Takeo Hoshi, Adam Posen, and Ulrike Schaede for their helpful comments. Abstract This paper locates Japan’s financial policies in the context of electoral incentives. The collapse of Japan’s economic bubble in 1989 exposed the rot in the banking system, hidden for decades by a Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) government intent on maintaining favor with local support groups, including small banks. In a move wholly uncharacteristic of Japan’s postwar politics, the LDP ultimately forced the banks to absorb huge losses rather than require taxpayers to bail out their mortgage-lending subsidiaries (jusen). We compare the government’s subsequent bank bailout scheme with past government action and find that the government’s objectives have shifted from boosting bank profits to ensuring their prudential regulation. We conclude on an optimistic note about the prospects for more majoritarian politics in Japan. THE ELECTORAL FOUNDATIONS OF JAPAN’S FINANCIAL POLITICS: THE CASE OF JUSEN Introduction Japanese politicians are hopelessly corrupt. Whether because of the long heritage of cronyism in Japanese political culture, or because of something in the water they drink, Japanese politicians are even more incorrigible than the average politician. -
Winners and Losers in Japan's Political Economy, and the Ties That Bind Them
Can Japan Disengage? Winners and Losers in Japan's Political Economy, and the Ties That Bind Them Steven K. Vogel Working Paper 111 December 1997 © Copyright 1997, by the author Steven K. Vogel is an Assistant Professor of Government at Harvard University. A revised and updated version of this paper will appear in Social Science Japan Journal. Comments welcome. The author would like to thank Robert Bullock, Mark Elder, and T.J. Pempel for valuable comments; Kenneth Haig for superb research assistance; and the Abe Foundation and the U.S.- Japan Program at Harvard University for financial support. Generous support for this publication has been provided by the Alfred P. Sloan Foundation. - 1 - The Japanese economy is splitting into two--or so it would seem from recent press reports.1 For many years, Japan's world-class manufacturers coexisted in relative harmony with uncompetitive small enterprises, inefficient service industries, and staunchly protected farmers. But as the economy matured, the interests of the two Japans diverged: one sought free trade and the other demanded protection; one thrived on competition and the other survived on regulation. Recent developments only exacerbated the conflict of interest between the two, as the prolonged recession made the system's inefficiencies less tolerable and the appreciation of the yen increased the gap between domestic and world market prices.2 In political terms, however, the two Japans never really parted ways. Consumers pay for protection and regulation through higher prices, fewer choices, and lower financial returns, yet sympathize with the farmers and shopkeepers and workers who might be displaced by liberalization. -
Do Development Minister Characteristics Affect Aid Giving?
A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Fuchs, Andreas; Richert, Katharina Working Paper Do Development Minister Characteristics Affect Aid Giving? Discussion Paper Series, No. 604 Provided in Cooperation with: Alfred Weber Institute, Department of Economics, University of Heidelberg Suggested Citation: Fuchs, Andreas; Richert, Katharina (2015) : Do Development Minister Characteristics Affect Aid Giving?, Discussion Paper Series, No. 604, University of Heidelberg, Department of Economics, Heidelberg, http://dx.doi.org/10.11588/heidok.00019769 This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/127421 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available under an Open gelten abweichend von -
Nbr Analysis
GREEN AND SAMUELS 1 ANALYSIS Volume 5, No. 4 RECALCULATING AUTONOMY: JAPAN’S CHOICES IN THE NEW WORLD ORDER Michael J. Green and Richard J. Samuels THE NATIONAL BUREAU OF ASIAN RESEARCH 2 NBR ANALYSIS © 1994 by The National Bureau of Asian Research. ISSN 1052-164X Printed in the United States of America. The National Bureau of Asian Research, a nonprofit, nonpartisan institution, conducts advanced policy research on contemporary and future issues concerning East Asia, Russia, and U.S. relations with the Asia-Pacific region. NBR does not advocate policy positions, but rather is dedicated to providing expert information and analysis for effective and far-sighted policy decisions. The NBR Analysis, which is published five times annually, offers timely reports on countries, events, and issues from recognized experts. The views expressed in these essays are those of the authors, and do not necessarily reflect the views of other NBR research associates or institutions that support NBR. This report may be reproduced for personal use. Otherwise, its articles may not be reproduced in full without the written permission of NBR. When information from this report is cited or quoted, please cite the author and The National Bureau of Asian Research. Funding for this publication was provided by the Henry M. Jackson Foundation. Publishing and production services by Laing Communications Inc., Redmond, Washington. NBR is a tax-exempt, nonprofit corporation under I.R.C. Sec. 501(c)(3), qualified to receive tax-exempt contributions. This is the nineteenth NBR Analysis. For further information about NBR, call or write: THE NATIONAL BUREAU OF ASIAN RESEARCH 715 SAFECO Plaza Seattle, WA 98185 (206) 632-7370 Fax (206) 632-7487 GREEN AND SAMUELS 3 FOREWORD Not since the Second World War has Japan faced a future fraught with so much uncertainty.