DOCSLIB.ORG

Kyrgyzstan by Erica Marat

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Kyrgyzstan by Erica Marat Kyrgyzstan by Erica Marat Capital: Bishkek Population: 5.3 million GNI/capita: US$2,150 Source: The data above was provided by The World Bank, World Bank Indicators 2010. Nations in Transit Ratings and Averaged Scores 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 Electoral Process 5.75 5.75 6.00 6.00 6.00 5.75 5.75 6.00 6.00 6.25 Civil Society 4.50 4.50 4.50 4.50 4.50 4.50 4.50 4.50 4.75 5.00 Independent Media 5.00 5.75 6.00 6.00 5.75 5.75 5.75 6.00 6.25 6.50 Governance* 5.25 5.50 6.00 6.00 n/a n/a n/a n/a n/a n/a National Democratic Governance n/a n/a n/a n/a 6.00 6.00 6.00 6.25 6.50 6.75 Local Democratic Governance n/a n/a n/a n/a 5.75 6.25 6.25 6.50 6.50 6.50 Judicial Framework and Independence 5.25 5.25 5.50 5.50 5.50 5.50 5.50 6.00 6.00 6.00 Corruption 6.00 6.00 6.00 6.00 6.00 6.00 6.00 6.25 6.25 6.50 Democracy Score 5.29 5.46 5.67 5.67 5.64 5.68 5.68 5.93 6.04 6.21 * Starting with the 2005 edition, Freedom House introduced separate analysis and ratings for national democratic governance and local democratic governance to provide readers with more detailed and nuanced analysis of these two important subjects. NOTE: The ratings reflect the consensus of Freedom House, its academic advisers, and the author(s) of this report. The opinions expressed in this report are those of the author(s). The ratings are based on a scale of 1 to 7, with 1 representing the highest level of democratic progress and 7 the lowest. The Democracy Score is an average of ratings for the categories tracked in a given year. 290 Nations in Transit 2010 Executive Summary n March 2005, President Askar Akayev was forced from office by opposition supporters protesting alleged electoral fraud and large-scale corruption. IOpposition leader Kurmanbek Bakiyev became president after Akayev’s ousting, but he failed to meet public expectations, quickly succumbing to corruption himself and increasingly resorting to authoritarian suppression of competing political forces. A new constitution adopted in 2007 lacked checks and balances, enabling President Bakiyev to appoint the government and judges and to secure a majority for his Ak Zhol party in the parliament. The violent dispersal of opposition demonstrations in April of that year, and the ongoing persecution of independent journalists further marred public perceptions of the Bakiyev regime, as did the president’s apparent unwillingness or inability to curb corruption in government and the business sector. These developments were strongly reminiscent of the crucial mistakes that had led to Akayev’s downfall. Driven by short-term goals to centralize his power, and failing to design viable economic and political policies, President Bakiyev showed signs of becoming an even more authoritarian and corrupt leader than his predecessor. President Bakiyev scheduled a presidential election for July 2009, months before the constitutionally defined election date. According to official results, he won 76 percent of the vote, while his main opponent, Almazbek Atambayev, earned a mere 8 percent. Following his reelection, President Bakiyev continued to sideline political opponents and silence critical media outlets. He also increased his personal control over the country’s military and security structures. The country saw a wave of violence against journalists and opposition leaders, as well as regional interethnic tensions, yet central and local authorities did little to address the unrest. National Democratic Governance. Governance in Kyrgyzstan became more authoritarian in 2009. After his reelection in July, President Bakiyev decreased the number of ministries and state agencies in order to centralize his own control over the government. The president also extended personal control over military structures and allowed the army to intervene in domestic affairs. A number of political assassinations and assaults on journalists demonstrated regime supporters’ willingness to use violence to quiet their opponents. In light of President Bakiyev’s efforts to consolidate control over the government and security structures, as well as his suppression of the opposition and civil society, Kyrgyzstan’s national democratic governance rating worsens from 6.50 to 6.75. Electoral Process. The July presidential election revealed the president’s readiness to manipulate the electoral system to enhance his own power. He was credited Kyrgyzstan 291 with 76 percent of the vote and immediately sought to suppress any opposition protests challenging the official results.Because of the president’s move to hold elections earlier than allowed by the constitution, and the widespread falsification of the vote, Kyrgyzstan’s rating for electoral process worsens from 6.00 to 6.25. Civil Society. Far fewer nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) were willing to participate in public life in 2009 compared with 2008, and local mass media often refused to publish statements by civil society activists. Following the presidential election in July, virtually no NGO has openly attempted to contest the results. Indeed, several opposition leaders and civil society activists fled Kyrgyzstan prior to the elections. The Bakiyev government also strengthened state control over religious institutions during the year. With Kyrgyz NGO leaders unable to engage in policy debates, Kyrgyzstan’s civil society rating worsens from 4.75 to 5.00. Independent Media. A series of violent attacks against journalists created an atmosphere of fear among local reporters in 2009. Most online and print media published fewer articles featuring criticism of government policy, effectively reducing opportunities for NGOs to speak out. In addition, the government introduced a bill during the summer that would categorize the Internet as a form of mass media, extending existing controls on traditional media to online outlets. Due to the wave of attacks on journalists and the government’s moves to impose greater restrictions on the Internet, Kyrgyzstan’s independent media rating worsens from 6.25 to 6.50. Local Democratic Governance. Ak Zhol, the ruling party, dominated local governmental structures, allowing central authorities to exert extensive control over all levels of government. Local officials proved unable to resolve interethnic conflicts during the year without the intervention of the central government. Kyrgyzstan’s rating for local democratic governance remains at 6.50. Judicial Framework and Independence. In 2009 the government considered a number of legal changes that would limit civic freedoms. For example, officials proposed legalizing capital punishment, arguing that it would demonstrate the “Kyrgyz” way of dealing with criminals and religious extremist groups. Because of this proposal and an array of existing harsh practices, Kyrgyzstan’s rating for judicial framework and independence remains at 6.00. Corruption. Corruption continued to plague all state institutions in 2009. The president created a new agency that would control all foreign financial inflows and national strategic enterprises, including foreign aid and credits. Maksim Bakiyev, the president’s son, was named to head the agency. Given this indication of unchecked nepotism and increasing opportunities for graft, Kyrgyzstan’s corruption rating worsens from 6.25 to 6.50. Outlook for 2010. In 2009, President Bakiyev demonstrated that he had gathered enough power to unilaterally implement substantial changes to the state structure 292 Nations in Transit 2010 and political system. He altered the cabinet and ministerial organization and called for an early presidential election. He also showed little desire to collaborate with civil society groups or opposition representatives in the parliament. The opposition in turn was unable to challenge the regime, as was clear when Atambayev lost the presidential race to President Bakiyev by a wide margin that went largely uncontested. However, it is unclear how long the president’s grip on power will hold, as his increasingly personalized rule has likely narrowed his institutional and political base of support. By the end of the year, Kyrgyzstan’s human rights and democracy situation had worsened, coming to resemble the grave situations in Uzbekistan and Tajikistan. Nearly all prominent opposition leaders have been effectively silenced through arrests or public shaming. Following an unprecedented number of physical attacks against journalists in 2009, local mass media and civil society are likely to be less critical of the government. Acts of violence have apparently become the president’s chosen method of dealing with opponents, creating a volatile atmosphere. Several NGO leaders, journalists, and politicians who have fled President Bakiyev’s Kyrgyzstan remain unable to return to the country. Given developments over the past year, prospects for an improvement in the country’s governance are dismal. Kyrgyzstan 293 Main Report National Democratic Governance 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 n/a n/a n/a n/a 6.00 6.00 6.00 6.25 6.50 6.75 Kyrgyzstan’s government became more authoritarian in 2009. After winning the early presidential election in July, President Kurmanbek Bakiyev promised to reform the government to eliminate corruption and promote more efficient decision- making. As part of this effort, he brought the National Security Service (SNB) as well as the Interior, Defense, and Foreign Affairs Ministries under his control. After dismissing the cabinet in October, President Bakiyev appointed Daniyar Usenov, who previously served as chief of his presidential staff and in several other high posts, as the new prime minister. The president’s son, Maksim Bakiyev was promoted to lead a new Central Agency on Development, Investment, and Innovation, which would control all foreign financial inflows, including aid and credits.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Rising Sinophobia in Kyrgyzstan: the Role of Political Corruption
    RISING SINOPHOBIA IN KYRGYZSTAN: THE ROLE OF POLITICAL CORRUPTION A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF SOCIAL SCIENCES OF MIDDLE EAST TECHNICAL UNIVERSITY BY DOĞUKAN BAŞ IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF SCIENCE IN THE DEPARTMENT OF EURASIAN STUDIES SEPTEMBER 2020 Approval of the thesis: RISING SINOPHOBIA IN KYRGYZSTAN: THE ROLE OF POLITICAL CORRUPTION submitted by DOĞUKAN BAŞ in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Science in Eurasian Studies, the Graduate School of Social Sciences of Middle East Technical University by, Prof. Dr. Yaşar KONDAKÇI Dean Graduate School of Social Sciences Assoc. Prof. Dr. Işık KUŞÇU BONNENFANT Head of Department Eurasian Studies Prof. Dr. Pınar KÖKSAL Supervisor Political Science and Public Administration Examining Committee Members: Assoc. Prof. Dr. Işık KUŞÇU BONNENFANT (Head of the Examining Committee) Middle East Technical University International Relations Prof. Dr. Pınar KÖKSAL (Supervisor) Middle East Technical University Political Science and Public Administration Assist. Prof. Dr. Yuliya BILETSKA Karabük University International Relations I hereby declare that all information in this document has been obtained and presented in accordance with academic rules and ethical conduct. I also declare that, as required by these rules and conduct, I have fully cited and referenced all material and results that are not original to this work. Name, Last name : Doğukan Baş Signature : iii ABSTRACT RISING SINOPHOBIA IN KYRGYZSTAN: THE ROLE OF POLITICAL CORRUPTION BAŞ, Doğukan M.Sc., Eurasian Studies Supervisor: Prof. Dr. Pınar KÖKSAL September 2020, 131 pages In recent years, one of the major problems that Kyrgyzstan witnesses is rising Sinophobia among the local people due to problems related with increasing Chinese economic presence in the country.
    [Show full text]
  • Introduction
    24th Deutsche Schule Athen Model United Nations | 22nd-24th October 2021 Forum: Special Political and Decolonization Committee (GA4) Issue: The current political situation in Kyrgyzstan Student Officer: Chris Moustakis Position: Main Chair INTRODUCTION “A country without solid borders is like a house without solid walls – it is bound to collapse”. Kyrgyzstan is a nation located in Central Asia. It is bordered by Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, and China. Its capital and largest city is Bishkek. Surprisingly, despite the state of solitude that one would assume the nation had throughout history (primarily due to its mountainous terrain and location), it has hosted countless civilizations throughout history, albeit temporarily. It served as a crossroads, as it was part of the Silk Road, a network of trade routes connecting the East and the West. On the 31st of August 1991, Kyrgyzstan declared independence from Moscow and formed a democratic government. It then attained sovereignty as a nation state, following the breakup of the Soviet Union in 1991. Ever since then, Kyrgyzstan has remained (at least officially) a unitary presidential republic. Despite this, the nation itself hasn’t been stable since independence. It undergoes ethnic disputes, revolts, transitional governments, political conflict and even economic crisis. To top it all off, on the 28th of April 2021 began a border conflict between Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan. The reason for this is rather debatable, as there are multiple theories. Figure 1: A map of the area of Kyrgyzstan and its neighboring nations.1 As the situation was addressed by Russia, the nation is “without leadership” and “chaotic”. It is undeniable that Kyrgyzstan has not had political stability ever since its independence.
    [Show full text]
  • ELECTION OBSERVATION DELEGATION to the PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS in KYRGYZSTAN (4 October 2015) Report by Ryszard Czarnecki, Chair
    ELECTION OBSERVATION DELEGATION TO THE PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS IN KYRGYZSTAN (4 October 2015) Report by Ryszard Czarnecki, Chair of the Delegation Annexes: A. Final programme (including list of participants) B. Statement of the Chair of the EP Delegation at the press conference C. IEOM Joint Press Statement D. IEOM Preliminary Findings and Conclusions Introduction Following an invitation sent by the President of the Parliament of the Kyrgyz Republic, the Conference of Presidents of the European Parliament authorised, on 10 September 2015, the sending of an Election Observation Delegation to observe the parliamentary elections in Kyrgyzstan scheduled for 4 October 2015. The European Parliament Election Observation Delegation was composed of six Members: Mr Ryszard Czarnecki (ECR, Poland), Mr Joachim Zeller (EPP, Germany), Mr Juan Fernando Lopez Aguilar (S&D, Spain), Ms Marietje Schaake (ALDE, Netherlands), Ms Tatjana Zdanoka (Greens/EFA, Latvia) and Mr Ignazio Corrao (EFDD, Italy). Mr Ryszard Czarnecki was elected Chair of the Delegation at the constituent meeting on 22 September 2015. The European Parliament Delegation performed the election observation in accordance with the Declaration of Principles of International Election Observation and the Code of Conduct for international election observers. It followed the OSCE/ODIHR's methodology in the evaluation procedure and assessed the election for its compliance with OSCE commitments for democratic elections. Members of the EP Delegation signed the Code of Conduct for Members of the European Parliament Election Observation Delegations, in conformity with the decision of the Conference of Presidents of 13 September 2012. Programme As is usual in the OSCE area, the Delegation was integrated within the framework of the OSCE/ODIHR election observation mission.
    [Show full text]
  • Relaciones India- República De Kirguistán Históricamente, La India
    Relaciones India- República de Kirguistán Históricamente, la India ha tenido estrechos contactos con Asia Central, especialmente con los países que formaban parte de la antigua Ruta de la Seda, como Kirguistán. Durante la era soviética, la India y la entonces República de Kirguistán tenían contactos políticos, económicos y culturales limitados. El ex primer ministro Rajiv Gandhi visitó Biskek y el lago Issyk-Kul en 1985. Desde la independencia de la República de Kirguistán el 31 de agosto de 1991, la India fue uno de los primeros en establecer relaciones diplomáticas en 1992 y la Misión residente de la India se creó el 23 de mayo de 1994. Relaciones políticas Los lazos políticos con la República de Kirguistán han sido tradicionalmente cálidos y amistosos. Kirguistán también apoya la candidatura de la India para un puesto permanente en el Consejo de Seguridad y en la Organización de Cooperación de Shanghái (OCS). Ambos países comparten preocupaciones comunes sobre la amenaza del terrorismo, el extremismo y el narcotráfico. Desde el establecimiento de las relaciones diplomáticas en 1992, los dos países han firmado varios acuerdos marco, en particular sobre la Aviación Civil, Promoción y Protección de Inversiones, evitar la doble imposición, Convención Consular, etc. En el plano institucional, las séptimas Consultas de Relaciones Exteriores se celebraron en Bishkek el 19 de marzo de 2015. La delegación de la India estuvo encabezada por Shri Singh Navtej Sarna, secretario (Oeste) y el lado kirguís estuvo encabezado por el Sr. Erines Otorbaev, el vicecanciller. Las 6ª Consultas de Relaciones Exteriores se celebraron en Nueva Delhi el 4 de agosto de 2011.
    [Show full text]
  • Kyrgyzstan: Closer to Democracy — and Russia
    At a glance October 2015 Kyrgyzstan: Closer to democracy — and Russia Praised by both Russian and European observers, the elections of 4 October 2015 are considered a milestone in Kyrgyzstan's democratic transition of the country, consolidating the new political system launched by the new constitution adopted after the 2010 revolution. With seats split between six pro-Moscow parties, the results entail the formation of a coalition government in the fractured parliament, and herald further rapprochement to Russia. Background: transition to parliamentary democracy Once regarded as an 'island of democracy' in Central Asia, Kyrgyzstan has a turbulent political history. The first president of independent Kyrgyzstan, Askar Akayev, was toppled in political unrest, known as the Tulip Revolution, in April 2005. The European Parliament (EP) resolution of 12 May 2005 called on Kyrgyz authorities to begin a genuine democratisation process, welcoming the launch of an inclusive process of constitutional reform aiming to ensure fundamental change. Hopes for a democratic transition soon faded with President Kurmanbek Bakiyev's increasingly authoritarian rule, as noted in a May 2006 EP resolution. Bakiyev's ousting in April 2010, known as the 'second tulip revolution', presented a window of opportunity for democratisation. A new constitution, adopted after the referendum in June 2010, transformed Kyrgyzstan from an authoritarian presidential system to a relatively democratic semi-presidential one, combining elements of parliamentary and presidential systems in addition to checks-and-balances mechanisms. As the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) acknowledges, progress towards consolidation continued with the legislative elections of October 2010. The presidential elections of October 2011 thus constituted the final step in the post-Bakiyev transition process.
    [Show full text]
  • The Tension Between the Current and Former Presidents Has Become a Clear Political and Media Conflict the Kyrgyz Elite Chose the Current President (Translated)
    Media Office of Hizb ut Tahrir Kyrgyzstan REF: 1440 / 01 Monday, 10th Rabii’ II 1440 AH 17/12/2018 CE Press Release The Tension between the Current and Former Presidents has become a Clear Political and Media Conflict The Kyrgyz Elite Chose the Current President (Translated) In last year's presidential election, former Kyrgyz President Almazbek Atambayev nominated Sooronbay Jeenbekov on behalf of the Social Democratic Party. Jeenbekov was a close friend of Atambayev when he worked for almost a year as prime minister until he became president. However, after he became president, he began to pursue his own policies and prevent the suicide, as he described the informal co-ordination policy of the former president. As a result, tension rose between the current president and the former president. The former leadership of the former president was left to choose one of these two politicians and the division took place. In April, Atambayev announced his return to the political arena and was elected head of the Social Democratic Party, and the party was split into two parts and has not yet united. President Jeenbekov has used his presidential powers to dismiss many of Atambayev's officials and arrest some of them. So far, he has exposed a number of major corruption offences that occurred during the period of Prime Minister Sapar Isakov, and then arrested Isakov himself. Later in Moscow, Ikramjan Ilmiyanov, who was promoted from his job as president Atambayev’s driver in his time to a leading post in the Atambayev presidency, was arrested and then taken to Kyrgyzstan.
    [Show full text]
  • The 'Colorful' Revolution of Kyrgyzstan: Democratic Transition
    The ‘Colorful’ Revolution of Kyrgyzstan: Democratic Transition or Global Competition? Yilmaz Bingol* This paper aims to analyze the reasons behind the recent revolution of Kyrgyzstan. I will argue that explaining the revolution through just the rhetoric of “democracy and freedom” needs to be reassessed, as comparing with its geo-cultural environment; Kyrgyzstan had been the most democratic of Central Asian republics. Thus, the paper argues that global competition between US and China-Russia should seriously be taken under consideration as a landmark reason behind the Kyrgyz revolution. The “Rose Revolution” in Georgia and the “Orange Revolution” in Ukraine followed by yet another “colorful” revolution in Kyrgyzstan in the March of 2005. A group of opposition who were dissatisfied with the result of the Parliamentary Election taken place on February 27th and March 13th of 2005 upraised against incumbent regime of Askar Akayev. Accusing the incumbent regime with the felony and asking for more democracy and freedom, the opposition took over Akayev from the power and closed the last stage of the colorful revolution of Kyrgyzstan on March 24-25, 2005. Common characteristics of all these colorful revolutionist were that they all used rhetoric of “democracy and freedom,” and that they were all pro-western especially pro-American. It seems that it has become a tradition in the West to call such revolutions with the colorful names. This tradition may trace back to Samuel Huntington’s famous “third wave democracy” which was started with “Carnation Revolution” of Portugal in 1974. As Western politicians and academicians have often used such “colorful” names for post-communist and post-Soviet cases since then, they must have regarded these revolutions as the extension of what Huntington has called the “third wave”.
    [Show full text]
  • Kyrgyz Youth in Human Rights Education
    Kyrgyz Youth in Human Rights Education YOUTH HUMAN RIGHTS GROUP he Youth Human Rights Group (YHRG) was established in 1995 with a mission to protect and promote human rights in general and child rights in Tparticular in the Kyrgyz Republic and Central Asia. As a non-profit, non- governmental organization (NGO), YHRG undertakes human rights education and awareness-raising activities, monitoring of the���������������������������������������� ������������������������������������human rights/child rights situation, legal counseling, and lobbying for legislations affecting the youth. Education program three seven-day seminars for young activists from Tajikistan, Uzbekistan and Kyrgyzstan, The educational activities of YHRG include followed by a ten-day training holding classes on human rights and child rights • Human rights education training for second- in primary and secondary schools, publishing ary school teachers textbooks, making video materials, holding • Development and publication of educational training seminars for teachers, representatives printed and video materials of NGOs, students and volunteers. The aware- • Education on human rights and public inter- ness-raising activities include the publication of est practice for young activists the bulletin on the rights of the child entitled • Internships in YHRG for young activists Chaika, radio programs on human rights, vari- from different regions ������������������(Osh, Djalal-Abad, ous informational leaflets and other materials. Batken, Issyk-Kul, Talas, Naryn, Chui)��� of The
    [Show full text]
  • A Hollow Regime Collapses
    Policy Briefing Asia Briefing N°102 Bishkek/Brussels, 27 April 2010 Kyrgyzstan: A Hollow Regime Collapses This briefing explains and analyses the events of the past I. OVERVIEW five years, in an effort to provide context and background to the uprising. Bakiyev came to power in the so-called A swift, violent rebellion swept into the Kyrgyz capital Tulip Revolution of March 2005, which ousted President Bishkek in early April 2010, sparked by anger at painful Askar Akayev, whom opposition leaders accused of nepo- utility price increases and the corruption that was the de- tism, corruption and growing authoritarianism. Once in fining characteristic of President Kurmanbek Bakiyev’s office, Bakiyev quickly abandoned most semblances of rule. In less than two days the president had fled. Some democracy, creating a narrow-based political structure 85 people were killed and the centre of the capital was run by his own family and for their profit. A combination looted. The thirteen-member provisional government now of ruthlessness and incompetence led to the regime’s faces a daunting series of challenges. Bakiyev leaves be- downfall. Almost exactly five years after his victory, Baki- hind a bankrupt state hollowed out by corruption and crime. yev was charged with the same abuses as Akayev had been, Economic failure and collapsing infrastructure have gen- by many of the same people with whom he had staged the erated deep public resentment. If the provisional govern- 2005 “revolution”. ment moves fast to assert its power, the risks of major long-term violence are containable: there are no signs of Despite the much-discussed theory that Moscow instigated extensive support for Bakiyev or of a North-South split.
    [Show full text]
  • TW 74 ENG.Pdf
    Тurkic Weekly 2017 22 (74) (19 - 25 June ) Тurkic Weekly presents the weekly review of the most significant developments in the Turkic world. Тurkic Weekly provides timely information and an objective assessment on relevant issues in the agenda of Turkic countries. Тurkic Weekly is a weekly information and analytical digest, published by the International Turkic Academy. THE FIFTH WORLD KURULTAI OF KAZAKHS TOOK PLACE IN ASTANA Last week Kazakhstan hosted the 5th World Kurultai of Kazakhs with the participation of the President of the Republic of Kazakhstan Nursultan Nazarbayev. The event was held from 22nd to 25th June. On June 22, a grand opening was held. More than 800 delegates took part in the event, 350 of which represent 39 countries. Among them are representatives of sports, state and public organizations. Almost 80% of delegates participate in Kurultai for the first time. As is known, the program of Kurultai is based on the conceptual ideas of the President of Kazakhstan Nursultan Nazarbayev, outlined in the program article "The Course towards Future: Modernization of Public Consciousness". Speaking to the audience, N.A. Nazarbayev greeted all participants of the World Kurultai who arrived in Astana from 39 countries of the near and far abroad. Nursultan Nazarbayev emphasized the success and reforms implemented in Kazakhstan for 25 years since the first Kurultai. The President of Kazakhstan also separately focused on six projects implemented in the framework of modernization of public consciousness, including transition of the Kazakh alphabet into Latin script, translation of 100 best textbooks of the humanitarian direction, the "Motherland", "Sacred Geography of Kazakhstan", "Modern Kazakhstan culture in the global World","100 new persons of Kazakhstan" projects.
    [Show full text]
  • India-Kyrgyz Republic Bilateral Relations
    India-Kyrgyz Republic bilateral relations Historically, India has had close contacts with Central Asia, especially countries which were part of the Ancient Silk Route, including Kyrgyzstan. During the Soviet era, India and the then Kyrgyz Republic had limited political, economic and cultural contacts. Former Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi visited Bishkek and Issyk-Kul Lake in 1985. Since the independence of Kyrgyz Republic on 31st August, 1991, India was among the first to establish diplomatic relations on 18 March 1992; the resident Mission of India was set up on 23 May 1994. Political relations Political ties with the Kyrgyz Republic have been traditionally warm and friendly. Kyrgyzstan also supports India’s bid for permanent seat at UNSC and India’s full membership in the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO). Both countries share common concerns on threat of terrorism, extremism and drug–trafficking. Since the establishment of diplomatic relations in 1992, the two countries have signed several framework agreements, including on Culture, Trade and Economic Cooperation, Civil Aviation, Investment Promotion and Protection, Avoidance of Double Taxation, Consular Convention etc. At the institutional level, the 8th round of Foreign Office Consultation was held in Bishkek on 27 April 2016. The Indian delegation was led by Ms. Sujata Mehta, Secretary (West) and Kyrgyz side was headed by Mr. Azamat Usenov, Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs. An Indo-Kyrgyz Joint Commission on Trade, Economic, Scientific and Technological Cooperation was set up in 1992. The 8th Session of India-Kyrgyz Inter- Governmental Commission on Trade, Economic, Scientific and Technological Cooperation was held in Bishkek on 28 November 2016.
    [Show full text]
  • Kyrgyzstan: Recent Developments and U.S. Interests
    Kyrgyzstan: Recent Developments and U.S. Interests Jim Nichol Specialist in Russian and Eurasian Affairs August 30, 2013 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov 97-690 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress Kyrgyzstan: Recent Developments and U.S. Interests Summary Kyrgyzstan is a small and poor Central Asian country that gained independence in 1991 with the breakup of the Soviet Union. The United States has been interested in helping Kyrgyzstan to enhance its sovereignty and territorial integrity, bolster economic reform and development, strengthen human rights, prevent weapons proliferation, and more effectively combat transnational terrorism and trafficking in persons and narcotics. Special attention long has been placed on bolstering civil society and democratization in what has appeared to be the most receptive—but still challenging—political and social environment in Central Asia. The significance of Kyrgyzstan to the United States increased after the September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks on the United States. Kyrgyzstan offered to host U.S. forces at an airbase at the Manas international airport outside of the capital, Bishkek, and it opened in December 2001. The U.S. military repaired and later upgraded the air field for aerial refueling, airlift and airdrop, medical evacuation, and support for U.S. and coalition personnel and cargo transiting in and out of Afghanistan. The Kyrgyz government threatened to close down the airbase in early 2009, but renewed the lease on the airbase (renamed the Manas Transit Center) in June 2009 after the United States agreed to higher lease and other payments. President Almazbek Atambayev and the legislature have stated that the basing agreement will not be renewed when it expires in 2014.
    [Show full text]