ISBN 2164-6406 http://journals.uncc.edu/urbaned http://thecollaborative.uncc.edu
Volume 4
Number 1
May 2016 URBAN EDUCATION RESEARCH AND POLICY
AAnnuals Peer-Reviewed Online Graduate Student Journal
Journal Articles
Research Briefs
Policy Briefs
Book Reviews
Executive Editor Chance W. Lewis, Ph.D. Editor Katie E. Brown Co-Editor Tempestt R. Adams URBAN EDUCATION RESEARCH AND POLICY
Annuals A Peer-Reviewed Online Graduate Student Journal
Table of Contents ISBN 2164-6406 Foreword ………………………………………………………...….…….…. p. 4 http://journals.uncc.edu/urbaned http://thecollaborative.uncc.edu Commentary ………………………………………………………...….…..... p. 6 Volume 4 Section I: Higher Education Number 1
Supporting High-Achieving Nontraditional Black Male Undergraduates: May 2016 Implications for Theory, Policy and Practice ……………………..……....…. p. 9
Too Stressed to Persist to Graduation: Accessing Financial Aid at a Historically Black University in Texas ………………………………………………….... p. 17
Black Culture Centers: A Review of Pertinent Literature …………….…..… p. 30
Recruiting and Retaining African American Male Administrators at Predominately White Institution ………………………………………..…... p. 39
Students on the Margins-Margins: A Critical Examination of Research on African American Foster Youth in Higher Education ……………………………... p. 47 dfkj
Section II: Identity & Intersectionality Journal Articles
Experiences of Being a Queer Black Male: Identity Politics, Education and Work………………………………………………………………………… p. 56 Research Briefs
Progression to Womanhood: A Framework on the Identity Development of Black Policy Briefs American College Women ………………………………………………….. p. 65 Book Reviews African American Female Doctoral Students: Experiences, Motivation and Perceptions of Hegemony in Preparation for Careers in Educational Leadership …………………………………………………...… p. 82
Section III: K-12 Education
Caring for Black Males: An Ethnographic Exploration of Educational Executive Editor Experiences of Black Males in a GED Program ………………………….... p. 91 Chance W. Lewis, Ph.D. Editor Katie E. Brown A Pilot Study Evaluation the Parent Proficiencies Questionnaire for African Co-Editor American Parents (PPQ-AA) ……..……………...….……………………... p. 99 Tempestt R. Adams 2 URBAN EDUCATION RESEARCH AND POLICY
Annuals A Peer-Reviewed Online Graduate Student Journal
Table of Contents ISBN 2164-6406 http://journals.uncc.edu/urbaned Section III: K-12 Education Continued http://thecollaborative.uncc.edu sdkfj Homeschoolers: Experiences of African American Male Students- A Volume 4 Phenomenological Study …………………………………………...……… p. 110 Number 1
Does Racism Exist in the Hiring and Promotion of K-12 School May 2016 Administrators………………………………….………………………….. p. 122 dfkj Section IV: Special Education
African American Resilience: The Need for Policy in Escaping the Trap of Special Education …………………………………………………………...……… p. 138
Triple Identity Theory: A Theoretical Framework for Understanding Gifted Black Males with Dyslexia ……………………………….……………………. p. 147 skil Section V: Science, Technology, Engineering and Mathematics
Research Environments as Counterspaces? Examining Spaces that Inhibit and Support Science Identity Development for Black Students in STEM …….. p. 160 Journal Articles
“I’m Going to Prove Somebody Right”: Deconstructing African American Male Research Briefs Identity in Mathematics and Science ……………………………….….….. p. 170
An Investigation of Mathematics Performance of High School Students in Lagos Policy Briefs state, Nigeria: External Factors……………………………………….……. p. 178 Book Reviews Voices of Black Women as Directors of Informal STEM Programs………..p. 189
Call for Manuscripts……………………………………………………… p. 201 Executive Editor sdkfj Chance W. Lewis, Ph.D. Editor Katie E. Brown Co-Editor Tempestt R. Adams
3 Urban Education Research and Policy Annuals Vol. 4(1)
A Foreword
In recent months, college students and administrators have increasingly turned their attention to issues of race on campus. High-profile protests at Yale, the University of Missouri, and other institutions have sparked renewed public interest in racial equity in higher education (Dean, 2015). At the same time, the Supreme Court has once again taken up the issue of affirmative action in college admissions (Savage, 2016). This confluence of events has led to widespread public dialogue about the experiences of African American students in higher education, in K-12 public schools, and in broader society. The articles that comprise this fourth volume of Urban Education Research and Policy Annuals constitute a substantive contribution to that ongoing public dialogue. Our contributors consider issues facing African American students and leaders in higher education, K-12, and special education; dimensions of African American identity; and how African American students and educators navigate STEM fields. Combined, these articles provide valuable insight into both the challenges facing African American students, and opportunities to provide equitable opportunities for learning for all students. This issue has been divided into five themed sections. The first section includes pieces from authors who critically examine higher education in the context of African American students. Ramon B. Goings makes the case for a greater focus on high-achieving, nontraditional Black male college students to counter the dominant narrative about African American males in higher education. Tammy D. Lane assesses the obstacles presented by financial aid to African American students pursuing their degrees. In a time of increasingly scarce campus resources, Kimberly Sanders makes the case for the importance of Black culture centers on college campuses. DeWitt Scott provides recommendations for how predominantly White institutions can recruit and retain African American male administrators. In his examination of African American foster youth in higher education, Kenyon L. Whitman considers how these students are doubly marginalized. These articles shed new light on how African American students and faculty navigate higher education. The articles in the second section of this issue take up the theme of identity and intersectionality. Devin D. Moss considers how queer Black males navigate educational and professional spaces. Moss ultimately argues that the intersectional nature of these and other identities mandates more complex and multidimensional policies to combat bias and homophobia. Shawna M. Patterson takes a similar look at the intersectional nature of identity for Black females. Patterson demonstrates that traditional frameworks of African American identity development fail to account for gender, and proposes a new conceptual framework for female African American identity development. In her complementary piece, Keisha M. Baylor reports on a qualitative study of the experiences of African American female doctoral students in educational leadership. Baylor describes how these students navigate institutional and professional hegemony in the context of their racial and gendered identities. These scholars provide important insight into the juncture of race, gender, and sexuality. The third section of this issue focuses on K-12 education. Julia C. Ransom considers the impact of an ethic of care on Black male students in an alternative GED program. Laura Reid Marks, Cirecie A. West-Olatunji, and Rachael D. Goodman describe a newly piloted instrument for evaluating the parenting proficiencies of African American parents in a culturally responsive way. They consider the possibilities of the instrument for predicting student academic achievement. With respect to K-12 educational leadership, Phillip A. Smith evaluates the evidence of racism in the hiring and promotion of school leaders. Lastly, Jasmine D. Williams presents a phenomenological study of African American male homeschool students. These
4 A Foreword! pieces push the boundaries of the extant body of knowledge about African American students in K-12 schools. In the fourth section, authors take a critical look at special education. The overrepresentation of African American students in special education is well documented (Lewis, Chamber, & Butler, 2012), making this a key issue in urban education. Using the ecological model of human development, Farris Muhammad proposes a model to explain how race, class, and gender converge to produce this overrepresentation. Shawn Robinson provides a fresh perspective on Black males who qualify for special education services and also are identified as gifted. Robinson articulates the Triple Identity Theory as a lens for understanding the academic and social experiences of African American males who are gifted and have a disability. The articles in this section add nuance to the ongoing conversation about race and special education. The fifth and final section of this issue revolves around science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM) education, both domestically and abroad. Tonisha B. Lane documents how undergraduate research opportunities can create spaces for African American students to resist microaggressions and stereotypes in STEM. Similarly, KiMi L. Wilson explores how African American students develop identities as math and science learners in K-12 settings, and how this early identity development impacts STEM participation at the college level. Taking an international perspective, Olalekan O. Idowu investigates school factors impacting high school math achievement in Nigeria. Lastly, Jessica A. Wilson and Natalie S. King report the findings of an authoethnographic study of the experiences of African American female directors of informal STEM programs. These authors highlight the challenges faced by African Americans in STEM education, but also the opportunities for resistance and transformative change in these spaces. As a whole, the articles in this volume represent both the tremendous progress that has been made to advance equitable education for African American students in urban schools, and the tremendous work yet to be done. My hope is that this volume of Urban Education Research and Policy Annuals will inform future research, policies, and school practices to advance the cause of social justice through education.
Katie E. Brown Editor
References Dean, M. (2015, December 29). Race on campus: The year of ‘making a statement on what America should be’. The Guardian. Retrieved from http://www.theguardian.com/us- news/2015/dec/29/college-university-campus-racism-protest-yale-georgetown-amherst- missouri Lewis, C. W., Chambers, T. V., & Butler, B. R. (2012). Urban education in the 21st century: An overview of selected issues that impact African American student outcomes. In J. L. Moore & C. W. Lewis (Eds.), African American students in urban schools: Critical issues and solutions for achievement (pp. 11-30). New York, NY: Peter Lang. Savage, D. G. (2016, January 4). Supreme Court set to rule on abortion, affirmative action and immigration cases. The SunHerald. Retrieved from http://www.sunherald.com/news/politics-government/article53006225.html
5 Urban Education Research and Policy Annuals Vol. 4(1)
Early College High Schools: An Answer to College and Career Readiness? A Commentary
Tempestt R. Adams University of North Carolina at Charlotte
The authors in this 2016 volume of Urban Education Research and Policy Annuals study factors impacting African American students across the educational spectrum considering identity development, special education, K-12 education, higher education, and science, technology, engineering and mathematics. To complement these works and two of the embedded themes (K-12 education and higher education), I discuss early college high schools including their purpose, student outcomes, and the need for more research.
What are early college high schools? Early college high schools (ECHS) are small schools typically connected to and located on a community college or university campus. These small schools were created as an alternative to the traditional high school, which Fischetti, MacKain and Smith (2011) describe as obsolete. Early colleges were designed to increase graduation and college-going rates by providing students with up to sixty college credits upon graduation. Blending high school and college curriculum and access to college campuses motivates students to continue on with their education (Kuo, 2010). What sets early college high schools apart are their target population: students who have traditionally underperformed in school and those that are underrepresented in higher education such as minority students, first-generation college students, students from low socioeconomic backgrounds, English language learners, and other underrepresented groups (“Overview & FAQS,” 2013). As a part of the national small school movement, most early college high schools have no more than 400 students enrolled.
What are student outcomes? In 2013, the American Institute for Research (AIR) and SRI International produced findings from a longitudinal study designed to assess the impacts of early college high schools across a sample of 10 schools. Findings from this study revealed early college high school students were significantly more likely to graduate from high school, attend college and complete college as compared to non-ECHS student attendees. Edmunds (2010) found that early college students are showing higher levels of academic achievement, more positive experiences in schools, fewer absences, and are less likely to be suspended.
What research is needed? To date, early college high schools remain under-researched (Edmunds et al., 2012; Jacobson, 2005; Kaniuka & Vickers, 2010). Research is needed to further understand student and staff experiences, how the high school and college partnerships are negotiated, and student outcomes. Early colleges are operating as an answer to the call for increasing students’ preparedness for college and careers, both on academic and social levels (Healy, 2009), but continued research is needed to inform educational stakeholders on how this academic space is impacting the lives of students, including their postsecondary preparation.
Final Thought The impact of an early college high school could be insurmountable as students could graduate with the equivalent of an associate’s degree, which would in turn lessen the time to
6 A Commentary! complete a bachelor’s degree or enable them to immediately enter the workforce. In addition, this saves significant money for students and their families in furthering their education. This is significant considering Black and low-income students are borrowing money for their education at higher amounts and interest rates (Mulesman, 2015). Furthermore, given the early colleges goal of serving students underrepresented in higher education, it serves as one strategy for increasing the presence of students of color, first-generation college students, and students from lower socioeconomic backgrounds on our college campuses.
References American Institutes for Research & SRI International. (2013). Early College, early success: Early college high school initiative impact study. Washington, DC: American Institutes for Research. Retrieved from. http://www.air.org/sites/default/files/downloads/report/ECHSI_Impact_Study_Report_Fi nal1_0.pdf Edmunds, J. A. (2010). A better 9th grade: Early results from an experimental study of the early college high school model. A Policy Brief. Greensboro, NC: SERVE Center. Retrieved from http://www.serve.org/FileLibraryDetails.aspx?id=179 Edmunds, J. A., Bernstein, L., Unlu, F., Glennie, E., Willse, J., Smith, A., & Arshavsky, N. (2012). Expanding the start of the college pipeline: Ninth-grade findings from an experimental study of the impact of the early college high school model. Journal of Research on Educational Effectiveness, 5(2), 136-159. Fischetti, J., MacKain, S., & Smith, R. (2011). Mr. Watson, come here...: The performance of early college students in their first year at the university and the challenge to P-16 education. Improving Schools, 14(1), 48-64. Jacobson, J. (2005). The early college experiment. Chronicle of Higher Education, 51(27), 36- 38. Kaniuka, T. S., & Vickers, M. (2010). Lessons learned: How early college high schools offer a pathway for high school reform. NASSP Bulletin, 94(3), 165-183. Kuo, V. (2010). Transforming American high schools: Possibilities for the next phase of high school reform. Peabody Journal of Education, 85(3), 389-401. doi: 10.1080/0161956X.2010.491709 Mulesman, M. (2015, May 19). The debt divide: The racial and class bias behind the ‘new normal’ of student borrowing. Retrieved from http://www.demos.org/publication/debt- divide-racial-and-class-bias-behind-new-normal-student-borrowing Overview & FAQS. (2013). Retrieved from http://www.earlycolleges.org/overview.html
7 SECTION ONE Higher Education
8 Urban Education Research and Policy Annuals Vol. 4(1)
Supporting High-Achieving Nontraditional Black Male Undergraduates: Implications for Theory, Policy, and Practice
Ramon Bailey Goings Loyola University Maryland
To address deficit-oriented discourse about Black males in higher education, researchers have begun to focus on high-achieving Black males. Despite this focus, there is limited research on high-achieving nontraditional Black males (HNBMs). The purpose of this article is to urge the start of a new scholarly conversation focused on investigating the experiences of HNBM collegians in order to develop programs and policies to support the retention and graduation of all nontraditional Black males. To begin this conversation, I first examine the challenges that nontraditional Black students face in higher education to contextualize the need for studies that focus on HNBM collegians. Second, I discuss the current literature which explores the experiences of high-achieving Black male students and how focusing on HNBMs fills a gap in the scholarly discourse. Lastly, the article concludes with implications for theory, university policymakers, and practitioners. Keywords: Black males, nontraditional, higher education, high-achieving
Over the past fifteen years, institutions of higher education (IHEs) have witnessed a dramatic increase in their nontraditional student population (National Center for Educational Statistics [NCES], 2013). The NCES, for example, predicts that between 2011 and 2021, the nontraditional student population (defined as a student age 25 and over) will increase by 14 percent. As the nontraditional student population continues to increase, it is also important that IHEs address the needs of their Black nontraditional student population as the National Urban League (NUL; 2014) found that approximately 65 percent of Black college undergraduate students identify as nontraditional, which they defined based on the students’ financial independent status. Regardless of definition, researchers contend that nontraditional students often bring an array of experiences to campus and the classroom including but not limited to: having maintained full-time employment, taking care of children, and being financially independent (Kenner & Weinerman, 2011; NUL, 2014). However, juggling these various responsibilities also serves as a barrier to their degree attainment (Gast, 2013). While scholars have focused on nontraditional college students generally, there has been limited scholarship on nontraditional Black male undergraduates (Goings, 2015a). Investigating the plight of Black males in higher education is paramount as they have a 33 percent six-year graduation rate (Harper, 2012). Unfortunately, similar to studies focusing on the barriers for nontraditional college students, the struggles Black males face in higher education have been studied in great detail (Harper, 2009). If educational stakeholders seek to help nontraditional Black male students overcome the obstacles they face, I argue that researchers and practitioners must begin to ask those high-achieving nontraditional Black male (HNBM) undergraduate students how they succeeded. To date, there is limited research highlighting the experiences of HNMBs (Goings, 2015a,b). Given the call from policymakers to diversify the workforce particularly in the science, technology engineering, and mathematic (STEM) disciplines, HNBMs have a unique opportunity to fill this void. Moreover, Levin, Belfield, Muennig, and Rouse (2007) found that focusing on ensuring the success of Black males will provide additional tax revenues and limit public health care and criminal justice costs. Thus, ensuring the academic
9 Supporting High-Achieving Nontraditional Black Male Undergraduates success of Black males will have not only an impact on higher education, but also the society at large. The purpose of this article is to urge the start of a new scholarly conversation focused on investigating the experiences of HNBM collegians in order to develop programs and policies to support the retention and graduation of all nontraditional Black males. To begin this conversation, I first examine the challenges that nontraditional Black students face in higher education to contextualize the need for studies that focus on HNBM collegians. Second, I discuss the current literature which explores the experiences of high-achieving Black male students and how focusing on HNBMs fills a gap in the scholarly discourse. Lastly, the article concludes with implications for theory, university policymakers, and practitioners.
Challenges in Higher Education for Nontraditional Black Students To date, there is a dearth of literature on the experiences of nontraditional Black students (Drayton, Rosser-Mims, Schwartz, & Guy, 2014; Ross-Gordon, 2011; Ross-Gordon & Brown- Haywood, 2000). Ross-Gordon and Brown-Haywood found that many of their 19 Black adult participants credited their lack of maturity, sense of career trajectory, and strong desire to seek real world experience as the reasons they did not succeed in college during their first attempt. While the participants in this study overcame these challenges and succeeded in college, they also noted that race and gender bias served as barriers in their interactions with faculty. This trend is alarming and confirms other studies that have found Black students experience racism and discrimination on college campuses (Banks, 2010). Sealey-Ruiz’s (2013) case study on Black college reentry mothers found that participants were stereotyped because of their status as Black mothers. As one participant (Lisa) stated, “Why Black women gotta have just one story? . . . It’s like if one Black women does something negative, suddenly all Black women do that thing” (p. 13-14). Lisa’s sentiment underscores a larger issue where Blacks continue to be stereotyped and looked at as the problem. Lisa’s narrative reinforces the notion that African Americans are continuously depicted by negative stereotypes and deficit thinking in society (Howard, Flennaugh, & Terry, 2012; Strayhorn, Johnson, & Barrett, 2013). Similar to nontraditional Black students, Black males face many obstacles on college campuses. Although there has been limited literature on Black male nontraditional students, a recent volume in New Directions for Adult Education entitled, Swimming Upstream: Black Males in Adult Education provided some insight into the experiences of nontraditional Black male students and the challenges they face (Rosser-Mims, Schwartz, Drayton, & Guy, 2014). For instance, Rosser-Mims, Palmer, and Harroff (2014) found that having limited access to financial aid and other monetary resources, role models, and maintaining a work-life balance served as barriers to Black adult male students success. While the studies in that volume explored the experiences of nontraditional Black males, none of these studies examined the experiences of HNBMs. In fact, in the concluding chapter, Drayton et al. (2014) stated: A reoccurring theme in this volume is the harmful impact of the negative stereotyping and the pathological construction of Black male identities. Expanding research on high achievers to diverse educational settings would not only disrupt this construction but also offer strategies for overcoming difficult situations. (p. 90) Therefore this article and others (Goings, 2015a,b) are timely given Drayton et al. s (2014) call for researchers to focus on high-achieving Black males. Important to understanding how Black males succeed in higher education, I will first discuss the challenges they face in college in the next section.
!10 Urban Education Research and Policy Annuals Vol. 4(1)
Challenges of Black Male Collegians The challenges that Black males face in college have been well documented. One of the prominent challenges researchers contend Black males face is attending underperforming K-12 schools, which leaves many underprepared to attend college (Bianco, Leech, & Mitchell, 2011; Ford, 2014). In particular, Black males are overrepresented in special education classrooms and underrepresented in gifted and talented programs (Ford & Whiting, 2010). In Scott, Taylor, and Palmer’s (2013) analysis of college scholarship essays from Black males, the researchers found that the limited access to culturally competent teachers, high educational expectations, mentorship, and family and community support served as obstacles for their high school completion. Consequently, for the Black males who do overcome these obstacles, they may also face challenges in college. On college campuses, researchers have found that Black males encounter a plethora of challenges that impede their academic success which include but not limited to: academic underpreparedness (Robinson, 2013), racial discrimination (Banks, 2010), underutilization of campus resources (Kimbrough & Harper, 2006), and lack of access to financial aid (Palmer, Davis, & Hilton, 2009). These barriers in conjunction with the K 12 barriers previously mentioned have contributed to only 5.43% of Black males enrolled at a degree-granting institution, only a 0.86% increase since 1976 (Wood & Palmer, 2014). While the challenges Black males face in college are serious and worth investigating, scholars such as Harper (2012) have established a line of research that examines the academic and social experiences of high-achieving Black males. Within this research, scholars seek to disrupt deficit narratives about Black males and examine how these students are successful in higher education. Interestingly, this work has been focused on traditional college-aged Black males. Thus, there is a void in the literature on the academic and social experiences of NHBM collegians.
Investigating High-Achieving Nontraditional Black Male Collegians Exploring how Black males are successful in college is necessary given that researchers have traditionally concentrated on their struggles and deficits (Goings, 2015c; Harper, 2014). In the literature on high-achieving Black males, researchers have found that these men have been successful for a variety of reasons such as: peer support (Fries-Britt, 2000; Harper, 2006), ability to develop stereotype management strategies (McGee & Martin, 2011), supportive faculty (Bonner et al., 2009; Fries-Britt & Turner, 2002), and family support (Freeman, 1999; Maton et al., 1998; Palmer, Davis, & Maramba, 2010). In my dissertation research (Goings, 2015d) the nine high-achieving Black male students attending a historically Black college and university (HBCU) also cited intrinsic motivation and spirituality as an impetus for their academic success. Although this study sought to investigate the experiences of high-achieving Black male HBCU students, a subgroup of nontraditional students emerged. These men had achieved academic success despite managing full-time jobs, raising children, and their academic work. While scholars have investigated the academic and social experiences of high-achieving Black males at predominantly White institutions (PWIs; e.g., Harper, 2006) and HBCUs (e.g., Bonner, 2003; Goings, 2015c), there has been limited discourse about the experiences of HNBM college students. Learning from the experiences of these highly successful students will inform colleges on the academic and social needs of their nontraditional Black male student population.
The Future: Implications for Theory, Policy, and Practice In order to understand the experiences of HNBM students it is paramount that researchers examine their experiences from a strength-based framework to avoid the dissemination of studies
11 Supporting High-Achieving Nontraditional Black Male Undergraduates that only focus on the deficits of Black males (Harper, 2007; Harper & Davis, 2012). Adult education scholars contend that Malcolm Knowles theory of andragogy has been widely used as a theoretical framework for researchers studying adult and nontraditional learners (Merriam, 2001; Ross-Gordon, 2011). Andragogy is defined as “the art and science of helping adults learn” (Knowles, 1980, p. 43). Andragogy is grounded in the following underlying assumptions about adults: a) the preference for self-directed learning; b) having significant life experiences and knowledge that can enhance the learning experience; c) a thirst for knowledge that is based on the need to know something; d) a need to apply learning to solve problems; and e) an intrinsic motivation for learning. While andragogy provides a foundation to understand adult learners, scholars such as Henschke (2011) contend that a more “world-wide perspective” (p. 36) beyond the seminal work of Knowles will enhance the discourse on andragogy. Through this work, it is also important for researchers to use theories and concepts that are culturally appropriate and sensitive to the populations under study to capture their educational experiences (Tillman, 2006). This is especially important to ensure that Black males are discussed from an asset-based perspective. Although several frameworks can provide a more in-depth analysis of the experiences of high-achieving Black males such as critical race theory (CRT; e.g., Jett, 2011), African American male theory (AAMT; Bush & Bush, 2013), and the anti-deficit achievement framework (Harper, 2012), one promising theoretical perspective that has remained relatively unexplored in both the high-achieving and nontraditional literature is Whiting’s Scholar Identity Model (SIM; see Whiting, 2006, 2009 for a more detailed description of SIM). Whiting (2009) defines scholar identity as “African American males perceive[ing] themselves as academicians, as studious and as intelligent or talented in school settings” (p. 227). Moreover, the SIM is comprised of the following nine constructs: 1) self-efficacy; 2) willing to make sacrifices; 3) internal locus of control; 4) future oriented 5) self-awareness; 6) need for achievement; 7) academic self confidence; 8) racial pride; and 9) masculinity (Whiting, 2006). Through the application of SIM, andragogy, and other adult learning theories, researchers may be able to provide a more comprehensive analysis of how nontraditional high-achieving Black males succeed in college settings and the ways in which racial and ethnic identity impact their experiences. With the increased attention to supporting the matriculation and graduation of Black males, researchers and practitioners have an opportunity to make data-driven decisions to support these men. However, universities must become more vigilant in documenting the retention and graduation rates of their nontraditional student population. Gast (2013) noted that 77% of IHEs currently do not track data such as retention and graduation rates for their adult/nontraditional student population. Creating national policies on documenting the retention and graduation rates of nontraditional students will provide federal and state policymakers with information to potentially increase funding for IHEs to support their nontraditional student population. As well, IHEs have an opportunity to identify strengths and opportunities to better support their nontraditional student population generally, and their Black male nontraditional population specifically. Addressing the needs of nontraditional Black students has financial implications, as universities have the opportunity to increase revenue if they have strong reputations for supporting this growing student population. Also, given President Obama’s 2020 goal for the United States (US) to become the world leader in the proportion of citizens with a college degree (US Department of Education, 2011), increasing the graduation of nontraditional Black male undergraduates will help toward this goal. To inform this work, research is needed on how nontraditional Black males succeed in higher education. Given that many of these students may
!12 Urban Education Research and Policy Annuals Vol. 4(1) work full-time while completing their degree, this research can also help employers develop targeted educational incentives for their employees to return to college. Increasing the number of employees with college degrees not only serves employers needs, but can provide a boost to the US economy (Levin et al., 2007). Lastly, there is a need for university officials to develop transition programs that help Black men become acclimated with campus resources including, but not limited to: financial aid, tutoring, academic advising, child care, and career services. In recent years there has been an emergence of Black male initiatives and centers on college campuses (e.g., Bowie State University Male Initiative, University Systems of Georgia African-American Male Initiative) that have a targeted mission of supporting Black males. Centers like these are needed more widely across institutions and should also have a division that focuses on older Black male students, as this population will have different needs than traditional aged Black males on campus. Addressing the needs of nontraditional Black male collegians will require a comprehensive approach. In this article I have suggested that in order to determine how to help nontraditional Black males, we must first have an understanding of how HNBMs succeed. Knowing about their success will allow IHEs to develop comprehensive services to ensure their success on campus. Lastly, given that research on Black males and nontraditional students has focused on their deficits, focusing on high achievers will help reframe deficit narratives about nontraditional Black male students where their successes are seen as the norm and the challenges they overcome can be celebrated.
13 Supporting High-Achieving Nontraditional Black Male Undergraduates
References Banks, K. H. (2010). African American college students' experience of racial discrimination and the role of college hassles. Journal of College Student Development, 51(1), 23–34. Bianco, M., Leech, N. L., & Mitchell, K. (2011). Pathways to teaching: African American male teens explore teaching as a career. The Journal of Negro Education, 80(3), 368 383. Bonner, F. A. II. (2003). To be young, gifted, African American, and male. Gifted Child Today, 26(2), 26–34. Bonner, F. A., II., Alfred, M. V., Lewis, C. W., Nave, F. M., & Frizell, S. (2009). Historically black colleges and universities (HBCUs) and academically gifted Black students in science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM): Discovering the alchemy for success. Journal of Urban Education: Focus on Enrichment, 6 (1), 122–135. Bush, L. B., & Bush, E. C. (2013). Introducing African American male theory (AAMT). Journal of African American Males in Education, 4(1), 6–17. Drayton, B., Rosser-Mims, D., Schwartz, J., & Guy, T. C. (2014). Black males and adult education: A call to action. In D. Rosser-Mims, J. Schwartz, B. Drayton, & T. C. Guy (Eds.), New Directions for Adult and Continuing Education: Issue. 144. Swimming upstream: Black males in education (pp. 89–92). San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass. Ford, D.Y. (2014). Segregation and the underrepresentation of Blacks and Hispanics in gifted education: Social inequality and deficit paradigms. Roeper Review, 36, 143-154. Ford, D. Y., & Whiting, G. W. (2010). Beyond testing: Social and psychological considerations in recruiting and retaining gifted Black students. Journal for the Education of the Gifted, 34(1), 131-155. Freeman, K. (1999). No services needed?: The case for mentoring high-achieving Black students. Peabody Journal of Education, 74(2), 15–26. Fries-Britt, S. (2000). Identity development of high ability Black collegians. New Directions for Teaching and Learning, 82, 55–65. Fries-Britt, S., & Turner, B. (2002). Uneven stories: Successful Black collegians at a Black and a White campus. The Review of Higher Education, 25(3), 315–330. Gast, A. (2013, Winter). Current trends in adult degree programs: How public universities respond to the needs of adult learners. New Directions for Adult and Continuing Education, 140, 17–25. Goings, R. B. (2015a, June 2). Ensuring non-traditional Black student success at HBCUs: A researcher’s reflection. Minority Serving Institutions (MSIs) Unplugged. Retrieved from http://msisunplugged.com/2015/06/02/ensuring-non-traditionalblack-student-success-at- hbcus-a-researchers-reflection/ Goings, R. B. (2015b). Nontraditional Black male undergraduates: A call to action. Adult Learning, Doi: 10.1177/1045159515595045 (Scheduled for print in 2016). Goings, R.B. (2015c). The lion tells his side of the (counter)story: A Black male educator’s autoethnographic account. Journal of African American Males in Education, 6(1), 91– 105. Goings, R. B. (2015d). High-achieving African American males attending an historically Black College and university (HBCU): A phenomenological study (Unpublished doctoral dissertation). Morgan State University, Baltimore, Maryland. Harper, S. R. (2006). Peer support for African American male college achievement: Beyond internalized racism and the burden of "acting white." The Journal of Men's Studies, 14(3), 337–358.
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Harper, S. R. (2009). Niggers no more: a critical race counternarrative on Black male student achievement at predominantly white colleges and universities. International Journal of Qualitative Studies in Education, 22(6), 697–712. Harper, S. R. (2012). Black male student success in higher education: A report from the National Black Male College Achievement Study. Philadelphia, PA: University of Pennsylvania, Center for the Study of Race and Equity in Education. Harper, S. R. (2013). Am I my brother's teacher? Black undergraduates, racial socialization, and peer pedagogies in predominantly White post secondary contexts. Review of Research in Education, 37, 183–211. Harper, S. R. (2014). (Re)setting the agenda for college men of color: Lessons learned from a 15- year movement to improve Black male student success. In R. A. Williams (Ed.), Men of color in higher education: New foundations for developing models for success (pp. 116– 143). Sterling, VA: Stylus. Harper, S. R., & Davis III, C. H. F.(2012). They (don't) care about education: A counternarrative on Black male students' responses to inequitable schooling. Educational Foundations, 103–120. Henschke, J. A. (2011). Considerations regarding the future of andragogy. Adult Learning, 22(1- 2), 34–37. Howard, T. C., Flennaugh, T. K., Terry Sr., C. L. (2012). Black males, social imagery, and disruption of pathological identities: Implications for research and teaching. Educational Foundations, 26(1–2), 85–102. Jett, C. C. (2011). "I once was lost, but now am found": The mathematics journey of an African American male mathematics doctoral student. Journal of Black Studies, 42(7), 1125– 1147. Levin, H. M., Belfield, C., Muennig, P., & Rouse, C. The public returns to public educational investments in African American males. Economics of Educational Review, 26, 700 709. Kenner, C., & Weinerman, J. (2011). Adult learning theory: Applications to non traditional college students. Journal of College Reading and Learning, 42(2), 87 96. Kimbrough, W. M., & Harper, S. R. (2006). African American men at historically Black colleges and universities: Different environments, similar challenges. In M.J . Cuyjet (Ed.), African American men in college (pp. 189–209). San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass. Knowles, M. S. (1980). The modern practice of adult education: From pedagogy to andragogy (2nd ed.). New York, NY: Cambridge Books. Maton, K. I., Hrabowski, F. A., III., & Greif, G. L. (1998). Preparing the way: A qualitative study of high-achieving African American males and the role of the family. American Journal of Community Psychology, 26(4), 639–668. McGee, E. O., & Martin, D. B. (2011). "You would not believe what I have to go through to prove my intellectual value!" Stereotype management among academically successful Black mathematics and engineering students. American Educational Research Journal, 48(6), 1347–1389. Merriam, S. B. (2001). Andragogy and self-directed learning: Pillars of adult learning theory. In S.B. Merriam (Ed.) The new update on adult learning theory (pp. 3-13). San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass. National Center for Educational Statistics. (2013). Enrollment fast facts. Retrieved from http://nces.ed.gov/fastfacts/display.asp?id=98 National Urban League. (2014). From access to completion: A seamless path to college graduation for African American students. Retrieved from
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http://nulwb.iamempowered.com/sites/nulwb.iamempowered.com/files/RADD%20-- %20EMBARGOED%20REPORT.pdf Palmer, R. T., Davis, R. J., & Hilton, A. A. (2009). Exploring challenges that threaten to impede the academic success of academically underprepared Black males at an HBCU. Journal of College Student Development, 50(4), 429–445. Palmer, R. T., Davis, R. J., & Maramba, D. C. (2010). Popularizing achievement: The role of an HBCU in supporting academic success for underprepared Black males. Negro Educational Review, 61(1–4), 85–106. Palmer, R. T., Davis, R. J., & Maramba, D. C. (2011). The impact of family support on the success of Black men at an historically Black university: Affirming the revision of Tinto s theory. Journal of College Student Development, 52(5), 577 597. Robinson, S. A. (2013). Educating Black males with dyslexia. Interdisciplinary Journal of Teaching and Learning, 3(3), 159 174. Ross-Gordon, J. M. (2011). Research on adult learners: Nurturing the needs of a student population that is no longer nontraditional. Peer Review, Winter 2011, 26–29. Ross-Gordon, J. M., & Brown-Heywood, F. (2000). Keys to college success as seen through the eyes of African American adult students. Journal of Continuing Higher Education, 48(3), 14–23. Rosser-Mims, D., Palmer, G. A., Harroff, P. (2014). The reentry adult college student: An exploration of the Black male experience. In D. Rosser-Mims, J. Schwartz, B. Drayton, & T. C. Guy (Eds.), New Directions for Adult and Continuing Education: Issue. 144. Swimming upstream: Black males in education (pp. 89–92). San Francisco, CA: Jossey- Bass. Rosser-Mims, D., Schwartz, J., Drayton, B., & Guy, T. C. (Eds.). (2014). Swimming upstream: Black males in adult education. New Directions for Adult and Continuing Education, 144. San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass Scott, J. A., Taylor, K. J., & Palmer, R. T. (2013). Challenges to success in higher education: An examination of educational challenges from the voices of college bound-Black males. The Journal of Negro Education, 82(2), 288–299. Sealey-Ruiz, Y. (2013). Learning to resist: Educational counter-narratives of Black college reentry mothers. Teachers College Record, 115, 1–31. Strayhorn, T. L., Johnson, R. M., & Barrett, B. A. (2013). Investigating the college adjustment and transition experiences of formerly incarcerated Black male collegians at predominantly white institutions. Spectrum: A Journal on Black Men, 2(1), 73–98. Tillman, L. C. (2006). Research and writing from an African American perspective: Reflective notes on three research studies. International Journal of Qualitative Studies in Education, 19(3), 265–287. U.S. Department of Education. (2011). Meeting the nation’s 2020 goal: State targets for increasing the number and percentage of college graduates with degrees. Retrieved from https://www.whitehouse.gov/sites/default/files/completion_state_by_state.pdf Whiting, G. W. (2006). From at risk to at promise: Developing scholar identities among Black males. The Journal of Secondary Gifted Education, 4, 222–229. Whiting, G. W. (2009). Gifted Black males: Understanding and decreasing barriers to achievement and identity. Roeper Review, 31, 224–233. Wood, J. L, & Palmer, R. T. (2014). Black men in higher education: A guide to ensuring student success. New York, NY: Routledge.
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Too Stressed to Persist to Graduation: Accessing Financial Aid at a Historically Black University in Texas Tammy D. Lane Prairie View A&M University
Inadequate financial aid adversely affects students’ persistence through college graduation. This qualitative study at a Historically Black University in the Southwestern region employed purposive sampling to examine 10 former students’ perception of financial aid accessibility and its impact on their non-persistence status. Barriers impeding financial aid accessibility and persistence to graduation are shared. Data collection consisted of recorded responses from open-end questions. A thorough analysis of participant interviews and findings confirmed the existence of barriers obstructing financial aid accessibility and contribute to the phenomena of non-persistence. The emergent themes significantly contribute to research that informs higher education practitioners and policy makers. In particular, this study serves as a stimulus for dialogue about the need to implement systems and strategies that ensure financial aid support to persistence through graduation at historically Black colleges and universities. Keywords: financial aid packages, non-persistence, barriers, need-based and merit-based financial aid, loan debt, allocation formulas, HBCUs, PWIs
Billions of dollars are distributed to students from various sources to assist with paying for college; nevertheless, each year many students still lack suitable financial aid to pay for college, which negatively affects persistence through college graduation (Baum, Elliott, & Ma, 2014; Goldrick-Rab, Harris, Kelchen, & Benson, 2013). The amount of student financial aid distributed during 2013-2014 was $238.3 billon (Baum et al., 2014). While this is a generous amount of money, it is not equivalent to the rise in college cost and rarely guarantees affordability for students to complete college (Kirp, 2003). In 2013-14, the average tuition at a four-year public college or university for a full-time undergraduate living on campus was $22,190 (National Center for Education Statistics, 2015). The average out of pocket cost, with the options of loans, minus Title IV funding (grants and scholarships), was $12,890 (NCES, 2015). Although student financial aid supports college access, financial aid barriers such as the lack of availability of need-based and merit-based aid, imbalanced need-based allocation formulas, large percentages of shared cost, and student loan debt still exist and often determine students’ persistence to graduation (Alon, 2011; Chen, & Desjardins, 2010; Kane, 2006; Knapp & Seaks, 1992). The State Higher Education Finance 2014 fiscal year report indicated that the national average of college tuition counting as higher education revenue was 47.1 %, which doubled in the last five years (State Higher Education Executive Officers Association, 2014). Higher education net tuition as a revenue share is significant when considering the number of students relying on meager financial aid and the large percentage of shared cost to students and their parents. This study sought to examine a problem in the intersectionality of persistence and student financial aid support in a historically Black university setting. According to the National Center for Education Statistics (2015), the number of full- time undergraduate students attending public or private higher education institutions, receiving some form of financial aid, increased 36% between 2007 and 2013. Furthermore, in a 2013 report, the national average of HBCU (Historically Black Colleges and Universities) students receiving financial aid was 77% (NCES, 2015). Consequently, receipt of financial aid affects HBCU students’ persistence to graduation. In
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2013 over seventeen million students enrolled in an American college or university (2.5% African American and 2.9% Hispanic) and of those students enrolled only 59% will graduate within six years (NCES, 2015). Moreover, the average graduation rate for HBCU students is 33% (Johnson, Burch, & Gills, 2015; Journal of Black Higher Education, 2014). Several reports state that students point to financial pressures as the number one reason they leave college (Chiang, 2007; Johnson et al., 2009). In relation to receiving suitable financial assistance, other studies have shown that students experience stress, which reiterates the link to non-persistence behavior (Archuleta, Dale & Spann, 2013; Peters et al., 2011; Va'zquez, Otero & Diaz, 2012).
Non-Persistence and Financial Aid There is extensive theoretical and empirical literature on issues of non-persistence (DesJardins, Ahlburg & McCall, 2002; Bean 1980; Kahn, & Nauta, 2001; St. John, Shouping, & Weber, 2001; Tinto, 1975). However, within the body of literature, little attention has been given to the experience of historically Black colleges and universities, inadequate student financial aid and non-persistence simultaneously. Most research focuses on non-persistence of minority students in predominantly White institutions (PWIs). It is important for stakeholders to understand what compels students to abandon college in different institutional settings. Stratton, O’Toole, and Wetzel (2008) utilized longitudinal data sets and a multinomial logit specification model to establish non-persistence behavior among minority students attending a predominantly White institution. Their findings indicated that the level and type of financial aid students received had an impact on the students’ departure from college (Stratton et al., 2008). For example, findings indicated that students receiving student loans compared to those receiving work-study showed higher rates (2.3% versus 1.1%) of non-persistence (Stratton et al., 2008). Furthermore, research shows that the phenomenon of non-persistence in various American institutions of higher education is a concern to policymakers and economists (Toutkoushian & Shafiq, 2010; Vossensteyn, 2004). Their concerns are valid because low rates of higher educational attainment among various racial and ethnic communities affect equity and potential earnings opportunities for numerous populations in the United States (Toutkoushian & Shafiq, 2010; Vossensteyn, 2004). Likewise, high attrition rates directly affect the United States’ competitive edge in the global economy (Vossensteyn, 2004). The approach used in this study provides a more accurate picture of college persistence in relation to financial aid and will better predict non-persistence behavior. This present study is significant because the analysis supports education practitioners and policy makers with identifying vulnerable populations and designing intervention programs to ensure persistence to graduation. This study generates dialogue about the mis-education of receiving student financial aid. Researchers found a deficiency in the accuracy of information that students and their parents possess regarding the extent of college costs that financial aid will cover Huelsman & Engle, 2013; Ikenberry & Hartle, 1998). Students and their families, when entering college, perceive that financial aid packages such as scholarships, grants, loans, and work study funding pay one hundred percent of college cost (Case, 2013). In fact, a combination of these financial aid resources often fall short of paying an ample portion of college, leaving students who cannot afford the additional out-of-pocket cost to drop out (Case, 2013). The purpose of this qualitative study was to examine, from the study participants’ perspective, financial aid barriers and their relevance to persistence towards graduation at a HBCU. The researcher sought to provide a more realistic description of non-persistence from the students’ point of view. The findings in this present study support the problem of non-persistence in a HBCU community as it is often hampered due to barriers receiving adequate financial aid. To determine the common themes, phenomena, and lived experiences of individuals at a HBCU, this
18 Urban Education Research and Policy Annuals Vol. 4(1) phenomenological study focused on answering the following research questions: What are the experiences of HBCU students when engaged in the financial aid process? What are the major perceptual barriers to accessing financial aid at HBCUs? Does the application of various forms of financial aid affect a student’s decisions to persist to graduation? Are students most likely to earn a college degree if they receive free tuition, grants, or scholarships at least during the first couple of years of college?
Literature Review Several research studies were used to examine the equitability of financial aid and its relevance to completing college. Overwhelmingly, study findings indicated that existence or non- existence of financial aid barriers played a vital role in persistence towards graduation. Chen and Desjardins (2010) utilized longitudinal datasets from the Beginning Postsecondary Student’s Survey (BPS: 96/01) and the National Postsecondary Student Aid Study to examine the cause and effect of various forms of financial aid. Findings indicated that when sizable amounts of Pell Grant, merit- and need-based aid were awarded to students, persistence increased (Chen & Desjardins, 2010). Likewise, when students were awarded need-based loans (subsidized) that the government paid the interest while in school, as opposed to unsubsidized loans, stop out and dropout behaviors decreased (Chen & Desjardins, 2010). Kane's (2006) study supports the notion that policies play a vital role in removing barriers and promoting perseverance to completion. His study examined and validated the D.C. Tuition Assistance Grant program (DC-TAG), which eliminated out-of-state fees, allowing students to attend the HBCU of their choice. Benefits of the program made financial aid awards sufficient to cover costs, and the program policies encouraged high entry into college, retention and persistence (Kane, 2006). In Breier’s (2010) mixed methods study, theorist Vincent Tinto’s longitudinal model of student dropout was drawn upon to analyze the data and to visually show that there is a correlation between dropout behavior and external factors (Breier, 2010). The study indicated that college dropout was probable due to underestimating the cost coupled with inadequate financial assistance, and late timing of when financial was applied to students’ accounts. Breier (2010) suggested that although past research cited various reasons for low retention and graduation rates universities, minimal focus was placed on finances and their correlation to non-persistence behaviors.
Imbalanced Allocation of Need-based Aid Federal and institutional methodologies are employed to determine a student’s need for various types of financial aid assistance. Studies demonstrate how imbalanced, need-based allocation formulas rendering need-based aid to higher-SES (socioeconomic status) students as well as low-SES students, lead to further disparity, impacting college persistence and degree attainment (Alon, 2011). Alon found while disadvantaged students benefited from Pell Grants, both low-SES and well-off students were able to receive institutional and state grants. Alon concluded that institutional and state grant calculation formulas must be strengthened so that aid is reallocated to low-SES students, which will increase persistence at least during the first year of college.
Increased Cost-Share and Student Loan Debt Vossensteyn (2004) wrote that, “as a result of global economic fiscal stress, policies are created to increase efficiency in higher education” (p. 39). This equates to state budget cuts that limit public funds. A move of financial obligation from governmental resources to the student and their family decreases cost to institutions, which creates a financial barrier because of the large
19 Too Stressed to Persist to Graduation! percentage of cost-sharing for the students and parents (Vossensteyn, 2004). To help cover the out-of-pocket cost, students and their parents are mounting huge amounts of student loan debt. Although loans are made available to pay for college, many students are hesitant and debate whether to persist to graduation accruing debt with the possibility of not securing a job in the current economy or not earning enough to repay a substantial amount of loans (Razaki, Koprowski, & Lindberg, 2014). Moreover, some students consider quitting college or question if cost of a degree and the debt to attend college is worth obtaining a college degree (Abel & Deitz, 2014). In a study investigating probability of student loan default, historically, data show that often college graduates as well as non-graduates default on student loans because of income-debt ratios (Knapp & Seaks, 1992). Their findings favored public policies of penalizing institutions for high default rates instead of focusing on internal motivation to cause students to graduate and pay off their student loans (Knapp & Seaks, 1992).
Theoretical Framework This study drew from the Nora Student Engagement Model theoretical framework developed by Nora and Ramirez (2006.) as its theoretical lens. A major component of Nora’s Model, “the pull factor”, highlights environmental factors that have been shown to impact retention and persistence. One of those environmental factors is the issue of adequate financial assistance. Nora stated, “not only is the amount of financial awarded important in students’ persistence, but also the more intangible aspects associated with financial aid are indirectly influential through the perception that the institution cares enough to invest in the student” (Nora & Ramirez, 2006, p. 2). His research focuses on retention and persistence to graduation of students attending Hispanic Serving Institutions. Due to the similarity, I contend that this same model can be applied to Historically Black Colleges and Universities (HBCUs) serving students of color.
Methodology Phenomenological research was employed to outline the meanings and themes derived from the subjective reality of the participants, which was noteworthy in achieving in the study objectives (Creswell, 2013). In their own voices, the study participants intensely express the intricacy of receiving financial aid and how the dearth of funding and/or the category of aid related to their persistence decisions. A phenomenology approach was appropriate to discover the perceptiveness, profitability, and complexity inherent in the phenomenon (Marshall & Rossman, 2014; Schram, 2004). Moreover, the study design called for a comprehensive description to appreciate the experience of the marginalized participants (Marshall & Rossman, 2014). The topic of financial aid and college persistence was appropriate to this phenomenological study because higher education is fundamental to life experiences. Also, utilizing a phenomenological approach to examine financial aid barriers and their relevance to persistence towards graduation at a historically Black university provided the investigator the opportunity to symbolically and literally place herself in the sphere of the participants. Participants The participants in this phenomenological study were chosen because of their non- persistence status. Upon receiving permission from the Institutional Research Department, the researcher used purposive sampling was used to select study subjects. The subjects consisted of ten former HBCU students between the ages of 18 and 25. The sample varied in gender, ethnic background, and socio-economic status. The subjects previously attended a HBCU in the Southwestern region with a population of 5185 students during the years of 2008-2014.
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Procedures Initially, the participants were contacted by email and given a brief description of the study. The purpose of this qualitative study was to examine, from the study participants’ perspective, financial aid access and its relevance to persistence to graduation at a HBCU. Based on their non-persistence status at their HBCU, they agreed and signed an informed consent form and chose a pseudonym prior to the interview. Each participant was informed of the interview process, and the measures taken to protect their privacy. Also, it was explained that the interview could be stopped at their discretion. Semi-structured, tape-recorded interviews utilizing 12 open-ended questions were employed, giving participants the freedom to regulate pacing and subject matter of the interview. Interview questions that guided the phenomenological inquiry can be found in Appendix A. Directive questioning was used when clarification of information was needed. Each participant was interviewed twice, once in person in a collegiate setting and once over the phone. Reflective notes were taken to describe thoughts performing research on the phenomena. The notes were used for additional data analysis. Data Analysis A paid transcriptionist transcribed the interviews verbatim. The transcripts were reviewed and read several times and significant statements and phrases pertaining to the receipt of financial aid and non-persistence were extracted from each transcript. The researcher began the extensive analysis by reviewing prior, during, and post-data collection reflective notes that helped to recognize the thoughts, expectations, and rigid preconceptions, which permitted the emergence of the participants’ voices (Creswell, 2013). Bracketing was the next stage of the analysis, which was fundamental because the researcher’s responsibility in a qualitative approach is to construct an impartial study (Rossman & Rallis, 2003). Meanings derived from significant accounts and phrases were organized into themes, and these themes evolved into theme clusters, and eventually into theme categories. A color-coded system was used to identify and refine salient emerging themes. Emerging statements from participants that reverberated with the research questions and the phenomenon were noted. Sorting and interpreting significant quotes and then engendering the meaning of the quotes revealed the essence of the phenomenon. Analysis across participants identified incongruences associated with non-persistence behavior in relation to availability of financial aid, large percentages of share cost, allocation of need based aid, and fallacies of student loans. The researcher sought examples from the data to support thoughts before a thorough account of the lived experiences were framed and written. Member checking was used to determine the accuracy of the findings. A preliminary report, highlighting specific descriptions and themes, was confirmed by participants to determine accuracy (Creswell, 2013). To establish credibility and trustworthiness of the data, triangulation of data was implemented with multiple interviews and member checks.
Findings The findings are presented with quotes from various participants. The emerging themes from interviews with 10 former students who did not persist to graduation at their HBU consisted of, inadequate financial aid to cover cost, an abundance of loan debt and scanty grant and scholarship awards, and transferal to a cost-effective school. In general, there were more critical than positive comments concerning the overall financial aid experience.
Inadequate Financial Aid, Loan Debt and Scanty Grants and Scholarships Consequently, all ten interviewees (Table 1) made claims that inadequate financial aid awards resulting in them having to part from their HBU. The participants expounded on the role 21 Too Stressed to Persist to Graduation! financial aid played in their ability to access college and how an inadequate amount of aid eventually caused them to part from the university.
Table 1.
Overview of the 10 Interviewees
Participant Gender Age Major Texas Residence 1 Male 21 Computer Science Yes 2 Male 19 Accounting No 3 Female 20 Business No 4 Female 23 Nursing No 5 Male 20 Mathematics Yes 6 Female 18 Biology Yes 7 Female 25 Education Yes 8 Female 20 Sports Management No 9 Female 19 Liberal Arts Yes 10 Male 21 Chemical Engineering No
Participant Six, an 18-year-old female, said, I left CV because of the money. I got a Pell grant and a lot of loans and still didn’t have enough, which is crazy. But um- I only got two scholarships prior to going to CV (mmhm), which were both from organizations I was um I was with during my high school career. I could never get any other grants and scholarships.
Participant Three, a 20-year-old female, further explained the frustration of inadequate funding and the departure from the HBCU: They gave me a grant and loans and I feel like if it was – mmhm I don’t want to sound rude or harsh about it but (mmhm) I just felt like it should have been easier or more money available, (mmhm) for students who are willing to work hard. Whereas you have to bust your butt (mmhm) and like academically, and then you don’t even get reward for it and then not go to your dream school, not because your grades aren’t well but because you can’t afford it, (Mm) which isn’t fair. And it hurts, because you know I had so much plan that I wanted to do there, to grow, like, I was thinking ‘bout that last night. You know, I saw myself growing at CV spiritually, like you know, academically, socially and then having to stop, I’m sorry I’m getting teary-eyed, having to stop (mmhm) and to come home (Right) because you can’t afford it, that really hurts.
Participant Four, a 23-year-old female, spoke about how not receiving adequate financial aid and owed to the University upon her departure, which has affected her ability to finish college. Every year I was getting deeper in debt with loans and I still owe money. I think that’s why I can’t get my (Transcript) transcript. And that’s why like I’m in debt with CV (mmhm) like thousands of dollars. Cause you’re out of state student so the uh out of state fees are high. I’m almost done with my Bachelor’s But I have to pay off this $6/$7,000 just to get my transcript sent to a different school, and then I also have to think about paying for college back here.
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Participant Eights’, a 20-year-old female, experience was similar to Four, I left a White school that I could afford to come to experience the tradition of a Black college. Um, I felt really let down, um, I felt like historically Black colleges were supposed to be there to help you know, Black students. I made a big mistake because I could not afford it, because they kept giving me loans and no other grant or scholarship money. They said my mother made too much money and that is crazy. She a nurse but, she have bills and other kids, and she don’t get help from no one. I owe CV money because I couldn’t pay my housing. I can’t get my transcript to go to another school. I have a forbearance, but I owe $30,000 in loans to Sallie Mae. I have to start paying soon and my mom can’t afford that and I can’t go back to school.
Participant Five, a 20-year-old male, expressed concerns about suffering academically because of financial aid inefficiency, It was long, so- tedious, I mean it just took forever to get our financial aid packet. Um, friends that I knew at other universities had already received their money or were able to buy books (Uhuh) and me and a few other students, who I’m pretty sure a lot of other students at CV, had to go a couple of weeks without books because our financial aid packets weren’t done. I had to leave because I was getting behind at the beginning of every semester and because of the amount and the way they gave out financial aid. The financial aid office said they had to adhere to federal policies that didn’t allow them to disburse money until a certain date. They first part of the money barely paid for my tuition. I had to wait for the second half to pay for housing, meals, and books. By then I was behind in my classes. And I don’t know what happened, but my last semester I didn’t have enough money and that really set my parents back.
Transferred to a Cost-Effective School When asked “Are you a first generation college student? If so, how did that impact your decision to drop out of college?” eight of the 10 participants indicated that they had not dropped out. In fact, they said they stopped out with the intention of transferring to a cost-effective school or had already transferred to a cost-effective school.
Participant Two, a 19-year-old male, explained, Uh, I was first generational. Yes, I was. But, I didn’t dropout. Um I couldn’t afford CV, so I transferred back here to my hometown, uh, Indiana. I had to wait two semesters. Now, I don’t have to use loan money. I live at home and all have to use is Pell grant to pay for school. I have a part time job to pay for other things I need.
Participant Ten, a 21-year-old male, also an out-of-state student, transferred. He said, Well it was really hard because um, um, neither of my parents went to college, both of them just graduated from high school, and uh, all throughout like my school years, elementary, middle school, high school, I’ve always done really well in school (mmhm), um I was always focused on my education. And so being able to go to college and pursue the career path that I wanted to pursue was really important. I wanted to be able to take care of myself and my family, and also I have a younger brother (mmhm) so I wanted to um be a role model, an inspiration for him (Oh o-) and also I had a nephew at the time (mmhm) and I also wanted to stress
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the importance of uh, education- I had transferred to a community college in Arizona.
Participant Seven, a 25-year-old female, further explains the plan to transfer to a cost-effective school. Uh, you know, just considering-Just being first-generation was, a true, I believe, a true blessing for me because none of my family is here, all of my family is in Central America (mmhm) and when I got the privilege to go to CV I was very excited for it but uh being that my financial needs and my family’s financially were not so great, that was my decision not to go back to CV. And it just wasn’t in my budget (Ok), that’s what basically happened. I plan to go to HCC this summer.
Participant One, a 21-year-old male, expressed frustration over having to transfer to a community college. Um I’m still enrolled in college, I just had to leave CV because of my financial aid situation. Um they didn’t give – they didn’t award me enough finances to be able to continue to go to the campus and then I, um (mmhm), so I was there from 2011 to 2012 and I enrolled in HCCC from 2012 to 2014 and then 2014 I tried to get back in and they still didn’t give me enough financials to go back to school. If they would’ve gave me enough money, I would’ve been able to go back to school but obviously I’m stuck at HCC right now.
Participant Nine, a 19-year-old female, claims to have left during the beginning of freshman semester based on availability of funding. Yes I was the first to go to college. It honestly, it put a strain on my relationship with my parents in a way. (mmhm) Because um it’s not that I-I stopped going to school in general, it’s that I stopped going to CV, one of my dream schools, which hurt my family the most because my entire senior year I was built up to go and I was ready and then all of a sudden I couldn’t go and then I think that hurt my mom more than it hurt me because seeing her daughter like hurting, feeling crushed, because something that she couldn’t even afford, or even do hurt, hurt her.I didn’t have to sit out for a semester but how things happened with CV, (Mmhm) I had to I literally dropped out of campus, cause a couple days before CV started, which means I had to rush to get into um the a community college.
Discussion The current study provided confirmation of financial aid’s direct effect on 10 students’ decisions not to persist towards graduation at their HBU. As mentioned, this study drew from the Nora Student Engagement Model theoretical framework (Nora & Ramirez, 2006) as its theoretical lens. A major component of Nora’s model, “the pull factor”, highlights environmental factors that have been shown to impact retention and persistence. Nora’s model specifically notes that inadequate financial aid resources are pull factors. The findings in this investigation demonstrated that barriers to student financial exist, which resonates with Nora’s theoretical framework in that the barriers are environmental factors that specifically had an impact on the students’ non- persistence decisions. From their perspective, the participants described how the effect of inadequate financial aid to cover cost, an abundance of loan debt, and scanty grants and scholarship awards caused them to drop out of college or transfer to a cost-effective school. This study demonstrated the need for further examination of federal and institutional funding allocation
24 Urban Education Research and Policy Annuals Vol. 4(1) methodologies and student financial aid packaging philosophies. The findings support previous suggestions from other studies that indicated that a lack of need-based aid and scholarships, and accumulating large amounts of student loan debt decrease persistence for economically needy students (Alon, 2011; Brier, 2010; Chen & Desjardins, 2010; Kane, 2006; Vossensteyn, 2004). Further studies are needed to investigate whether suitable allocation and dissemination of need- based financial aid to lower and middle socio-economic students will increase persistence. Furthermore, studies are needed to determine if zero cost-sharing from students and their parents serves a greater purpose than giving money to students who can financially afford to complete college. Any attempt to increase bachelor’s attainment is important to research and document. Any attempt to preserve the integrity of HBCUs and to promote the education of students of color is significant. Effective strategies must be multidimensional when providing access to financial aid and ensuring persistence to graduation. This study intends to add to the body of literature by providing insight from the perspective of HBCU students whose college education was jeopardize due to barriers to financial aid access. One major limitation that could influence the outcome in this study is generalizability of the sample. Due to size of the sample and because the sample was taken from one HBCU in the Southwestern region, the results may not reflect a trend at other HBCUs. Secondly, students are normally tracked from new entry up to six years. After the observation period, the student may return to college, becoming a stop out instead of a dropout, and may not give a clear depiction of the effects of financial access as a whole.
Implications The results in this study are consistent with the existing literature on barriers to accessing financial aid and its effect on persistence to graduation. Nora’s (Nora & Ramirez, 2006) Model of Student Engagement Theory as a theoretical lens proliferates understanding how to manage external environmental “pull factors” that stifle persistence while raising the share of college- educated students of color in this country. This comprehensive study of former HBCU students’ experiences accessing financial aid and non-persistence to graduation has numerous benefits for higher education practitioners and policymakers. This study serves as a resource for HBCU leaders to address known barriers related to inequitable financial aid practices for students who rely on financial assistance to complete college. This study brings awareness to the importance of increasing need-based financial assistance, providing more institutional aid to supplement other forms of aid for first and second year students, and the fallacies of student loan dependency, debt, and the threat of default. This study is vital in assisting public policymakers with reconstruction of financial aid allocation formulas, constructing programs targeting lower socio-economic students, and advocating for less shared cost and increased access to various forms of financial aid opportunities. Through exposition of students’ lived experiences, researchers and practitioners will be able to construct knowledge, create intervention techniques and strategize, and implement programs that address non-persistence at HBCUs. Based on disproportionate educational opportunities for marginalized students, further studies are warranted to determine how HBCUs can reduce financial aid barriers and provide institutional funding opportunities to ensure collegiate participation and increase rates of persistence for disenfranchised students. Furthermore, the study justifies the need to further investigate mandating states to incorporate early financial aid education preparation programs for college in high school curriculum. It would be beneficial to design studies that quantify the success of HBCU students who have participated in such preparation programs.
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References Abel, J. R. & Deitz, R. (2014). Do the benefits of college still outweigh the costs? Current Issues in Economics & Finance, 20(3), 1. Retrieved from https://www.newyorkfed.org/medialibrary/media/research/current_issues/ci20-3.pdf Alon, S. (2011). Who benefits most from financial aid? The heterogeneous effect of need-based grants on students' college persistence. Social Science Quarterly, 92(3), 807-829. Archuleta, K. L., Dale, A., & Spann, S. M. (2013). College students and financial distress: Exploring debt, financial satisfaction, and financial anxiety. Journal of Financial Counseling & Planning, 24(2), 50-62. Bean, J. P. (1980). Dropouts and turnover: The synthesis and test of a causal model of student attrition. Research in Higher Education, 12(2), 155-187. Breier, M. (2010). From 'financial considerations' to 'poverty': Towards a re-conceptualization of the role of finances in higher education student drop out. Higher Education, 60(6), 657- 670. doi:10.1007/s10734-010-9343-5 Baum, S., Elliott, D., & Ma, J. (2014). Trends in student aid. Retrieved from the College Board: http://trends.collegeboard.org/sites/default/files/2014-trends-student-aid-final-web.pdf Case, J. P. (2013). Implications of financial aid: What college counselors should know. Journal of College Student Psychotherapy, 27(2), 159-173. doi:10.1080/87568225.2013.766112. Chen, R., & DesJardins, S. L. (2010). Investigating the impact of financial aid on student dropout risks: Racial and ethnic differences. Journal of Higher Education, 81(2), 179-208. doi: 10.1353/jhe.0.0085 Creswell, J. W. (2013). Qualitative inquiry & research design: Choosing among five approaches (3rd ed). Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Publications. Chiang, L. (2007). Q4 2007 statistics on college student dropout rates. Retrieved from http://www.duck9.com/College-Student-Drop-Out-Rates.htm. DesJardins, S. L., Ahlburg, D. A., & McCall, B. P. (2002). A temporal investigation of factors related to timely degree completion. The Journal of Higher Education, 73(5), 555-582. Goldrick-Rab, S., Harris, D., Kelchen, R., & Benson, J. (2013). Need-based financial aid and persistence: Experimental evidence from Wisconsin. Retrieved from http://www.finaidstudy.org/documents/Goldrick- Rab%20Harris%20Kelchen%20Benson%202012%20FULL.pdf Huelsman, M., & Engle, J. (2013). Student parents and financial aid. Working Paper. Institute For Women's Policy Research. Retrieved from http://files.eric.ed.gov/fulltext/ED556730.pdf. Ikenberry, S.O., & Hartle, T. W. (1998). Too little knowledge is a dangerous thing: What the public thinks and knows about paying for college. Washington, DC: American Council on Education. Retrieved from http://files.eric.ed.gov/fulltext/ED450622.pdf. Johnson, M., Bruch, J., & Gill, B. (2015). Changes in financial aid and student enrollment at historically Black colleges and universities after the tightening of PLUS credit standards (REL 2015–082). Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Education, Institute of Education Sciences, National Center for Education Evaluation and Regional Assistance, Regional Educational Laboratory Mid-Atlantic. Retrieved from http://ies.ed.gov/ncee/edlabs/regions/midatlantic/pdf/REL_2015082.pdf. Journal of Black Higher Education. (2014). Tracking Black student graduation rates at HBCUs. Retrieved from http://www.jbhe.com/2014/11/tracking-black-student-graduation-rates-at- hbcus/. Kahn, J.H. & Neuta, M.M. (2001). Social-cognitive predictors of first year college persistence: the importance of proximal assessment. Research in Higher Education, 42(6), 633-652.
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Kane, T. J. (2007). Evaluating the impact of the D.C. tuition assistance grant program. Journal of Human Resources, 42(3), 555-582. doi: 10.3368/jhr.XLII.3.555 Kirp, D. L. (2003). No-brainer. The Nation, 277(15), 17. Retrieved from http://www.thenation.com/article/no-brainer/?page=0,2&quicktabs_most_block=0. Knapp, L. G., & Seaks, T. G. (1992). An analysis of the probability of default on federally guaranteed student loans. Review of Economics & Statistics, 74(3), 404. doi 10.2307/2109484. Marshall, C., & Rossman, G. B. (1999). Designing qualitative research. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. National Center for Education Statistics. (2015). The Condition of Education 2015 (NCES 2015- 144). U.S. Department of Education, Washington, DC. Retrieved form http://nces.ed.gov/pubs2015/2015144.pdf. Nora, A., & Ramirez, A. (2006) The Nora student engagement model. Retrieved from the Computing Alliance of Hispanic-Serving Institutions: http://cahsi.cs.utep.edu/Portals/0/The%20Nora%20Student%20Engagement%20Model.p df. Peters, R. J., Ford, K., Mi-Ting Lin, Meshack, A. F., Johnson, R. J., & Essien, E. J. (2011). The relationship between perceived psychological distress, behavioral indicators and African American student financial aid attainment difficulty. American Journal of Health Studies, 26(3), 131-138. Retrieved from Rossman, G., & Rallis, S. F. (2003). Learning in the field: An introduction to qualitative research (2nd ed.). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Razaki, K. A., Koprowski, W., & Lindberg, D. L. (2014). The student loan crisis: Background, motivations of participants, and regulatory issues. Journal of Business & Accounting, 5(1), 94-105. Schram, T. H. (2006). Conceptualizing and proposing qualitative research (2nd ed.). Upper Saddle River, NJ: Pearson. Shafiq, M. & Toutkoushian, R. (2010). A conceptual analysis of state support for higher education: Appropriations versus need-based financial aid. Research in Higher Education, 51(1), 40-64.doi:10.1007/s11162-009-9148-5.Retrieved from http://web.a.ebscohost.com/ehost/pdfviewer/pdfviewer?vid=12&sid=6bc9282d-3302- 4ee3-8888-80f0d966088f%40sessionmgr4005&hid=4101. State Higher Education Executive, O. (2015). State Higher Education Finance FY 2014. State Higher Education Executive Officers. Retrieved from http://www.sheeo.org/sites/default/files/project-files/SHEF%20FY% 202014-20150410.pdf. St. John, E. P., Shouping, H., & Weber, J. (2001). State policy on the affordability of public higher education: The influence of state grants on persistence in Indiana. Research in Higher Education, 42(4), 401-428. Stratton, L. S., O’Toole, D. M., & Wetzela, J. N. (2008). A multinomial logit model of college stopout and dropout behavior. Economics of Education Review, 27(3), 319-331. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.econedurev.2007.04.003. Tinto, V. (1975). Dropout from higher education: A theoretical synthesis of recent research. Review of Educational Research, 45(1), 89-125. doi: 10.3102/00346543045001089 . Toutkoushian, R. K. & Shafiq, M. N. (2010). A conceptual analysis of state support for higher education: Appropriations versus need-based financial aid. Research in Higher Education, 51(1), 40-64. doi:10.1007/s11162-009-9148-5
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Vázquez, F., L., Otero, P., & Díaz, O. (2012). Psychological distress and related factors in female college students. Journal of American College Health, 60(3), 219-225. doi:10.1080/07448481.2011.587485. Vossensteyn, H. (2004) Fiscal stress: Worldwide trends in higher education finance. Journal of Student Financial Aid, 34(1), Article 3. Retrieved from http://publications.nasfaa.org/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1082&context=jsfa&sei- redir=1&referer=http%3A%2F%2Fscholar.google.com%2Fscholar%3Fstart%3D30%26q %3Deducation%2Bfinance%26hl%3Den%26as_sdt%3D0%2C44#search=%22education %20finance%22.
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Appendix A
1. Are you a first generation college student? If so, how did this impact your decision to drop out of college? 2. Describe your college experience. 3. Why did you drop out of college? 4. What role did financial aid to play in your ability to access college? 5. What types of aid was offered to you and how adequate was it to pay for college? 6. Describe your contribution or your parent’s contribution to pay for college. 7. How did you feel when you realize you would not have enough financial aid to cover 100% of your college cost? 8. What was your experience with financial aid staff? 9. How do you feel about your HBCU? 10. Describe your ability to pay your student loan debt. 11. How to you feel about attaining a college degree? 12. How did your college experience effect your life at the time you were enrolled in college and how does what kind of effect does it have on your life today?
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Black Culture Centers: A Review of Pertinent Literature
Kimberly N. Sanders University of Louisville
Black culture centers provide important university support and services, such as advising, career development, mentoring, and leadership skill building. This article examines the existing literature related to this vital campus resource and identifies existing gaps for further exploration. A review of relevant literature indicates that though Black culture centers (BCCs) have existed at traditionally White institutions for over forty years, there have been relatively few empirical investigations into their roles, functions, and perceptions and even fewer studies examining culture centers generally. In light of declining financial resources and demands that directors demonstrate that BCCs are helping to create positive student outcomes, a common theme within the discourse surrounding BCCs involves validating their existence. Opponents often downplay the contributions of BCCs, arguing that they foster self-segregation and prevent African American students from integrating with the broader campus community. They claim that the roles of BCC are too narrow in that they are solely for African American students and merely serve a social mission. These widely held misconceptions pose a challenge to BCCs and ultimately present a threat to their existence. It is imperative that BCC researchers move beyond the anecdotal and develop more empirical evidence of the necessity of these race-specific culture centers. Keywords: Black culture centers
Black culture centers, which emerged during civil rights and Black power protests of the late 1960s and 1970s, provide important university support and services, such as tutoring, academic advising, career development, mentoring, and leadership skill building (Bankole, 2005; Davis, LePeau, Patricoski, & Schmeckebier, 2005; Hord, 2005a). Though Black culture centers (BCCs) have existed at traditionally White institutions (TWIs) for over forty years, there have been relatively few empirical investigations into their roles, functions, and perceptions and even fewer studies examining culture centers generally. In fact, since the first study (Bennett, 1971) related to BCCs was released nearly 45 years ago, there have been fewer than 20 published scholarly articles on this topic. Almost all of the literature consists of anecdotal essays (Cooper, 2014; King, 2005; Pittman, 1994; Young, 2005), commentary describing the history and necessity of the centers (Bennett, 1971; Stovall, 2005), and conceptual articles defending the relevance of the centers (Asante, 2005; Hefner, 2002; Young & Hannon, 2002). Furthermore, most of the research focuses on a case study of one or two centers; absent from the literature are empirical examinations of multiple centers. A body of empirical research would be of great import to student affairs professionals, as research may provide organizational models and examples from which to base decisions. As institutions seek to provide funding to programs that increase diversity and student persistence, they are holding programs and offices more accountable. It is essential that these programs have a body of literature to defend their importance to the campus community. The purpose of this literature review is to synthesize literature related to Black Culture Centers on university campuses. An integrative review of the literature pertaining to Black Culture Centers was conducted primarily through online search engines: Academic Search, ERIC, Google Scholar, JSTOR, and WorldCat. The purpose of an integrative review is to summarize extant literature on a topic of interest, while also identifying deficits in the existing body of knowledge (Cooper, 1982).
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All scholarly literature related to Black or African American Culture Centers was collected and reviewed.
Background: Black Culture Centers—Establishment & History Due to the momentum started with the Civil Rights and Black Power Movements during the early and mid-1960s, student protests became widespread at campuses across the country, and student activism quickly escalated following the April 4, 1968 assassination of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. (Rojas, 2007). After the passing of the Civil Rights Act, the Higher Education Act, and the GI Bill, the ‘60s were a time when traditionally White institutions (TWIs) experienced a large influx of Black students, with enrollment increasing from 3,000 in 1960 to 98,000 in 1970. Between 1960 and 1977, the Black student attendance at all higher education institutions skyrocketed from 227,000 to 1.1 million (Patton, 2005). However, most of these students were clustered in small numbers across predominantly White campuses. Unfortunately, university faculty, staff, and students at these institutions did not provide the support that Black students needed, and African Americans experienced feelings of isolation and marginalization. Overt and covert racism were also widespread but were often ignored by administrators (Williamson, 1999). In response to unfair treatment, Black students and their supporters staged protests and sit-ins at universities across the country and demanded the establishment of Black Studies programs/departments, an increase in Black enrollment, recruitment of Black faculty, and many schools sought the formation of Black culture centers and Black student unions or associations (Hefner; 2002; Patton, 2005; Stovall, 2005). Employing the strategy of civil disobedience, students conducted sit-ins and other protests on campuses in response to discrimination and neglect from campus administrators (Rojas, 2007; Williamson, 1999). They worked together to form Black Student Unions and challenged universities to become relevant to the needs of the African American student population. They came together to formulate lists of demands to present to university administrations. One common demand was a center or house where students could gather. Initially, administrators were very resistant to appeasing student demands, but protestors refused to back down (Rojas, 2007; Williamson, 1999). The literature detailing the emergence of BCCs (Hefner, 2002; Pittman, 2006; Princes; 1994) does so from an historical perspective with little consideration to how and why the centers evolved in the following years. What scholars do address, however, is the continuing need for Black culture centers at TWIs across the country. This is most evident in Frank Hord’s (2005) edited text, Black Culture Centers: Politics of Survival and Identity, a collection of essays and commentary related to the relevancy of Black Culture Centers at post-secondary institutions. In the earliest commentary on BCCs, Bennett (1971) discusses the aspects of centers that address the needs of the Black community, while Pittman (1994) addresses the ways in which the centers benefit campus communities. He argues that they provide academic and social support, enhance the campus climate for students, and increase Black student retention (Pittman, 1994). Patton (2004; 2006a; 2006b; 2007), a leading BCC scholar, has identified multiple ways in which BCCs benefit Black students, including: serving as a “home away from home” that helps them cope with feelings of isolation on TWIs; aiding them when transitioning to campus by providing support services and programming; affirming cultural identity through educational initiatives where students can learn about continental and diasporic African history and culture; and helping recruit more Black students.
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Threats and Challenges In her historical examination of three BCCs from their founding to the time of the study, Foote (2005) found that BCCs “serve as spaces where Black students can cope with a hostile, unfriendly or indifferent campus environment” (p. 191). The Black students and alumni interviewed in the study reported that they benefitted from the BCCs in different ways, but none claimed that the centers impacted them negatively (Foote, 2005). Cultural centers are also beneficial to non-Black students as well. In their commentary published in Black Issues in Higher Education, Young and Hannon (2002) hold that BCCs help in broadening the perspective of the academy. In spite of their many benefits, there are individuals who believe BCCs are no longer needed on university campuses (Young & Hannon, 2002). Three commonly held misconceptions about BCCs identified by Bankole (2005) include: 1) the assumption that they further isolate Black students who typically make up a small student population at TWIs, 2) rather than being in support of cultural education, the centers serve to politically indoctrinate Black students, and 3) they should emphasize multiple cultures, instead of a single monolithic one. Because of these widely held beliefs, many institutions have started to advocate a single multicultural center model. Stewart (2005) agrees that these challenges exist but identifies more areas for concern, arguing that challenges for BCCs come from a number of places, including demographic changes in society, parallel changes in post-secondary institutions, efforts to prioritize multiculturalism over specific groups/ethnicities, the interplay of modern technology, and pressures from popular culture. Bankole (2005) and Pittman (1994) add that the many challenges facing BCCs include a lack of funding, staff and support, the ability to support the empowerment of their constituents, and opposition to their continuation due to claims of self-segregation. Hefner (2002), when addressing the debate over whether BCCs need even exist, maintains that there is an increased need for cultural centers, because an increasing number of students of color are enrolling at TWIs but represent a small portion of the student body. Furthermore, Pittman (1994), in his commentary defending the establishment and sustenance of cultural centers, states that those who oppose BCCs allege that they promote separatism and reverse racism. Combatting these claims, he contends: Charges of separatism and reverse racism discrimination are hurled at students of color who, on most campuses, are numerically unable to pose the kind of “threat” that some critics seem to believe is imminent. The academic and residential life of these students requires them to negotiate and survive in White or “integrated” settings most of the time. The time spent in a cultural center, by comparison, is hardly significant enough to warrant such charges. Contrary to prevailing perceptions, some research has shown that students of color tend to socialize outside of their racial and ethnic groups more than White students. (Pittman, 1994, p. 104) Contrary to the objections of antagonists, BCCs foster leadership development and involvement for students regardless of racial identity, as well as a sense of community, cultural pride, mattering and self-preservation (Patton, 2006a).
Multicultural Centers versus Race-Specific Centers Lori Patton’s (2010) edited volume, Culture Centers in Higher Education: Perspectives on Identity, Theory, and Practice, provides insight into multicultural (and race-specific) centers from a variety of perspectives discussing their establishment, function within higher education and sustainability in the future. Emerging several years after race-specific centers, such as BCCs, multicultural centers started to appear on college campuses in the 1980s and 1990s as the enrollment of students from various racial and ethnic backgrounds increased at TWIs (Castillo- Cullather & Stuart, 2002; Hefner, 2002; Princes, 1994; Stennis-Williams, Terrell, & Haynes,
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1988). Prior to the 1980s, very few multicultural centers existed at universities in the United States, but the rapid diversification of the student population also lead to growth in multicultural centers. With this increased diversity the question of the relevance of ethnic-specific centers arose among university leadership. A prevalent sentiment held by administrators is that BCCs no longer pursue their original missions and are not relevant to universities, because they are unable to meet the needs of more diverse campus communities (Hefner, 2002; Patton, 2006a, 2010). A number of campuses across the country have redefined the missions of their BCCs, developed multicultural centers, and poured millions of dollars into them in an attempt to meet the needs of an ever- changing student population. Proponents of BCCs argue that these newer initiatives may be precursors to total elimination of race-specific centers (Hefner, 2002). While weighing in on this issue, Hefner (2002) noted that a large number of BCC directors and staff members are hesitant to collapse race-specific centers into a single multicultural center: Many directors of Black cultural centers believe this new push is quietly undermining their historical role. In fact, they are worried that Black centers either will be pushed to compromise their African-centered foundations in order to appeal to other ethnic groups or, more ominously, drop the “Black” title all together and become “Multicultural” centers. Either way, many directors are putting on their battle armor because they feel “under attack” (para. 5). At the center of this debate over the advantages and disadvantages regarding types of centers are questions concerning who they should serve, in what ways, and if every sizeable ethnic group on campus should have a center (Hefner, 2002). Individuals in favor of the establishment of multicultural centers (MCCs), as opposed to mono-cultural or race-specific ones, emphasize the impact of providing broader services to students of color and underserved populations (Castillo-Cullather & Stuart, 2002; Patton, 2006a). They surmise that MCCs contribute to the building of racial harmony, handling acts of racial/cultural hate and intolerance, and cultivating cross-cultural appreciation. Multicultural center proponents call for the merging of mono-cultural centers in hopes that MCCs will increase understanding of intercultural commonalities and foster diversity awareness and identity development for students from multiple populations (Castillo-Cullather & Stuart, 2002; Princes, 1994; Stennis-Williams et al., 1988). Advocates of race-specific facilities postulate that they promote separatism and further isolate groups that exist in the margins of the campus community (Patton, 2006a). Supporters of mono-cultural centers maintain that there are countless advantages to offering a more focused mission directed toward an identifiable population with specific needs (Castillo-Cullather & Stuart, 2002; Patton, 2006). Population-specific initiatives can be more effective in recruiting and retaining minoritized students who are often ignored or overlooked. Focusing efforts toward a specific group can help with identity, community, and leadership development for marginalized student (Castillo-Cullather & Stuart, 2002). Collapsing existing centers into cross-cultural or multicultural centers, proposes Patton (2006a), is based upon the misconception that the needs of all underserved and underrepresented students can be realized through a single initiative. Similar to some culture center employees, many students of color feel threatened by the idea of merging race-specific centers with multicultural centers, arguing that collapsing the centers would invalidate and ignore their specific experiences as students of color (Patton, 2006a). Though race-specific culture centers often face criticism from administrators who question their relevance, Lozano (2010) maintains that Latino culture centers are often times the only space on campus to “offer a holistic learning experience allowing Latina/o students to explore racial/ethnic identity development and engage in social justice activism, political education, community outreach,
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academic mentoring and support, leadership development, social and professional networking, and alumni outreach” (p. 11). Each of the aforementioned factors can contribute to a student’s sense of belonging, academic confidence, and leadership skills. Lozano (2010) regards culture centers as a safe space for Latino students where they can explore their complicated identities, which often involve issues related to language, biracial/cultural identity, ethnicity, generational residency status, sexual orientation, gender roles, and indigenous identity. Liu, Cuyjet, and Lee (2010) add that race-specific centers complete with staffing and resources gain more recognition than mere cultural festivals, performances, and food fairs. The facilities can address the development and cultural needs of students that otherwise are not being addressed. Moreover, these centers may aid faculty by exposing them to the needs of various student groups, as well as the cultural differences and similarities within ethnic groups and cultures, aiding in faculty multicultural competency development and their understanding of the diversity that can be found within a single ethnic/racial group (Liu et al., 2010). Shotton and colleagues (2010) agree that race-specific culture centers are necessary, as they counter experiences of isolation, alienation, dissatisfaction and overt racism faced by many minoritized students in higher education, while focusing on issues specific to cultural groups (Shotton, Yellowfish, & Cintron, 2010). In addition to serving the needs of historically marginalized racial and ethnic groups, race-specific culture centers can also help White students. Benitez (2010) observes that many White college students have had little to no cross-cultural engagement and are not aware of White privilege. He opines that culture centers may be used as spaces for the social deconstruction of “Whiteness” and racial superiority, aiding White students in thinking about their own identities by interacting with students of other racial and ethnic identities. Exposing White students to different races benefits both privileged and marginalized groups on campus (Benitez, 2010).
Black Culture Centers in Practice Black culture centers provide important university support and services, such as tutoring, academic advising, career development, mentoring, and leadership skill building (Bankole, 2005; Hefner, 2002; Hord, 2005a; Patton, 2010; Princes, 2004). Typically housed in either academic affairs or student affairs divisions of universities (Bankole, 2005), they are described as a safe space for Black students to retreat from the “perceived hostility of an unwelcoming campus community” (Young & Hannon, 2002). Studies indicate that culture centers aid in recruiting and retaining students from historically marginalized racial and ethnic groups, provide a “home away from home,” help students cope with marginalization, and serve as a source of cultural pride and education (Patton, 2006a, 2006b; Jones et al., 2002; Jones & Williams, 2006; Strayhorn, Terrell, Redmond, & Walton, 2010). In their examination of the African American Student Center (AASC) at a Northwestern university, Jones and Williams (2006) report that undergraduates at this institution considered the center “a safe haven,” “a home away from home,” a place to talk about problems,” and “a place from PWI [predominantly White institutions] stress.” Jones and Williams (2006) reason that culture centers and other initiatives targeted toward supporting these populations can be viewed as factors that contribute to both the quality and quantity of students of color on campus. The sentiments shared amongst the interviewees in this study are indicative of the significant role the AASC played in student success at this university. In addition to providing countless programs and services, culture centers are instrumental in providing a sense of belonging and aiding in skill development for some students. While examining Black students’ experiences with the BCC located on their campus, Strayhorn and colleagues (2010) found students understood the existence of the BCC as an affirmation of their presence on campus, which fostered a sense of belonging and mattering. In a word, these
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participants felt that they, as Black students, were important on their campus. Strayhorn et al. (2010) emphasize that a sense of belonging is critical to an individual’s identification with his or her community and has a number of behavioral consequences.
Implications In sum, the literature concerning culture centers consists mainly of historical accounts and anecdotal commentary. Previous studies indicate that these centers aid in recruiting and retaining students of color, provide a “home away from home” for many students, help them cope with marginalization, and serve as a source of cultural pride and education. Though much of the literature is not empirical in nature, it provides a foundation from which future studies can build. Because there is so little research on this topic, there are many voids in the literature—dealing with topics such as Black culture center staff and leadership to quantitative and/or longitudinal examinations of BCCs. Future studies should seek to further support the relevance and necessity of BCCs within higher education through thoughtful investigations into culture center structure, programming and services, and student and faculty perceptions of centers. In light of declining financial resources and demands that directors demonstrate that BCCs are helping to create positive student outcomes, a common theme within the discourse surrounding Black Culture Centers (BCCs) involves validating their existence (Hefner, 2002; Patton, 2010; Princes, 2005). Opponents often downplay the contributions of BCCs, arguing that they foster self- segregation and prevent African American students from integrating with the broader campus community. They claim that the roles of BCC are too narrow in that they are solely for African American students and merely serve a social mission (Patton, 2006). These widely held misconceptions pose a challenge to BCCs and ultimately present a threat to their existence. It is imperative that BCC researchers move beyond the anecdotal and develop more empirical evidence of the necessity of these race-specific culture centers.
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References Asante, M. K. (2005). Challenging orthodoxies: The case for the black cultural center. In F. L. Hord (Ed.), Black culture centers: Politics of survival and identity (pp. 37-40). Chicago, IL: Third World Press and Association of Black Culture Centers. Bankole, K. (2005). An overview of Black culture centers in higher education. In F. L. Hord (Ed.), Black culture centers: Politics of survival and identity (pp. 164-182). Chicago, IL: Third World Press and Association of Black Culture Centers. Bennett, W. (1971). The Afro-American cultural center. Harvard Journal of Afro-American Affairs, 2(2), 18-29. Castillo-Cullather, M., & Stuart, S. (2002, May). Growth of cultural/ethnic centers on campus: Impact and rationale. Paper presented at the National Conference on Race and Ethnicity in Higher Education, New Orleans, LA. Cooper, H. M. (1982). Scientific guidelines for conducting integrative research reviews. Review of Educational Research, 52(2), 291-302. Cooper, K. J. (2014, August 27). Black culture centers embracing multiculturalism and intellectual conversation. Diverse Issues in Higher Education. Retrieved from http://diverseeducation.com/article/66600/ Foote. K. (2005). Excerpts from home away from home. In F. L. Hord (Ed.), Black culture centers: Politics of survival and identity (pp. 183-210). Chicago, IL: Third World Press and Association of Black Culture Centers. Hefner, D. (2002). Black cultural centers: Standing on shaky ground? Black Issues in Higher Education, 18(26). Retrieved from http://diverseeducation.com/article/1952/ Hord, F. L. (2005a). Black culture centers and Africoncentric strategies. In F. L. Hord, Black culture centers: Politics of survival and identity (pp. 54-62). Chicago, IL: Third World Press and Association of Black Culture Centers. Hord, F. L. (2005b). An interview with Maulana Karenga. In F. L. Hord, Black culture centers: Politics of survival and identity (pp. 21-36). Chicago, IL: Third World Press and Association of Black Culture Centers. Jones, J. D., & Williams, M. (2006). The African American student center and Black student retention at a Pacific Northwest TWI. Western Journal of Black Studies, 30(4), 24-34. King, S. M. (2005). Rethinking civilized behavior: The role of the African American culture center in the sixth millennium. In F. L. Hord (Ed.), Black culture centers: Politics of survival and identity (pp. 63-74). Chicago, IL: Third World Press and Association of Black Culture Centers. Liu, W. M., Cuyjet, M. J., & Lee, S. (2010). Asian American student involvement in Asian American culture centers. In L. D. Patton (Ed.), Culture centers in higher education: Perspectives on identity, theory, and practice (pp. 26-48). Sterling, VA: Stylus. Lozano, A. (2010). Latino culture centers: Providing a sense of belonging and promoting student success. In, L. D. Patton (Ed.), Culture centers in higher education: Perspectives on identity, theory, and practice (pp. 3-25). Sterling, VA: Stylus. Patton, L. D. (2004) From protest to progress? An examination of the relevance, relationships and roles of Black culture centers in the undergraduate experiences of Black students at predominantly White institutions. (Doctoral dissertation). Retrieved from ProQuest Dissertations and Theses. Patton, L. D. (2005). Power to the people! Black student protest and the emergence of Black culture centers. In F. L. Hord (Ed.), Black culture centers: Politics of survival and identity (pp. 151-163). Chicago, IL: Third World Press and Association of Black Culture Centers.
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Patton, L. D. (2006a). Black culture centers: Still central to student learning. About Campus, 11(2), 2-8. Patton, L. D. (2006b). The voice of reason: A qualitative examination of Black student perceptions of their Black culture center. Journal of College Student Development, 47(6), 628-646. Patton, L. D. (2007). Case #5 conflict in the midst of culture: The transition from cultural center to multicultural center. In O. G. Brown, K. G. Hinton, & M. F. Howard-Hamilton (Eds.), Unleashing suppressed voices on college campuses: Diversity issues in higher education (pp. 75-84). New York, NY: Peter Lang. Patton, L. D. (2010). On solid ground: An examination of the successful strategies and positive student outcomes of two Black culture centers. In L. D. Patton (Ed.), Culture centers in higher education: Perspectives on identity, theory, and practice (pp. 63-82). Sterling, VA: Stylus. Pittman, E. (1994). Last word. Cultural centers on predominantly White campuses: Campus, cultural, and social comfort equals retention. Black Issues in Higher Education, 11(10), 104. Retrieved from: http://alana.vassar.edu/resources/cultural-spaces.html Princes, C. D. W. (1994). The precarious question of Black cultural centers versus multicultural centers. (Report No HE 028386) Harrisburg, PA: Annual Conference of the Pennsylvania Black Conference on Higher Education. (ERIC Document Reproduction Service No. ED383273) Princes, C. D. W. (2005). The precarious question of Black culture centers versus multicultural centers. In F. L. Hord (Ed.), Black culture centers: Politics of survival and identity (pp. 135-146). Chicago, IL: Third World Press and Association of Black Culture Centers. Rojas, F. (2007). From Black Power to Black Studies: How a radical social movement became an academic discipline. Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press. Shotton, H. J., Yellowfish, S., & Cintron. (2010). Island of sanctuary: The role of an American Indian culture center. In, L. D. Patton (Ed.), Culture centers in higher education: Perspectives on identity, theory, and practice (pp. 49-62). Sterling, VA: Stylus. Stennis-Williams, M. C., Terrell & Haynes, A. W. (1988). The emergent role of multicultural education centers on predominantly White campuses. In M. C. Terrell, & D. J. Wright (Eds.), From survival to success: Promoting minority student retention (pp. 73-88). Washington, DC: NASPA. Stewart, J. B. (2005). Bridging time, space, and technology: Challenges confronting Black cultural centers in the 21st century. In F. L. Hord (Ed.), Black culture centers: Politics of survival and identity (pp. 75-87). Chicago, IL: Third World Press and Association of Black Culture Centers. Strayhorn, T. L., Terrell, M. C., Redmond, J. S., & Walton, C. N. (2010). “A home away from home:” Black cultural centers as supportive environments for African American collegians at White institutions. In M. C. Terrell & T. L. Strayhorn (Eds.), The evolving challenges of black college students: New insights for practice, and research (pp. 122-137). Sterling, VA: Stylus. Stovall, A. J. (2005). Why Black culture centers? The philosophical basis for Black culture centers. In F. L. Hord (Ed.), Black culture centers: Politics of survival and identity (pp. 102-112). Chicago, IL: Third World Press and Association of Black Culture Centers. Williamson, J. A. (1999). In defense of themselves: The Black student struggle for success and recognition at predominantly White colleges and universities. Journal of Negro Education, 68(1), 92-105.
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Young, L. W. (2005). The Sable Quadrangle. In F. L. Hord (Ed.), Black culture centers: Politics of survival and identity (pp. 88-90). Chicago, IL: Third World Press and Association of Black Culture Centers. Young, L. W., & Hannon, M. D. (2002). The staying power of Black cultural centers. Ethnic News Watch, 18, 104.
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Recruiting and Retaining African American Male Administrators at Predominantly White Institutions
DeWitt T. Scott Chicago State University
The primary objective of this study is the development and articulation of research-based suggestions for strengthening recruitment and retention practices of African American male senior-level administrators at predominantly White colleges and universities. A contextual analysis of conditions surrounding current African American male administrators at these institutions, as well as ways these conditions affect Black male administrator recruitment and retention, is illustrated. Conclusions suggest that responsibility for increasing the number of Black male administrators at predominantly White institutions (PWIs), as well as their length of service at these institutions, is shared between institutional leaders and aspiring African American male administrators. Recommendations in this essay are directed at both parties. Keywords: African-American male administrators, PWI, administration
In recent years, scholarly literature on higher education has given increased attention to the state and presence of Black college students and faculty (Allen, Epps, Guillory, Suh, & Bonous- Hammarth, 2000; Banks, 1984; Blackwell, 1989; Hughes, 2004; Kim & Hargrove, 2013; King & Watts, 2004; Moore, 2001; Morales & Troutman, 2004; Solorzano, Ceja, & Yosso, 2000; Stanley, 2006; Watson, 2001). Researchers have attempted to find causes and solutions to the underrepresentation of Black students and faculty, particularly at predominantly White institutions (PWIs). Developed from this research is a collection of studies that concentrate exclusively on Black males as students and faculty, and the inability of this group to graduate college and obtain faculty positions to the same degree as their White and female counterparts (Green, 2000; Harper, 2006, 2009, 2012; Hopson, 2000; Kunjufu, 2005; Marks, 2000; Perma, 2001; Rowley, 2000). While such studies have proven to be informative and valuable, they have only partly examined the experience of Black males at PWIs. Often ignored in the higher education literature is the experience of Black males in upper- level administrative positions at PWIs. This lack of literature on Black male administrators is directly related to the lack of deliberate attention PWIs have given to increasing the number of Black males in their administrative ranks, particularly in comparison to the consideration given to increasing the number of Black male students and faculty. To date, there has not been a deliberate, comprehensive effort among PWIs to significantly diversify their administrative ranks in ways comparable to student and faculty diversification efforts. Statistics show that in fall 2011, Black men held 3.6% of all executive, senior, and upper administrative positions in U.S. higher education institutions (Howard, 2014). That number includes historically Black colleges and universities (HBCUs) where Black males are overrepresented in executive administrative positions (Gasman & Commodore, 2014). The fundamental aim of this essay is to shine light on ways PWIs can increase the recruitment and retention of Black male administrators. Institutions that are committed to the ideals of diversity and inclusion should model such standards not only in their student and faculty ranks, but in senior administration as well. Theories proposed throughout this article will not only contribute to the gap in research literature on the topic of Black male administrators, but will also
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present practical ideas for institutions seeking to diversify their administrations as well as African American males aspiring to senior administrative positions in higher education.
Literature Review Considering that the investigation of the experiences and history of Black male administrators at PWIs is scarce in higher education scholarly literature, topics reviewed to contextualize this subject include administrative hiring in higher education and Black male academic performance at the college level. Research on administrative hiring in higher education has called into question the supposed meritocracy of academia. Data have shown that, traditionally, the majority of administrative positions at PWIs are obtained through personal and professional networks rather than job performance (Dingerson, Rodman, & Wade, 1980). Through the “old boy” network, PWI leaders ask friends and colleagues within their networks to recommend individuals for positions (Dingerson et al., 1980, p. 11). The main issue with old boy networks is that they tend to be homogenous in terms of race, ethnicity, gender, class, sexuality, and educational background. Considering that the face of PWI leadership historically has been White, middle-class males from elite educational backgrounds, the old boy networks usually produce candidates and hires of the same demographics. Such practices disproportionately disadvantage women and people of color, which adds context to the low representation of Black male administrators at PWIs. Analyzing the old boy network from a different perspective is Jackson and Leon’s (2010) study on social closure theory. Social closure theory is defined as the preservation of opportunity and resources by the dominant group to the exclusion of non-dominant groups. Jackson and Leon (2010) assert that top leadership positions in higher education are not made widely available to minorities and women as a result of social closure theory. Consequently, a glass ceiling develops that makes it extremely difficult for minorities and women to obtain and maintain senior administrative positions at PWIs. Similar to the old boy network, social closure locks out individuals of unfamiliar communities and backgrounds from equal opportunities in higher education administration (Jackson & Leon, 2010). Additionally, literature on Black male academic performance in college was analyzed, specifically to gain a better understanding of the Black male administrator candidate pool. Kim and Hargrove (2013) used resiliency theory as a conceptual framework for examining and explaining Black male academic performance. Considering the dismal statistics of African American men who succeed in college (Allen, 1992; Brown, 2011; Harper, 2006, 2009, 2012; Maton, Hrabowski, & Greif, 1998; McJamerson, 1991; Sutton & Terrell, 1997), Black males who have matriculated to doctoral programs and placed themselves in position to successfully compete for faculty and administrative jobs in the academy have exhibited resiliency to a great degree. Prayer, peer support, and campus engagement are all factors that were identified as contributing to the academic success of the young men in Kim and Hargrove’s (2013) study. These factors were reiterated in Maton et al.’s (1998) study along with academic engagement of parents and strong support from extended family. Both studies critically examined ways that the number of Black males that succeed in college can be increased, thereby expanding the Black male candidate pool for higher education administrative positions.
Current State of Black Male Administrators Lack of literature exploring the issue of Black male administrators at PWIs can be attributed to one glaring fact: there are just not many Black males in these positions. Historically, the large majority of senior administrative positions at PWIs have been held by White men (Chenoweth, 1998; Jackson, 2000, 2003; Roach, 2001). A number of reasons are given for the
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low representation of Black male PWI senior administrators. Chief among them are the feelings of alienation and isolation many Black males experience on PWI campuses, regardless whether they are students, faculty, or administrators (Allen, 1992; Allen et al., 2000; Banks, 1984; Bell, 1994; Bjork & Thompson, 1989; Blackwell, 1989; Hughes, 2004; Jackson, 2001b; Jones, 2001; Stanley, 2006; Watson, 2001). Experiences in the former two roles are critical considering that the average administrator was once a student and faculty member before moving to administration (Birnbaum & Umbach, 2001). If Black males have unsatisfactory experiences as students and faculty members, it is highly unlikely that they will pursue administrative roles. Jackson (2001b) specifically addresses the issue of isolation in his study of African American administrators. According to Jackson (2001b), Blacks at PWIs often remark that they find unwelcoming climates on campus. A lack of appreciation, recognition, and acknowledgement of Black culture, excellence, and achievement is prevalent at many of these institutions, causing significant numbers of Black students, faculty, and administrators to feel disconnected from the larger campus community. Such experiences can compel promising and talented Black male administrators to leave an institution or academia altogether and ultimately reinforce the lack of Black male administrative presence at these institutions.
Institution-Based Solutions Strategies for remedying the lack of Black male administrators at PWIs can be categorized in two ways: institution-based solutions and individual-based solutions. Institutions can begin by giving the same amount of attention to diversifying senior administration that is given to diversifying student and faculty ranks. Many PWIs are eager to portray their campuses as pillars of inclusion and diversity and often point to initiatives and strategies implemented to recruit and retain increasing numbers of minority students and faculty (Guillory, 2001). Nothing says diversity and inclusion more than diversifying the ranks of senior administration. According to Jackson (2001a), the truest measure of an institution’s commitment to diversity is displayed in the demographic composition of its administration. Compounded with this thought is Fikes’ (2004) point that many PWIs spare no effort, energy, or resource to recruit Black men for their athletic teams. If even a portion of these efforts were directed to recruiting Black males for administration, underrepresentation would not be an issue. Secondly, PWIs will need to do more to encourage current Black male faculty and graduate students to consider administrative careers as options. This solution is deeply connected to the issue of isolation and alienation described by Jackson (2001b). If Black male graduate students and faculty at PWIs feel welcomed, appreciated, and respected, the possibility of these men seriously considering administrative careers will increase. PWI leaders can suggest certain leadership and minor administrative roles to high-performing and promising Black male faculty on campus to introduce them to the field of administration. Such acts not only show Black males that institutional leaders value their work and potential, but it also gives these men the opportunity to display their capabilities as leaders. Those who are successful and enjoy the work can contemplate pursuing larger responsibilities and roles. Lastly, PWIs will need to begin to seriously consider Black male administrators from HBCUs as viable candidates for administrative hiring. Oftentimes, the disregard for HBCU leaders extends to Black administrators and leaders who may have graduated from HBCUs (Chenoweth, 1998; Roach, 2001). Considering that a large percentage of African Americans who hold doctoral degrees attended HBCUs as undergraduates, avoiding HBCU graduates significantly decreases the amount of Black males available to compete for open PWI administrative positions (Brown & Davis, 2001; Kunjufu, 2002). Arguments are often made that PWI boards of trustees do not tend to want to hire individuals who are not familiar with the nuances and particulars of
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PWIs. As sound as this argument may appear, it does not hold up when one considers that a large number of former Black male PWI graduates and administrators who take positions at HBCUs are usually not recruited back to lead PWIs (Roach, 2001). This sends a message that HBCU administrators are inferior and unable to manage a PWI campus effectively. Such messages prevent PWIs from considering viable Black male candidates with proven track records of success, and repel promising Black male HBCU administrators from pursing PWI positions because of perceived discrimination and prejudice.
Individual-Based Solutions It is important to understand that the entire burden for increasing the number of Black male administrators at PWIs does not rest solely on the institutions. Not every PWI is afflicted with racist climates that ignore talented Black men and former HBCU leaders. There are some instances where qualified Black males will be fairly considered for positions if they are prepared for the opportunity. Below are some suggestions for Black males who aspire to be PWI administrators on ways they can position themselves for success. Black men who desire to become administrators at PWIs must first do everything in their power to learn as much about their institution and the different departments on campus. These men should become experts on the inner workings of their campuses, the administrative functions of the departments in which they currently work, and higher education overall. Keeping abreast on the latest scholarly literature on higher education leadership, as well as closely observing and conversing with current and prior leaders who have been successful can be advantageous. The key is that the aspiring administrator should prepare as if he will become the president of the institution (Guillory, 2001). In addition to acquiring institutional knowledge, aspiring Black male administrators must increase their participation in national networks, organizations, and leadership preparation programs committed to working with aspiring college administrators. Administrator hopefuls need to make sure that institutional leaders know who they are and realize that they desire administrative positions. The bold truth is that administrative hiring at any institution almost always boils down to a referral or endorsement from a respected member of the academic community (Chenoweth, 1998; Roach, 2001; Schexnider, 2013). Black males who do not connect with influential PWI stakeholders will typically find themselves on the outside looking in when positions become available. Participation in national associations and conferences can be helpful in promoting an individual’s abilities and qualifications (Chenoweth, 1998). A critical suggestion for Black males striving for senior administrative positions at PWIs is to resist being pigeonholed into certain administrative roles. Many Black male administrators at PWIs frequently find themselves in positions such as Chief Diversity Coordinator or Director of Multicultural Student Affairs. Being forced into these and similar positions can send a message that the individual is incapable of contributing to the governing of an institution outside of racial matters. Despite the perceived benefits that such a position may afford, Black males who are serious about becoming executive-level administrators should avoid these positions. It is better to take a potentially lower-paying, less prestigious position that keeps one on a path to positions aligned with the senior administrative track, than to become stagnated as the campus administrative expert on racial issues (Guillory, 2001). Lastly, in order to make themselves more attractive for positions, Black male administrators seeking positions at PWIs must develop adept fundraising abilities. Due to fiscal challenges related to a struggling economic climate and the increasing cost of higher education, fundraising has become an essential component of higher education administration (Pierce, 2012; Tractenberg, Kauvar, & Bogue, 2013; Suggs, 2014). Many institutions currently find themselves
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in a position where they cannot survive without the additional revenue that fundraising initiatives bring (Schexnider, 2013). Administrators who can adequately raise funds or contribute valuable resources and networks to institutional capital campaigns instantly make themselves attractive candidates for senior administrative positions. Even institutions that have mediocre track records of diversifying senior administration will be forced to strongly consider hiring a Black male who demonstrates an above average ability to solicit significant financial capital. In order to help develop these skills, potential Black male administrators must inquire about becoming involved with the foundation and development offices on their respective campuses. Figuring out the nuances and duties of various fundraising responsibilities on campus allows one to gain a better understanding of what these endeavors demand and what roles best fit one’s strengths (Guillory, 2001).
Implications Recent actions and initiatives for attaining diversity and inclusion on college campuses have primarily targeted the student and faculty ranks. While admirable, diversifying senior administration has largely been neglected. Recruiting and retaining Black males for senior administrative positions at PWIs can be a significant step toward establishing such diversity. In addition, many PWIs are realizing that providing access for Black male students is only part of the battle. Institutions must do all they can to support the academic success of the Black male students that they recruit and enroll. Increasing the numbers and presence of Black male administrators at PWIs can contribute to increased academic performance and persistence of these students. Research shows that students tend to perform better academically at institutions where they are represented demographically among institutional leadership (Konrad & Pfeffer, 1991). The same institutions that are invested in increasing success among their underrepresented populations would benefit from diversifying their senior administration. The recommendations given here are not intended to be exhaustive, but they can serve as a foundation for strategies and actions for increasing Black male administrators at PWIs. As the nation seeks new ways of developing, delivering, and leading higher education, new practices and perspectives will be needed among the leadership. Recruiting and retaining Black male administrators at PWIs, a traditionally underrepresented group at these institutions, can possibly bring unique perspectives and experiences that can help advance an institution in new and innovative ways.
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of the academy: Up and coming Black scholars making our way in higher education (pp. 71-81). Sterling, VA: Stylus Publishing, LLC. Howard, J. (2014). How they made it to the top. Chronicle of Higher Education. Retrieved from http://chronicle.com/article/How-They-Made-It-to-the-Top/149587/ Hughes, R. (2004). The dwindling pool of qualified professors of color: Suburban legends. In D. Cleveland (Ed.), A long way to go: Conversations about race by African American faculty and graduate students (pp. 81-93). New York, NY: Peter Lang Publishing, Inc. Jackson, J. F. L. (2000). Administrators of color at predominantly White institutions. In L. Jones (Ed.), Brothers of the academy: Up and coming Black scholars making our way in higher education (pp. 43-51). Sterling, VA: Stylus Publishing, LLC. Jackson, J. F. L. (2001a). A new test for diversity: Retaining African American administrators at predominantly White institutions. In L. Jones (Ed.), Retaining African Americans in higher education: Challenging paradigms for retaining students, faculty, & administrators (pp. 93-109). Sterling, VA: Stylus Publishing. Jackson, J. F. L. (2001b). Retention of African American administrators at predominantly White institutions: Using professional growth factors to inform the discussion. Paper Presented at the Annual Conference of the Association for the Study of Higher Education, Richmond, VA. Jackson, J. F. L. (2003). Toward administrative diversity: An analysis of the African-American male educational pipeline. The Journal of Men’s Studies, 12(1), 43-60. Jackson, J. F. L., & Leon, R. A. (2010). Enlarging our understanding of glass ceiling effects with social closure theory in higher education. In J. C. Smart (Ed.), Higher education: Handbook of theory and research, volume 25 (pp. 351-379). New York, NY: Springer. Jones, L. (2001). Retaining African Americans in higher education: Challenging paradigms for retaining students, faculty, & administrators. Sterling, VA: Stylus Publishing. Kim, E., & Hargrove, D. T. (2013). Deficient or resilient: A critical review of Black male academic success and persistence in higher education. The Journal of Negro Education, 82(3), 300- 311. King, K. L., & Watts, I. E. (2004). Assertiveness or the drive to succeed?: Surviving at a predominantly White university. In D. Cleveland (Ed.), A long way to go: Conversations about race by African American faculty and graduate students (pp. 110-119). New York, NY: Peter Lang Publishing, Inc. Konrad, A. M., & Pfeffer, J. (1991). Understanding the hiring of women and minorities in educational institutions. Sociology of Education, 64, 141-157. Kunjufu, J. (2002). Black students, middle-class teachers. Chicago, IL: African American Images. Kunjufu, J. (2005). Countering the conspiracy to destroy Black boys. Chicago, IL: African American Images. Marks, B. T. (2000). The miseducation of the negro revisited: African American racial identity, historically Black institutions, and historically White institutions. In L. Jones (Ed.), Brothers of the academy: Up and coming Black scholars earning our way in higher education (pp. 53-69). Sterling, VA: Stylus Publishing, LLC. Maton, K. I., Hrabowski III, F. A., & Greif, G. L. (1998). Preparing the way: A qualitative study of high-achieving African American males and the role of the family. American Journal of Community Psychology, 26(4), 639-668. McJamerson, E. M. (1991). The declining participation of African American men in higher education: Causes and consequences. Sociological Spectrum, 11, 45-65.
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Moore, J. L. (2001). Developing academic warriors: Things that parents, administrators, and faculty should know. In L. Jones (Ed.), Retaining African Americans in higher education: Challenging paradigms for retaining students, faculty, & administrators (pp. 77-90). Sterling, VA: Stylus Publishing, LLC. Morales, E. E., & Troutman, F. K. (2004). Promoting academic resilience in multicultural America: Factors affecting student success. New York, NY: Peter Lang. Perma, L. W. (2001). Sex and race differences in faculty tenure and promotion. Research in Higher Education, 42(5), 541-567. Pierce, S. R. (2012). On being presidential: A guide for university and college leaders. San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass. Roach, R. (2001). A presidential class matriculates. Black Issues in Higher Education, 18(9), 18- 21. Rowley, L. L. (2000). African American men in higher education: Historical, cultural, and social reflections for mastering the dialectical challenges. In L. Jones (Ed.), Brothers of the academy: Up and coming Black scholars making our way in higher education (pp. 83-99). Sterling, VA: Stylus Publishing, LLC. Schexnider, A. J. (2013). Saving Black colleges: Leading change in a complex organization. New York, NY: Palgrave Macmillan. Solorzano, D., Ceja, M., & Yosso, T. (2000). Critical race theory, racial microaggressions, and campus racial climate: The experiences of African American college students. The Journal of Negro Education, 69(1/2), 60-73. Stanley, C. A. (2006). Coloring the academic landscape: Faculty of color breaking the silence in predominantly White colleges and universities. American Educational Research Journal, 43(4), 701-736. Suggs, V. L. (2014). Historically Black college leadership and social transformation: How past practices inform the present and future. Charlotte, NC: Information Age Publishing, Inc. Sutton, E. M., & Terrell, M. C. (1997). Identifying and developing leadership opportunities for African American men. New Directions for Student Services, (80), 55-64. Trachtenberg, S. J., Kauvar, G. B., & Bogue, E. G. (2013). Presidencies derailed: Why university leaders fail and how to prevent it. Baltimore, MD: The Johns Hopkins University Press. Watson, L. W. (2001). The politics of tenure and promotion of African-American faculty. In L. Jones (Ed.), Retaining African Americans in higher education: Challenging paradigms for retaining students, faculty, & administrators (pp. 235-245). Sterling, VA: Stylus.
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Students on the Margins-Margins: A Critical Examination of Research on African American Foster Youth in Higher Education Kenyon Whitman, MA University of San Diego
The purpose of this article is to convey the need for research that brings a human face to foster youth in higher education. It is important is to understand their low educational outcomes as a social justice issue. It is important to emphasize the research on Black foster youth needs to value experiential knowledge (Solorzano & Yasso, 2009). Experiential knowledge of people of color is legitimate, and critical to understanding and analyzing racial subordination (Solorzano & Yasso, 2009). In the traditional critical race theory methodology, I use poetry and narratives to make meaning of this pervasive issue. Lastly, this paper offers several recommendations for research to humanize and celebrate Black foster children in the educational setting. Keywords: Foster youth, African Americans, critical race theory
! Former President Jimmy Carter was an advocate for foster youth. He understood that a community has a responsibility to take care of young men and women in foster care. He said, …we have a moral responsibility to prepare young people leaving foster care for their journey into adulthood. Our communities must commit themselves to a common goal of helping these young people to become whole adults who can fulfill their potential and build bright and promising futures. (Carter, 2006, p. viii). We have a moral responsibility to take care of these young people, however, when reading the educational statistics below, it is clear society has failed them. Pecora et al. (2006) report in their study, that approximately 65% of foster youth changed schools seven or more times from elementary through high school. Seventy-five percent of foster youth are working below grade level and more than half will have to repeat a grade at least one time before exiting the system (Sommer, Wu, & Mauldon, 2009). Additionally, up to 50% of foster youth will be placed into special education (Zetlin, Weinberg, & Kimm, 2004). Pecora et al. (2005) reported only 1% of foster youth obtain a college degree. Unstable home environments, mental health issues, and poverty invariably create challenges within the classroom, which interfere with foster youth’s ability to learn effectively (Dworsky & Perez, 2009; Finkelstein, Miranda, & Wamsley, 2007; Merdinger et al., 2005; Noonan et al., 2012; Pecora et al., 2006). One study found that one third of foster youth are living at or below the poverty level, which is a rate three times that of the national poverty rate (Pecora et al., 2006). Foster youth live on the margins of society; in many ways Black foster youth are pushed to the “margins-margins.” Black foster youth live in a space where their ethnicity leaves them vulnerable to racism and prejudice (American Institutes for Research [AIR], 2013) and their classification as ward of the courts, stigmatizes them as a problem and not a person (Dowsky & Perez, 2010). The purpose of this paper is to convey the need for research that humanizes foster youth in higher education. Furthermore, I call for more research that offers a counter narrative to the dismal statistics presented above. This article hopes to center the need for research on Black (I use African American and Black interchangeably) foster youth as they do face a more difficult experience than their White peers in the entire K-12 to college continuum. The American Institutes for Research (2013) released a report that stated African-American children are twice as likely to have poor outcomes across child welfare and education systems. AIR (2013), continued to state that, “institutional racism and cultural biases underlie much of the disparity
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that exists within these systems” (p. 7). It is important to understand the issue of educational outcomes of this population as a social justice one.
Brief Overview of Critical Race Theory Reflecting on the barriers facing foster youth in K-12 and in higher education institutions, I use Critical Race Theory (CRT) to give voice to a systematically oppressed group. While foster youth make up a small percentage of the college student populations, for many reasons they are more at-risk to dropout. I use CRT because it crosses disciplinary arenas. There are five core tenets that shape the basic assumptions, perspectives and research methods of CRT (Matsuda, Lawrence, Delgado, & Crenshaw, 1993; Tate, 1997). I offer a short explanation of each. This first tenet understands the centrality of race and racism. CRT scholars recognize that racial identity and this form of oppression (racism) intersect with other subordinated identities and forms of oppression that influences lived experiences (Bartlett & Brayboy, 2005; Brayboy, 2005; Kumasi, 2011; Lynn & Adams, 2002; Solorzano & Yosso, 2001); and I argue it intersects with youth who experienced the child welfare system. The second tenet is challenging the dominant ideology; CRT challenges the traditional claims that educational institutions make toward objectivity, meritocracy, colorblindness, race neutrality, and equal opportunity (Solorazano & Yosso, 2009). The third tenet is that CRT recognizes the experiential knowledge of people of color is essential to understanding, and analyzing racial subordination. CRT scholars find experiential knowledge as strength and draw explicitly on the lived experiences of people of color by utilizing storytelling, family history, biographies, parables, cuentos, and narratives (Bell, 1987; Carrasco, 1996; Delgado, 1989). The fourth tenet is that CRT challenges ahistorical context and calls for an interdisciplinary perspective when analyzing race and racism. CRT in education challenges race neutrality (Delgado, 1984; Solorzano & Yosso, 2009). The fifth tenet is that CRT is committed to social justice and the elimination of racism, sexism, and poverty; and empowering oppressed minority groups (Matsuda, 1991).
Who are Foster Youth? Foster youth are children who are taken away from their legal guardian (typically their birth parents) and placed in the child welfare system. Foster care was intended as a means to provide temporary out-of-home placement for children who were abused and/or neglected (Wolanin, 2005). The intention is to eventually reunite children back with their parents or extended relatives or pursue adoption. If foster youth are not released back to their families, they are forced to remain in care long term, until they emancipate at the age of 18 or 21 years old regardless of their level of preparation (Blome, 1997). In 2013, there were an estimated 402,000 youth in foster care (U.S. Health and Human Services, 2013). Black/African Americans are overrepresented among the foster youth population. As of 2013, 24% of children in foster care were Black/African American, yet this racial/ethnic group only accounts for 13.3% of the U.S. population. In contrast, 42% of foster youth are White, yet Whites account for 77.7% of the U.S. population (U.S. Health and Human Services, 2013). African American children are at a higher risk of being placed into foster care compared to any other race or ethnicity (Dettlaff et al., 2011; Knott & Donovan, 2010; Rivaux et al., 2008). Nationally, African Americans are over-represented in the entire continuum of the child welfare system (Agosti, 2011; Dettlaff & Rycraft, 2010; Harris & Hackett, 2008; Knott & Donovan, 2010; Reed & Karpilow, 2002). Aside from just race, socio-economic status is also a determinant of whether or not youth are placed into foster care; Rivaux and colleagues (2008) found that
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families from lower income households were at a higher risk for removal. However, when race was factored in for African American children, socio-economic status became a non-factor, as they were more likely to be removed regardless of being from high or low income households. This is a social justice issue, as African American children are systematically more likely to be tracked into a system that perpetuates inadequate life outcomes.
The Lack of Research of African American Foster Youth in Higher Education Foster youth in higher education is an emergent area of study; Barth (1990) began this discussion of foster youth and life after emancipation. Barth’s study reported that foster youth were not succeeding at every level of education. Since Barth’s study, there has been further research on foster youth, especially in the area of social work and child welfare. Twenty years later, there is an interest in ethnic minority foster youth in higher education (Dworsky et al., 2010). However, more questions still need to be asked to understand how foster youth, and specifically African American foster youth, achieve degree attainment. Dworsky et al. (2010) used a sample that was primarily African American in a study on racial and ethnic differences in the post-secondary outcomes of foster youth conducted. The study is cross-sectional and examined the outcomes of 659 young adults between the ages of 20 and 33 who were placed in foster care between 1988 and 1998 (Pecora et al., 2006). The study also looked at a sample of 732 young people from Iowa (n=63), Wisconsin (n=195), and Illinois (n=474) as they “age out” of foster care and transition to adulthood. The findings stated there was no significant difference in educational success among foster youth who identified as African American or White foster youth, yet their findings were inconsistent. In another article, an examination of retention and graduation among foster youth in a four-year university, authored by Day, Dworsky, Fogarty and Damashek (2011), similar results were reported. Although this study did not directly look at African-American foster youth, the results varied and were too inconsistent to make inferences when taking into consideration race/ethnicity. This research is important and offers some data on African American foster youth who attend college. Nevertheless, post-positivist paradigms do not lend themselves to findings that a transformative paradigm (or constructivist paradigm) is able to obtain (Creswell & Plano Clark, 2011). A qualitative study by Perez and Romo (2011) investigated the experiences of Latino foster youth and their struggle to make it to college after emancipation. The findings were compelling; many of the youth in the study experienced a form of homelessness called “couch surfing.” These individuals revealed personal stories about their struggle to stay off the streets (Perez & Romo, 2011). The findings indicated that family and extended relatives were very important to the Latino foster youth (Perez & Romo, 2011). This study illuminates how it is important to investigate the broken cultural and familial networks that can occur when there are numerous foster care placements (Perez & Romo, 2011). Not to say that Latino culture and African American culture are the same, but in the same way Perez and Romo investigated the experiences of Latino foster youth, it is important to understand the experiences of African American foster youth. Above is a brief summation of recent literature on foster youth from diverse backgrounds. Each employed a post-positivist lens of research. The above research is valuable, however, CRT emphasizes a more nuanced approach that enables the population studied to give voice in an authentic way. Employing transformative research paradigms are central to understanding this unique population. It is important to give a voice and give a face to an almost invisible group of students to understand how African American foster youth persist through higher education. It is important to place African American foster youth narratives at the center of this research.
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Solorzano and Yosso (2009) discuss how they used poetry and short story segments to tap into emotions and challenged themselves to look more deeply into the social sciences to find “pained yet triumphant voice of experience” (p. 140). They also discuss how they add their own experiences to the different concepts and ideas. In the following section, I draw upon the same tradition. I give a reflection of my own experience in foster care as a Black male.
Reflection from a Black Male Foster Youth I spent my whole life in foster care. I can attest to the detrimental effects foster care had on me. Many times, I felt lost and unheard. It was not until I was placed in a foster home with someone who was Black that I began to feel comfortable. My foster mother offered me a home, school stability, and even more importantly a sense of family. With that said, I still had to endure a child welfare and educational system that I felt did not value me because I was Black. I remember in high school that a social worker was surprised when I told her I was going to college. I remember her telling me I should attend community college because as she put it, “someone with my background would not be able to handle the challenges of college.” What I experienced then was a microaggression on my ethnicity and my identity as a foster youth. She undermined my intelligence. These instances were all too common throughout my K-12 educational pursuits. The stigma of being a foster youth, along with the racial microaggressions of being a Black male, were experiences not easily escaped outside of my home. Instances like these become arduous and burdensome, which is often referred to by scholars as a form of racial battle fatigue (Smith, Hung, & Franklin, 2011). Dr. Jaiya John, a Black man who was formerly in foster care, pens in his 2008 book of poetry celebrating children separated from original family entitled Beautiful: Let no child son be solo, in its singing join them in that breath of joy let them know their melody is a good one, they have music to offer the world. If they believe they are needed they will rise up like morning glories and stroke the sky. (p.62) His words connect with me in a deep way; my ability to “rise up like morning glories and stroke the sky” was because of my foster mother who I affectionately call my grandmother. My grandmother and my mentors affirmed my identity as a foster youth and Black male. Each empowered me to express my masculinity in an authentic way. When I started college, I was able to enroll in a college support program for foster youth. The support program gave me language and an understanding of my identity that made me proud of who I am. I grew up in a system that dehumanized me yet the support program gave me a place to heal emotionally, and a positive avenue to express myself. I began to advocate for other foster youth and eventually that passion grew into a desire to pursue a PhD and write about the lived experiences of foster youth. In many ways, the program and the program coordinator were able to do what James and Lewis (2014) stated in their research on Black males; Highlighting the intricacies of Blackmaleness reveals the distinctive cultural, social and emotional needs of Black male learners, and such insights can help redress hegemonic educational philosophies, practices and pedagogies that counter or ignore all together the unique development trajectories of Black males. (p.105) The foster youth support program was a space that allowed me to step into Black manhood and not be afraid. The program coordinator was also Black and formerly in foster care. She understood my struggle, and she understood my pain. There are many college support programs for foster youth, however, many of these programs go underutilized due to the hesitancy of foster youth to identify with services provided by the foster care system (Dowsky & Perez, 2010; Wells & Zunz, 2009). Research has found the desire to not affiliate with the foster care system is due to the stigma associated with being a
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foster youth (Dowsky & Perez, 2010; Wells & Zunz, 2009). There has been no research published that evaluates the extent to which these foster youth support programs have been a comfortable space for Black students to unpack their ethnic identity and understand the intersections of their racial/ethnic identity with their identity as a foster youth. Foster youth are not a homogeneous population, however, most research to date has presented foster youth as a group who experiences the child welfare and educational systems in the same manner. The limited research that has been conducted proves that they have very different experiences. My narrative and others also speak to this reality.
Implications and Conclusion It is important to emphasize the research on foster youth needs to value experiential knowledge, (Solorzano & Yasso, 2009). Experiential knowledge of people of color is legitimate, and critical to understanding and analyzing racial subordination (Solorzano & Yasso, 2009). It is also important that research employs an anti-deficit framework (Harper,!2010) as foster youth and specifically Black foster youth do succeed despite their challenges, (Lynch, 2011; Murray, 2013); in part because of their ability to be resilient (Hass, Quaylan, & Amoah, 2014; Murray, 2013). In conclusion, I offer four recommendations. First, future research needs to bring forward the narratives of foster youth that offer nuanced perspectives that cross race, class, and gender in the educational setting. Second, research needs to dismantle the dominant, majorative narrative of foster care and call attention to the African American foster youth whose voices are being oppressed. Third, research needs to evaluate the college programs that support foster youth, to understand the experiences of their African American foster youth, and other foster youth of color. Fourth, educators and social workers committed to social justice must consistently challenge the ways that racial advancements are promoted through White supremacy and a color-blind ideology (Patton, McEwen, Rend´on & Howard-Hamilton, 2007). A critical race framework is necessary to illuminate how African American foster youth are marginalized throughout the entire K-12 to college pipeline. When the inequities of being a person of color and a foster youth intersect, it interferes further with their education, and African American foster youth fare worse than Whites (Harris, et al., 2009). The importance of this paper illuminates the call for a more nuanced research agenda of foster youth in the higher education setting. Higher education institutions are failing foster youth, and failing to diversify their campuses by limiting access for foster youth. Research on foster youth has been race neutral, while foster youth suffer from many obstacles broadly. Whiteness is a privilege, a privilege that White foster youth benefit from too. Black foster youth experience foster care and the world very differently than their White peers. Audre Lorde (1986) stated, “it is not our differences that divide us. It is our inability to recognize, accept, and celebrate those differences.” To those with the reluctance to analyze this pervasive topic in a critical way, I offer the aforementioned quote, to encourage them to humanize, and celebrate African American foster youth in foster homes, and in the classroom.
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References Agosti, J. (2011). California disproportionality project breakthrough series collaborative final report. Retrieved from http://www.childsworld.ca.gov/res /pdf/CA_Disprop_FinalRpt.pdf American Institutes for Research. (2013). Improving outcomes for African-American males in the child welfare system. [Meeting Summary]. Retrieved from http://www.air.org/sites/default/files/Improving%20Outcomes%20for%20African%20A merican%20Males%20In%20Child%20Welfare%20Systems.pdf Barth, R. P. (1990). On their own: The experiences of youth after foster care. Child and Adolescent Social Work Journal, 7(5), 419-440. Bartlett, L., & Brayboy, B. M. J. (2005). Race and schooling: Theories and ethnographies. The Urban Review, 37(5), 361–374. Bell, D. (1987). And we will not be saved: The elusive quest for racial justice. New York, NY: Basic Books. Blome, W. (1997). What happens to foster kids: Educational experiences of a random sample of foster care youth and a matched group of non-foster care youth. Child and Adolescent Social Work Journal, 14(1), 41-53. Brayboy, B. M. J. (2005). Toward a tribal critical race theory in education. The Urban Review, 37(5), 425–446. Carrasco, E. (1996). Collective recognition as a communitarian device: Or, of course we want to be role models! La Raza Law Journal, 9, 81-101. Courtney, M., Dworsky, A., Lee, J., Raap, M., & Hall, C. (2010). Midwest evaluation of the adult functioning of former foster youth: Outcomes at age 23 and 24. Chicago, IL: Chapin Hall Center for Children at the University of Chicago. Creswell, J., & Plano Clark, V. (2011). Designing and conducting mixed methods research (2nd ed.). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications, Inc. Delgado, R. (1984). The imperial scholar: Reflection on a review of civil rights literature. University of Pennsylvania Law Review, 132, 561-578. Delgado, R. (1989). Storytelling for oppositionists and others: A plea for narrative. Michigan Law Review, 87, 2411-2441. Dettlaff, A., Rivaux, S., Baumann, D., Fluke, J., Rycraft, J., & Joyce, J. (2011). Disentangling substantiation: The influence of race, income, and risk on the substantiation decision in child welfare. Children and Youth Services Review, 33(9), 1630-1637. Dettlaff, A. J., & Rycraft, J. R. (2010). Contributing to disproportionality in the child welfare system: Views from the legal community. Social Work, 55(3), 213-224. Harper, S. R. (2010). An anti-deficit achievement framework for research on students of color in STEM. In S. R. Harper & C. B. Newman (Eds.), Students of color in STEM: Engineering a new research agenda. New Directions for Institutional Research (pp. 63-74). San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass. Harris, M., & Hackett, W. (2008). Decision points in child welfare: An action research model to address disproportionality. Children and Youth Services Review, 30(2), 199-215. Hass, M., Quaylan, A., & Amoah, M. (2014). Turning points and resilience of academically successful foster youth. Child and Youth Services Review, 44 (2014), 387 392. James, M. & Lewis, C. (2014). Villians and virtuosos: An inquiry into blackmaleness. Journal of African American Males in Education, 5(2), 105-110. John, J. (2008) Beautiful. Silver Spring, MD: Soul Water Rising.
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Knott, T., & Donovan, K. (2010). Disproportionate representation of African-American children in foster care: Secondary analysis of the national child abuse and neglect data system, 2005. Children and Youth Services Review, 32(5), 679-684. Kumasi, K. D. (2011). Critical race theory and education: mapping a legacy of activism and scholarship. In B. A. U. Levinson (Ed.), Beyond critique: Critical social theories and education (pp. 196–219). Boulder, CO: Paradigm Publishers. Lorde, A. (1986) Our dead behind us: Poems. New York, NY: W.W. Norton & Company. Lynn, M., & Adams, M. (2002). Introductory overview to the special issue critical race theory and education: Recent developments in the field. Equity & Excellence in Education, 35(2), 87–92. Matsuda, M. (1992). Voices of America: Accent, antidiscrimination law, and a jurisprudence for the last reconstruction. Yale Law Journal, 100, 1329-1407. Matsuda, M. J., Lawrence, C. R., III, Delgado, R., & Crenshaw, K. W. (1993). Words that wound: Critical race theory, assaultive speech, and the first amendment. Boulder, CO: Westview. Murray, D. (2013). Resilient African American male college students: A qualitative study of supports and challenges for those from foster care (Doctoral dissertation). Retrieved from ProQuest. (3568183) Noonan, K., Matone, M., Zlotnik, S., Hernandez-Mekonnen, R., Watts, C., Rubin, D., & Mollen, C. (2012). Cross-system barriers to educational success for children in foster care: The front line perspective. Children and Youth Services Review, 34(2), 403-408. Patton, L. D., McEwen, M., Rend´on, L., & Howard-Hamilton, M. F. (2007). Critical race perspectives on theory in student affairs. In S. R. Harper & L. D. Patton (Eds.), New Directions for Student Services: No. 120. Responding to the realities of race on campus (pp. 39–53). San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass. Pecora, P. J., Kessler, R. C., Williams, J., O'Brien, K., Downs, C. D., English, D., … Holmes, K. (2005). Improving family foster care: Findings from Northwest Foster Care Alumni Study. Retrieved from Casey Family Programs: http://www.casey.org/media/AlumniStudies_NW_Report_FR.pdf Perez A., & Romo H. (2011). Couch surfing of Latino foster care alumni: Reliance on peers as social capital. Journal of Adolescence. 34(2),239-48. Pecora, P. J., Williams, J., Kessler, R.C., Hiripi, E., O'Brien, K., Emerson, J., …Torres, D. (2006). Assessing the educational achievements of adults who were formerly placed in family foster care. Child and Family Social Work, 11(6), 220–231 Reed, D. F., & Karpilow, K. (2002). Understanding the child welfare system in California: A primer for service providers and policymakers. Retrieved from California Center for the Research on Women and Families: http://www.dhcs.ca.gov/formsandpubs/publications/Documents/CMS/ChildWelfarePrime r.pdf Rivaux, S., James, J., Wittenstrom, K., Baumann, D., Sheets, J., Henry, J., & Jeffries, V. (2008). The intersection of race, poverty and risk: Understanding the decision to provide services to clients and to remove children. Child Welfare, 87(2), 151-168. Smith, W. A., Hung, M., & Franklin, J. D. (2011). Racial battle fatigue and the miseducation of Black men: Microaggressions, societal problems, & environmental stress. Journal of Negro Education, 80(1), 63-82. Solorzano, D. G., & Yosso, T. J. (2001). Critical race and LatCrit theory and method: Counterstorytelling. Chicana and Chicano graduate school experiences. Qualitative Studies in Education, 14(4), 471–495.
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Solorzano, D. G., & Yosso, T. J. (2002). Critical race methodology: Counter storytelling as an analytical framework for educational research. Qualitative Inquiry, 8(1), 23–44. Sommer, H., Wu, L., & Mauldon, J. (2009). California Connected by 25: Efforts to address the K-12 educational needs of transitioning foster youth. Retrieved from http://www.americanhumane.org/children/stop-child- abuse/advocacy/educationfostercareresearchdatasheetjuly2011-00005200.pdf Tate, W. F., IV. (1997). Critical race theory and education: History, theory, and implications. Review of Research in Education, 22, 195–247. United States Census. (2013). USA QuickFacts: 2013. Retrieved from http://quickfacts.census.gov/qfd/states/00000.html. United States Department of Health and Human Services. (2013). Adoption and foster care analysis and reporting system. Retrieved from http://www.acf.hhs.gov/ programs/cb/research-data-technology/statistics-research/afcars Wells, M., & Zunz, S. (2009). Challenges and strengths among Chafee Education and Training Voucher eligible youth: The rural service providers’ perspective. Children and Youth Services Review, 31(1), 235-242. Wolanin, T. (2005). Higher education opportunities for foster youth: A primer for policymakers. Washington, D.C.: The Institute for Higher Education Policy. Zetlin, A., Weinberg, L., & Kimm, C. (2004). Improving education outcomes for children in foster care: Intervention by an education liaison. Journal of Education for Students Placed At Risk (JESPAR), 9(4), 421-429.
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SECTION TWO
Identity & Intersectionality
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Experiences of Being a Queer Black Male: Identity Politics, Education, and Work ! Devin D. Moss Loyola University Chicago
The intersectional experiences of queer Black males have not been widely documented in education and the work force. Using an integrative review framework, this article explores the experiences of queer Black men. The first portion of the paper draws on identity development to illustrate the multidimensional identity of queer Black men and how these identities are often oppressed within different communities within society. The second portion of the paper explores how these two identities encounter educational and work environments. What is evident is that there is a need for intersecting policies that are equally multidimensional in ending systematic racism and homophobia in school and work. Keywords: Black males, queer, identity
America’s commitment to building a diverse nation with equal access to uplifting opportunities often falters, and the intersectionality of being both queer and Black leaves males with stunted potential for obtaining an education and future employment due to systematic oppression. Educators, especially, become excited to speak about diversity and multiculturalism, but quickly limit the discourse to only race, ethnicity, socioeconomic status, and gender—mostly a binary between male and female (Darling-Hammond, 2007; Palmer, 2010). The inequities faced by queer students of color within education, and ultimately the workforce, are often neglected within research, which translates into little to no intersectional policy recommendations for educational institutions and the workforce. Noting the level of commitment to diversity and the inequity gaps that occur in research and practice, this paper seeks to explore, two-dimensionally, barriers that exist for queer Black males in relation to education and ultimately the workforce. Understanding the intersection of Black and queer male identity helps us to also understand the double-edged sword of systematic discrimination and oppression placed on these individuals, which leads to the woes of being undereducated and underemployed. My intent is to illustrate that there is an equal need for more intentionally inclusive policies to ensure that educational and work environments alike are safe places for these diverse identities. There is minimal information published on the intersectional experiences of queer Black men in education and work directly; therefore, I will use integrative review framework to analyze multiple previous works on queer and Black male experiences. Specifically, I seek to explore how publicly constructed social institutions disenfranchise queer Black males in education and work. In the first part of the paper I will employ knowledge of the public, given that the public is a social space (Dewey, 1927), to illustrate diverging and converging social ideologies in relation to queer Black male identity. I aim to explore how social influences impact intertwining identity development of queer Black males. The second part of the paper will explore the dual educational and work attainment struggles of those who identify as queer individuals and Black men. The paper will end with a brief exploration of the importance of policies that intentionally intersect identities in education and work.
Social Identity Politics Asking about social barriers, which prevent access to education, leads us down the path of considering who truly has control to bar individuals from achieving certain goals. Black boys often experience academic and social strife within education (Palmer, Davis, Moore, & Hilton,
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2010; Prager, 2011; Staples, 1982). Additionally, queer students’ experiences are often impacted by heteronormative practices (Biegel, 2010; Mayes, 2014; Walton, 2014). The intertwining of academia and social issues becomes a two-dimensional hurdle for queer Black male students. This begs the question, who created these structural barriers? Dewey (1927) believed that “…the public has no hands except those of individual human beings” (pp. 82). Therefore, he believed it is the wayward individuals who act upon their own interests on behalf of the state who create acts where progress ebbs and flows. Furthermore, beyond these elected individuals, the publics formed around various issues appear to be too plentiful—each with their own ideology—and often to large too function cohesively. Dewey (1927) suggests that communication is the means by which you can unite publics and their ideologies in order to progress forward. This very notion is present in the rhetoric of the Black Civil Rights and Gay Liberation Movements, but tensions arise as attempts of cohesion have occurred. Strides Toward Freedom: A Step Forward, A Step Back The Civil Rights Movement started around the time of Brown v. Board of Education with tentacles stretching a few years prior (Hall, 2005). Much of this movement was in opposition to the historical treatment and social conditions of Black individuals. Mainly, Black people were seeking freedom from their oppressors. While the Civil Rights Movement was maturing, the Gay Liberation Movement was developing. The Stonewall Riots are often equated with the start of the queer movement, where queer individuals were responding to historical harassment from police officers (Morris, n.d.). From there, the movement has taken on efforts to build equality, allowing for equal access to socially established institutions such as education, marriage, and military service, to name a few. The Civil Rights Movement and the Gay Liberation Movement have crossed paths in recent years regarding public discourse around equity and equality. On the cusp of the 50th anniversary of Brown v. Board of Education and first same-gender marriages in Massachusetts, supporters for marriage equality went on record drawing comparisons between the two historic moments, stating, “…both Brown and this new day revolve around a single, simple and yet deeply elusive idea: integration” (Russell, 2008, pp. 101). The proponents of marriage equality believed that both historic events allowed for citizens to be equal in the eyes of humanity and politics. However, many clergy and civil rights leaders were quick to dismiss the link between the two movements, citing Biblical reasons as distinctions and arguing that Blacks cannot change who they are, but queer people could. Therefore, the movements were not the same to these individuals. Russell (2008) believed that the two movements only converge around ideologies of respectability politics for members within the group such as principles of cultural “productivity, selflessness, [and] responsibility” (pp. 101). Nonetheless, this discourse has created a lingering split between race and sexual diversity, positioning queer Black males in the middle.
Double Consciousness: The Queer Black Dilemma The cycle of socialization (Harro, 2010) positions individuals to be born into a world where the construction of identity is “socially, historically, politically, and culturally constructed at both the institutional and individual levels” (Abes, Jones, & McEwen, 2007, pp. 2). Given this lens, W.E.B. Du Bois’ (1986) theory of double consciousness demonstrates how individual and collective identities are developed based on socially constructed contexts. He theorized that Black individuals have an ever present two-ness where the individual is American (the oppressor) in one sight and a Black (the oppressed) person in the other, creating an identity that is in conflict with itself. Black individuals move through their experiences engendering this two- ness in order to exist. I argue that due to the highly scrutinized nature of queer and Black
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identities being two separately constructed social identities, Black queer males are often negotiating aspects of their identities as they navigate various social spaces within America. “Multiple Dimensions of Identity”: The Great Fall Divide Queer-identified individuals are often the targets of discrimination just as many other minority groups are within American society (Bourke, 2008). Bourke (2008) postulates that degrees of discrimination based on racial and ethnicity identity could be drastically different than discrimination based on sexuality, given race and ethnicity are often visibly represented, whereas sexual orientation is not. Nonetheless, the social identities are sometimes interwoven. Medina (2004) proclaims that research illustrates the "messy network of interdependencies" (p. 94) of race, ethnicity, and sexual orientation. In order to understand this, we must first understand the social construction of identity. Jones and McEwen (2000) found that the “dynamic construction of identity and the influence of changing contexts on the relative salience of multiple identity dimensions, such as race, sexual orientation, culture, and social class” (p. 2), exist within everyone. Additionally, these social and personal identities are continuously intersecting and influencing the other, not allowing for individual identities to act in isolation. Abes, Jones, and McEwen (2007) updated this model to also include meaning making as an influence to multiple identity dimensions. In this regard, contextual influences such as relationships, knowledge, and experiences based on social, historical, political, and cultural are filtered through an individual’s meaning making abilities in order to influence an individual’s holistic identity. In other words, outside influences may impact an individual’s concept of self. This is how intersectionality—the intertwining of identities—is engendered, or a moment when “multiple aspects of identity are present and considered at the same time” (Bourke, 2008, p.12). This is how it plays out in queer Black male identity development according to Bourke (2008): The individual becomes aware of same-sex feelings/attractions within the context of the Black community; the individual faces both racism of the White world and heterosexism/homophobia of the Black community; the individual seeks information and contact with other Black-gay men; the individual makes a commitment to personal change and self-acceptance; the individual engages in meaningful activities within a concept of a Black-gay community; and, the individual recognizes that being Black-gay is merely a part of his whole being. Additionally, issues of disclosure are presented as a part of this model. (p. 12)
What is significant about Bourke’s (2008) theory is that his model highlights multiple conflicts along the way to identity synthesis. First, he acknowledges that same-sex attraction may not be a part of the communicated norms of the Black community, which, as Evans et al. (2010) points out, may be cause for identity development foreclosure. Secondly, Black males, regardless of sexuality, experience racism. Additionally, queer Black males often seek affirmation within the queer community, which also may be a space where racism exists given the Euro-centric influence on queer culture. Bourke (2008) points out that the heteronormativity of the Black community and the racism of the queer White community leaves queer Black males “homeless” in regard to community belonging. Although the model suggests that individuals can come to understand themselves as queer, Black, and male simultaneously over time, the split created between race and sexuality becomes apparent in the development process.
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Diversity, Inequities, and Education The dual identities and the discourse around them continue to create barriers within education and employment, lessening the opportunity to participate in the global arena. First, I explore America’s commitment to diversity via Darling-Hammond’s (2007) argument, which posits that America has to address disparities in education for ethnic and racial minority and low- socioeconomic groups in order to create an equitable playing field. In agreement with her, the solution to Brown v. Board of Education was meant to be an equitable move that closed the access and achievement gap between Black and White students. However, Darling-Hammond (2007) states that large gaps between minority and White and Asian students still exist and that access to education is a greater issue after more than 50 years post-Brown v. Board of Education decision. Due to this gap, many individuals are undereducated and therefore unable to fill roles within the labor market. Further, her research found that there were more Black males in prison than in higher education in 2000. Darling-Hammond (2007) states that given this scenario, the practice of producing undereducated individuals drains the American economy versus stimulating it. Her resolution is that America must find ways of educating all students well. Black Males, Education, and Globalization Wang (2007) discusses globalization and finds that it “is a most inclusive structural context that provides a horizon of action that makes contemporary people think globally, even though they may only be acting locally, and develop a direction for their capital accumulation strategy and economic plan” (p. 24). In this regard, access to capital and economic markets become goals sought through actions such as education for local individuals. Given this, Wang argues that because globalization has created change within the global community, local individuals must change in order to maintain or keep up with the trajectory of global ideologies around capital and economic endeavors. However, access to quality education, even within the United States, hinges on globalization given the assessment landscape used to rank nations that often sets a standard that causes some students to falter. Echoing Dewey (1927), Wang (2007) quotes researchers by stating “globalization is not an active entity in itself but one that is set in motion through the mechanisms of government or interpretation and action on the part of individual participants” (p. 27). Therefore, policy makers and enforcers who interpreted global policies are acting in ways in which Black men become disenfranchised. Palmer et al. (2010) follows this lead by proclaiming that addressing the academic needs of Black males within education is vital in order to give Black males access to the globalized community. He first notes that American education has historically been less proactive in supporting Blacks. Further, academic research has often described Black males as “endangered, uneducable, dysfunctional, and dangerous” (p. 109) within society and within educational settings. He continues by saying that the issues that hinder Black males from graduation begin early within their educational experience. First, teachers and counselors often write off Black males in regard to being able to have successful futures. Secondly, Black males have higher suspension rates than their White counterparts. Next, Palmer et al. (2010) points out that Black males are underrepresented in gifted and advanced placement courses, due to ability tracking standards. In opposition, he points out that Black males are disproportionately present in special education courses based on perceived behavioral issues and learning disabilities. Given this experience, Palmer et al. (2010) found that only one out of 15 Black males were adequately prepared for college education, which is in close relation with the invisibility of Black males within the global economic market.
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Black Males and Employment Black males are often underpaid and underemployed in relation to many of their White counterparts and this is linked to the educational attainment of Black males. The U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS) (2013) reports that in 2012, 14.0% of Black males were unemployed, which created a labor market that was composed of 80% White individuals and 12% Black (non- Hispanic) individuals. The organization also found that Black men were least likely to be participants within the labor force at 67.7% compared to White-Hispanics and Black-Hispanics at 81.0%. Furthermore, BLS (2013) found that educational attainment of the labor force varied amongst races. Black (non-Hispanic) individuals had participants in the following ranges: 8% less than high school diploma; 33% high school graduates with no college; 33% some college or associates degree; and 26% bachelors or higher degree. This is in comparison to White labor force participants who ranged from: 9% less than high school diploma; 27% high school graduates with no college; 28% some college or associates degree; and 36% bachelors or higher degree. Though these numbers may have small gaps in comparison, many have found that White undereducated individuals are more likely to be employed than Black individuals who complete high school or attend college (Adams, 2014). The job market has seen turbulence within recent years starting with the financial crisis in 2008 up until the market turn in 2012, when for the first time since 2009, unemployment rates fell below 8% (Kuehn, 2013). Kuehn (2013) says that the disparities, such as those found by the BLS (2013), tend to hold true through “boom years and recessions” (p. 1). Moreover, based on data from 2010, Kuehn (2013) found that 15.6% of young White men and 9.2 % of older White men were unemployed after the 2008 financial crisis compared to 30.0% of young Black men and 13.5% of older Black men who were also unemployed. Kuehn (2013) states that obtaining a high school diploma is essentially an opportunity for young men to illustrate potential to prospective employers. Furthermore, those Black males who do not earn a high school diploma or apply for a GED are more often unemployed than those who obtain the high school diploma, 48.0% and 28.0% respectfully. Ironically, White males who drop out of high school and Black males who graduate from high school have about the same unemployment rate at 28.0% (Kuehn, 2013). Kuehn (2013) also found that entering college can shift the national percentages of the job market participation rates; however, enrollment comparisons, 51.6% of White males were enrolled in higher education in 2010 compared to 47.7% of Black males, still highlight gaps within education and the job market. The picture painted here shows that Black males have seen great economic strain in relation to employment. The researchers have drawn connections between employment and education, which shows, as Palmer (2013) states, that the economic problems faced by Black males start early within education. Queer Individuals and School Environment In America, queer students often experience unwelcoming educational environments. In 2009, the Gay, Lesbian, Straight Education Network (GLSEN) found that 84.6% of queer and trans* students reported being verbally harassed, 40.1% reported physical harassment, and 18.8% reported being physical assaulted (Dewitt, 2012). Derogatory language toward queer and trans* identities was also often heard in schools. Dewitt (2012) says that some students rise above the oppression and find their niche. However, there are some, even as young as elementary grade level, students who educators can do more for. Noting a slew of suicides that have plagued the queer and trans* community in recent years, Dewitt (2012) believes that educators can play a more integral role in creating welcoming educational spaces for queer and trans* students. As Dewitt (2012) suggested, teachers as role models can prove beneficial for students in that queer
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and trans* students are able to learn more about their identities. However, due to various state laws, many educators are not able to be out in the workplace and can therefore not serve as role models (West, 2014). The existence of these social conditions and policies are barriers to queer student achievement in school, which leads to poverty within the queer community (Albelda et al., 2009).!! Queer Employment and Related Issues In 2012, the Williams Institute estimated that over one million queer and trans* individuals were employed in the public or government sphere with another seven million in the private sector (Burns, Barton, & Kerby, 2012). Collectively, queer and trans* workers compose 6.28% of the workforce within America. There is not a wealth of information about queer and trans* workers due to most worker surveys not asking questions about sexual orientation and gender identity. However, it is worth noting that queer individuals have experienced significant discrimination within the labor market: •! 15% to 43% of gay and transgender workers have experienced some form of discrimination on the job; •! 8% to 17% of gay and transgender workers report being passed over for a job or fired because of their sexual orientation or gender identity; •! 10% to 28% received a negative performance evaluation or were passed over for a promotion because they were gay or transgender; •! 7% to 41% of gay and transgender workers were verbally or physically abused or had their workplace vandalized. (Burns & Krehely, 2011) Additionally, the U.S. Senate passed the Employment Non-Discrimination Act (ENDA) in 2013, which prohibits the discrimination of queer and trans* persons in the work force (Human Rights Campaign, 2013). However, there is strong opposition to the bill in the U.S. House of Representatives. Therefore, queer people can still be fired in 29 U.S. states (Short, 2014). It is also worth noting poverty levels within the queer community in relation to access to the labor market. The Williams Institution (Badgett, Durso, & Schneebaum, 2013) found that queer, same-sex couples were “more vulnerable to being poor” (p. 1) compared to heterosexual couples based on 2012 U.S. poverty thresholds of $11,815 for a single person, $15,079 for two persons, and $23,684 for four persons. Specifically, Black queer couples were more susceptible to higher poverty rates. Although men in same-gender relationships of all races and ethnicities were generally less likely to be in poverty, single men who specifically identify as gay (20.5%) and bisexual (25.9) experience higher poverty levels than heterosexual males (15.3%). The Williams Institution (Badgett, Durso, & Schneebaum, 2013) also found that race, ethnicity, and geographic location impact poverty levels for queer individuals. Furthermore, White same-sex couples have the lowest poverty rates, with White male same-sex couples having lower rates than White female same sex couples. On the other hand, African American same-sex couples had higher rates of poverty than Black different-sex couples and were “six times more likely to be poor than White men in same-sex couples” (Badgett, Durso, & Schneebaum, 2013, p. 12).
Conclusion Dewey's (1927) theory exerts the ideology that publics are formed when a group is able to define a collective problem. In that case, America, we have a problem. Two socially constructed structures—racism and homophobia—created and maintained by publics serve as barriers to queer Black male achievement. First, access to equitable education in regards to race continues to be a problem for Black males. Second, the heteronormative policies and practices that exist create barriers to success in schools for queer individuals. The plight of queer Black males is two-fold and therefore requires politicians, researchers, educators and other citizens to ! 6 61 !
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reconsider why all diversity is important and why we must continue to remove barriers. If we are to believe that “…all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness” (Jefferson, 1776, para. 3), then racial equity and acceptance of diverse sexualities must be achieved in order for all students, inclusive of queer Black male students, to have the ability to attain an education and ultimately have access to the work force.
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References Abes, E. S., Jones, S. R., & McEwen, M. K. (2007). Reconceptualizing the model of multiple dimensions of identity: The role of meaning-making capacity in the construction of multiple identities. Journal of College Student Development 48(1), 1-22. Adams, S. (2014, June 27) White high school drop-outs are as likely to land jobs as Black college students. Forbes. Retrieved from: http://www.forbes.com/sites/susanadams/ 2014/06/27/ white-high-school-drop-outs-are-as-likely-to-land-jobs-as-black-college- students/ Albelda, R., Badgett, M. V. L., Schneebaum, A., & Gates, G. J. (2009). Poverty in the lesbian, gay, and bisexual community. Retrieved from the Center for Social Policy Publications: http://scholarworks.umb.edu/csp_pubs/34 Badgett, M. V. L., Durso, L. E., & Schneebaum, A. (2013). New patterns of poverty in the lesbian, gay, and bisexual community.. Retrieved from the Williams Institute:http://williamsinstitute.law.ucla.edu/wp-content/uploads/LGB-Poverty-Update- Jun-2013.pdf Biegel, S. (2010). The right to be out: Sexual orientation and gender identity in America's public schools. Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press. Bourke, B. (2008). Black-gay identity formation: Toward a theoretical model. Paper presented at the 2008 annual meeting of the American Educational Research Association, New York, NY, March 24-28. Burns, C., Barton, K. & Kerby, S. (2012). The state of diversity in today’s workforce: As our nation becomes more diverse so too does our workforce. Retrieved from the Center for American Progress: http://cdn.americanprogress.org/wp- content/uploads/issues/2011/06/pdf/workplace_discrimination.pdf Burns, C., & Krehely, J. (2011). Gay and transgender people face workplace discrimination and harassment. Retrieved from the Center for American Progress: http://cdn.american progress.org/wp-content/uploads/issues/2011/06/pdf/workplace_discrimination.pdf Darling-Hammond, L. (2007). The flat earth and education: How America’s commitment to equity will determine our future. Educational Researcher, 36(6), 318-334. Dewey, J. (1927). The public and its problems. New York, NY: H. Holt and Company. Dewitt, P. (2012). Dignity for all: Safeguarding LGBT students. Thousand Oaks, CA: Corwin. Evans, N., Forney, D., & Guido-DiBrito, F. (2010). Student development in college: Theory, research, and practice. San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass. Hall, J. D. (2005). The long Civil Rights Movement and the political uses of the past. The Journal of American History. 91(4), 1233-1263. Harro, B. (2010). The cycle of socialization. In M. Adams, W. J. Blumenfeld, R. Castaneda, H. W. Hackman, M. L. Peters, & X. Zuniga (Eds.), Readings for diversity and social justice (2nd ed.; pp.15-21). New York, NY: Routledge. Human Rights Campaign. (2013). ENDA passes Senate 64 to 32. Retrieved from http://www.hrc.org/blog/entry/enda-passes-senate-64-32 Jefferson, T. (1776). The Declaration of Independence. Historic American Documents. Retrieved from http://etc.usf.edu/lit2go/133/historic-american- documents/4957/the-declaration-of independence/ Jones, S. R., & McEwen, M. K. (2000). A conceptual model of multiple dimensions of identity. Journal of College Student Development, 41 (4), 405-414. Kuehn, D. (2013). The labor market performance of young Black men in the great recession. Retrieved from http://www.urban.org/UploadedPDF/412747-The-Labor-Market- Performance-of-Young-Black-Men-in-the-Great-Recession.pdf ! 8 63 !
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Medina, J. (2004). Introduction: Identity and ethnicity. Journal of Speculative Philosophy, 18(2), 93-98. Morris, B. J. (n.d.). History of lesbian, gay, & bisexual social movements. Retrieved from http://www.apa.org/pi/lgbt/resources/history.aspx Palmer, R. T., Davis, R. J., Moore, J. L., & Hilton, A. A. (2010). A nation at risk: Increasing college participation and persistence among African American males to stimulate U. S. global competitiveness. Journal of African American Males in Education (JAAME), 1(2), 105-124. Prager, K. (2011). Addressing achievement gaps: Positioning young Black boys for educational success. Princeton, NJ: Educational Testing Services. Retrieved from http://www.ets.org/Media/Research/pdf/PIC-PNV19n3.pdf Russell, T. (2008). The color of discipline: Civil rights and Black sexuality. American Quarterly, 60(1), 101-128. Short, K. (2014). The 29 states where you can still be fired for being gay. The Huffington Post. Retrieved from http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2014/10/30/fired-for-being- gay_n_6076492.html Staples, R. (1982). Black masculinity: The Black male's role in American society. San Francisco, CA: Black Scholar Press. U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics. (2013). Labor force characteristics by race and ethnicity, 2012. Retrieved from http://www.bls.gov/cps/cpsrace2012.pdf Walton, G. (2014). The gay agenda: Claiming space, identity, and justice. New York, NY: Peter Lang. Wang, H. (2007). Education and the discussions on globalization. Chinese Education & Society, 40(1), 22-35 West, T. (2014). Choose dignity: A call to action. The Huffington Post. Retrieved from www.huffingtonpost.com/timm-west/lgbt-teachers_b_5985490.html
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Progression to Womanhood: A Framework on the Identity Development of Black American College Women Shawna M. Patterson University of Pennsylvania
There are a number of theoretical constructs that highlight the myriad ways that Black women contend with isolation, but few examine the interactions that take place between colleges and Black undergraduate women while they are processing their understandings of Black womanhood. Additionally, current renditions of student identity development theory center upon the “Black experience” or the “woman’s experience”, but these theoretical constructs lack the intersectional perspective that is required in fully exploring the racial and gender identification of Black undergraduate women. Consequently, Progression to Womanhood considers historical and sociopolitical accounts when describing Black women’s progression into adulthood. This conceptual framework discusses the stages of racial and gendered development of Black women in the context of the college setting. Progression connects psychosocial and college impact models in order to more fully explain the intersectional identity developmental experiences of Black college women. Keywords: Black women, identity development, intersectionality
Black women are doing something right. Though their existence was widely barred from many American institutions – including the educational system – well into the latter half of the 1900s, their presence in said institutions has steadily increased (Anderson, 1988; Lucas, 1994). And while their voices have yet to be recognized and validated within the broader U.S. society, Black women continue to speak. Still, issues stemming from race relations in the United States have influenced the ways that Black undergraduate women situate themselves within institutions of higher education (Anderson, 1988; Collins, 2001; Lucas, 1994). In fact, complex relationships between Black women and higher education have always existed because they experience different standards for academic performance and social integration, expectations that their male and White counterparts do not encounter while attending college (P. Collins, 1986; A. Collins, 2001; Jarmon, 2001). Although the experiences of Black college women are not monolithic, the literature indicates that they face similar challenges, including covert racism (P. Collins, 2000; hooks, 1981; Solórzano, 2000; Thompson & Dey, 1998), identifying safe spaces to explore new values and belief systems that align with their culture (P. Collins, 2000; Cross, 1971; Evans, Forney, Guido, Patton, & Renn, 2010), coping with a lack of mentorship (Jarmon, 2001; Patton & Harper, 2003), and contending with institutionalized missteps in assisting Black women with their transition onto predominantly White campuses (Brofenbrenner, 1993; P. Collins, 2000; A. Collins, 2001; Gregory, 1999; Jarmon, 2001). These relationships with the college environment play a major role in students’ identity development and are reflective of some of the issues that Black women – both inside and outside the academy – contend with when formulating their understandings of Black womanhood (Brofenbrenner, 1993; Phinney, 1990; Sellers, et al., 1997; Stevens, 2002). There are a number of theoretical constructs that highlight the myriad ways that Black women contend with isolation, but few examine the interactions that take place between colleges and Black undergraduate women while they are processing their understandings of Black womanhood. The literature therefore requires a model that connects Black college women to the
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collegiate environment as they undergo the process of identity development. Presented as The Progression to Womanhood, this conceptual framework discusses the stages of racial and gendered development of Black women in the context of the college setting. Race, Gender, Black Women, and Higher Education Crenshaw (2011) noted that explorations of race and gender tend to be addressed as two distinct experiences and identities. Yet, when discussing issues affecting Black women, including identity development, an intersectional approach is most appropriate for examining the unfolding complexities of Black womanhood (P. Collins, 2000; Crenshaw, 2011; hooks, 1981; Tatum, 1997). Crenshaw (2011) explained that there is a “multi-dimensionality of black women’s experience[s]…single-axis analysis [erases black women theoretically and] undermine efforts to broaden feminist and anti-racist analyses” (p. 25). In the U.S., acts of discrimination are often only acknowledged as covert, one-dimensional behaviors (Crenshaw, 2011). However, this approach limits the ways we comprehend – and inquire about – the dynamics of power and privilege, which impact how Black women are positioned and conceptualized in racialized and gendered structures (Crenshaw, 2011; Springer, 2007), including higher education. Because racial and gender constructs exist within a society that perceives itself to be post-racial, viewing race and gender as mutually exclusive omits Black women from consideration for social services and policy remediations that exist within most U.S. institutions, including the postsecondary sector (P. Collins, 2000; Crenshaw, 2011; hooks, 1981; Tatum, 1997). Such omissions occur when intersectionality is not recognized while issues of equity are addressed, in part because conditions supporting covert racialized sexism are difficult to identify when the focus is centered solely on race or gender (P. Collins, 2000; Crenshaw, 2011; hooks, 1981; Solórzano, 2000; Springer, 2007). Scholar-philosopher Audre Lorde (1983) indicated that as long as people are oppressed in society, inequity will persist. Lorde (1983) asserted that a ranking system does not exist among oppressed groups and that they are interrelated in their oppression. There are, however, variations in how different groups contend with oppression. Black women are uniquely positioned within the system of oppression because their gender and race further stratifies them from the experiences of White women and Black men (Crenshaw, 2011; Springer, 2007). In her seminal work, Black Feminist Thought, P. Collins (2000) explained the “outsider within” paradigm. Collins (2000) suggested that Black women have become perpetually situated in a space where they observe behavioral, cultural, and sociopolitical patterns that often go undetected by others. Known as “marginal intellectuals,” Black women possess an incomparable and valuable perspective on postsecondary infrastructures (P. Collins, 2000; hooks, 1981; Patton & Harper, 2003). For example, a Black undergraduate woman attending a predominantly White university may find fault with a cultural program depicting the artistry of an African dance troupe, though the intent of the program was meant to validate the experiences of students of color. From her perspective, the majority of the women dancing lacked sufficient clothing, the dances required educational explanations, and the campus only seemed to feature dance acts when exploring intercultural traditions. In this sense, the young woman connected the impact of the cultural program to her experiences as a Black woman in the United States, perhaps drawing upon collective encounters with racism and sexism when interpreting the displays of African culture. Overall, P. Collins (2000) posited that the experiences of Black women remain on the cusp of critical discourse because the intersectionality of their race and gender impacts the ways they are recognized and supported in U.S. institutions (Anderson, 1988; A. Collins, 2001; P. Collins, 2000; Gregory, 1999). Currently, gender is defined through the lens of White women and Blackness from a male perspective within the United States (P. Collins, 2000; Crenshaw, 2011; Cross, 1971; hooks,
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1981; Miller, 1997; Tasker & Negra, 2007). The developmental experiences of Black women are therefore considered primarily inasmuch as their circumstances overlap with White women or Black men (Crenshaw, 2011; hooks, 1981; Springer, 2007; Tatum, 1997). Postsecondary settings that fail to recognize the distinctiveness of Black women’s identity development will continue to combat challenges in supporting these students through their developmental processes (Crenshaw, 2011). Crenshaw (2011) urges us to reconsider the ways we have framed our policies and ideas on racial and gender identity development, as we currently assume that allegations of institutional and social exclusion are one dimensional. The preponderance of theoretical literature compartmentalizes identity development, however, in order to obtain clarity on the lived experiences of Black women, these perspectives should be consolidated, creating a single lens that reflects multiple identities. In short, we should disregard dichotomous lenses and aim to interpret identity development from a multifarious perspective. In the case of Black women in the U.S., race and gender should be examined simultaneously because Black women undergo experiences that are unique to the intersection of two historically oppressed statuses. As descendants of Pan African peoples, Black women continue to contend with the systematic dehumanization that was instituted at the height of slavery and centered upon the deconstruction of their womanhood as it related to their Blackness. Black women have been stereotyped as hypersexual, have been depicted as non-feminine or hypermasculine, and have dealt with constant critiques of their physical features (Springer, 2007; Stevens, 2002). They have been psychologically and physically dismantled in an environment where a strong self-construct leads to positive psychosocial outcomes (Umaña-Taylor, 2011). It is for these reasons that the racial and gender identity development of Black college women calls for an intersectional approach.
Student Identity Development Theory According to Evans and colleagues (2010), a theory is a concept used to explain and predict a particular phenomenon. Within the field of higher education, we use student development theory to explain and predict behaviors among students in order to intervene and assist them in successfully completing college (Evans et al., 2010). Educators often explore psychosocial and cognitive structural theories, which assist them in predicting students’ development in several domains (e.g. intellectual, identity, etc.). Fundamental to student identity development research is the modernist technique, as these theories value individuals’ advancement through stages (Renn, 2004). In college, students encounter several cognitive and psychological changes while affirming their personal value systems and exploring potential professions (Pascarella & Terenzini, 1991). As educators work to understand how students successfully navigate these changes, several adaptations of psychosocial theory have been utilized to trace students’ general cognitive and psychosocial development as they advance through their college careers (Evans et al., 2010; Pascarella & Terenzini, 1991). Pascarella and Terenzini (1991) are careful to distinguish between development and change when categorizing the theories and frameworks that explain the multi-faceted processes of college student development. They assert: “change refers to alterations that occur over time in students’ internal cognitive or affective characteristics...development involves changes in an organism that are ‘systematic, [organized, and] successive…and are thought to serve an adaptive function’” (Pascarella & Terenzini, 1991, p. 16). While there are several categorical differences among models of student development, those that examine race generally fall within the psychosocial group (Evans et al., 2010; Pascarella & Terenzini, 1991). Conversely, models focused on gender may be recognized as
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cognitive-structural theory (i.e. –Women’s Ways of Knowing) or as psychosocial theories (i.e. – Finding Herself) (Evans et al., 2010). Racial Identity Development According to Umaña-Taylor (2011), “identity that develops as a function of one’s ethnic group membership can be generally referred to as one’s ethnic identity” (p. 792). Race is multifaceted and is shaped by several layers and influences, including ethnicity, regional differentiation, and socioeconomic status. The concept of race has always been complex. However, it was not until recently that the exploration of race has taken an intersectional approach in order to move beyond the oversimplification of labeling (Umaña-Taylor, 2011). There is value in examining the identity development of racial minorities alongside the sociocultural challenges they face, as evidence suggests that the development of a positively affirmed social identity is more likely to protect people of color from negative psychosocial outcomes, such as chronic stress, poor self-esteem, depression, and anxiety (Umaña-Taylor, 2011). While it is not exhaustive, Figure 1 demonstrates that there is no shortage of theoretical constructs describing the racial development of Blacks. Despite the fact that there are several theories that attempt to highlight Black identity development, none of these theories go into depth about the gendered experiences of Black women. Understanding the ways that these developmental processes occur, as well as identifying supplemental factors that work towards strengthening the racial and gendered identity of Black college women will aid educators in supporting an underrepresented population that participates in a predominantly White society.
Baldwin African Self-Extension African Self-Consciousness (1981) Orientation Phinney Unexamined Unexamined Ethnic Achieved ethnic identity (1993) ethnic identity, ethnic identity, identity diffused foreclosed search Cross (1991) Pre-Encounter Encounter Immersion- Internaliza Internalization- Emersion tion Commitment Atkinson, Conformity Dissonance Resistance- Introspecti Awareness Morten, & Immersion on Sue (1993) Berry (1993) Assimilate Marginalize Separate Integrate Helms (1995) Conformity Dissonance Immersion- Internaliza Integrative Emersion tion Awareness Cross & Infancy and Preadolescence Adolescence Early Adult Fhagen- Childhood Adulthood Nigrescence Smith (1996) Sellars, Salience Centrality Regard Ideology Shelton, Cooke, Chavous, Rowley, & Smith (1997) Figure 1. Racial and Ethnic Identity Development Models
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Traditionally, scholars have relied heavily upon the foundational work of Erikson’s (1968) theory of identity development to describe students’ developmental experiences (Evans et al., 2010; Umaña-Taylor, 2011). Marcia (1980) adapted Erikson’s model, where he outlined four identity statuses: (1) diffuse, (2) foreclosed, (3) moratorium, and (4) achieved. Yet, the perspectives of people of color were relatively absent from both of these theories. Phinney (1993) operationalized Marcia’s adaptation into a three-stage model focusing on racial identity. Phinney (1993) was one of the few authors to capture the significance of the association between psychosocial meaning-making from race-based perspectives. Individuals undergoing the “Exploration” stage are explicitly and actively researching their racial roots by way of discussion with family and friends, observing media, and reading literature. Those entering into the “Resolution” stage are becoming more committed to their respective ethnic group and are making sense of what their membership within the group means to them. It is also in this stage that people of color are navigating the degree of importance and relevance that race has played in their lives. Still, the theory that is most often used to explain the identity development of Black students is William Cross’ (1971, 1991) Nigrescence model (Evans et al., 2010; Helms, 1995; Renn, 2004). French for “the process of becoming Black,” the examination of nigrescence and Black identity development by American psychologists gained momentum in the late 1960s (Cross, 1991). Cross (1991) stated that Nigrescence was first conceptualized in U.S. contexts, where Blacks were becoming more vocal and outward about identifying with Black themes and symbolisms during the Black Power Movement. It was around the 1970s that bridges between Black identity development and social movements began to emerge (Cross, 1991). These microtemporal models—which aimed to explore socialization processes that traditionally occurred over expanded periods of time—indicated that individual components of identity transformation transpired as a result of their relationship with social movements (Cross, 1991). Cross (1991) framed his model around five stages: (1) Pre-Encounter, (2) Encounter, (3) Immersion-Emersion, (4) Internalization, and (5) Internalization-Commitment. Cross (1991) determined that Black Americans in the Pre-Encounter stage generally possess low salient profiles and identify with one of two typologies: “Negro self-hatred” or “high Black affiliation”. Both groups place low importance on race, however, the former maintains negative images of race while the latter maintains positive racial perceptions (Cross, 1991). Black Americans progressing into the Encounter stage are becoming more familiar with the sociohistorical implications of race, subordination, and oppression in the U.S. (Cross, 1991). In immersing themselves into the “world of Blackness”, Black Americans in the Immersion phase align themselves with strong ideologies and imagery espousing Afrocentricity (Cross, 1991). Emersion is one where Black Americans reclaim authority over their feelings with the understanding that the potential for continued growth is eminent (Cross, 1991). At this point, individuals may find themselves disappointed with their understanding of Blackness and regress, fixated upon Blackness while upholding anti-White principles. Black Americans may also grow comfortable with their identity and choose to recede from issues centered on race (Cross, 1991). Blacks who advance to the fourth stage of Nigrescence recognize that racism is a part of everyday life and have the capacity to identify instances of institutionalized oppression within American systems (Cross, 1991). Finally, individuals who transcend to the final stage of Internalization-Commitment encompass the emotional maturity prevalent in the Internalization stage, while maintaining a high degree of engagement and commitment to Blackness, Black issues, and the Black community (Cross, 1991). Cross (1991) cautions that, while these stages serve as a precursory measure on how individuals’ perspectives may change as the relevance of race intensifies, Nigrescence is not a
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tool by which to delineate and measure “healthy” behaviors. Unfortunately, Cross’ (1991) model fails to consider the fact that the Black Power Movement was built upon—and supported—themes of patriarchy and Black male domination within the Black community (P. Collins, 2000; hooks, 1981). These behaviors are therefore interwoven into the theory of Nigrescence, as it explores racial identity development through the lens of the Black Power Movement. Though it takes a multidirectional approach in examining Blackness, Nigrescence misses several themes that are unique to the Black woman’s experience, including the hypersexualization of Black women’s bodies (P. Collins, 2000; Stevens, 2002) and their dependence on other Black women to understand gender within the context of the Black community (Stevens, 2002). Drawn largely from social identity theory, identity affirmation occurs among individuals seeking to attain a positive self-concept (Umaña-Taylor, 2011). For Blacks, achieving affirmation involves developing feelings of affinity towards their racial group. Affirmation can be a challenging process for racial minorities, as they face damaging imagery, negative stereotypes, and prejudicial – sometimes violent – behavior on a daily basis (Crenshaw, 2011; Kitwana, 2002). It is for these reasons that racial identity is more presently considered when exploring the psychosocial functioning and development of Black college women (Umaña- Taylor, 2011). Research indicates that Black women exhibiting positive affiliations with their race are more psychologically protected from racism and are more apt to demonstrate positive psychosocial functioning (Umaña-Taylor, 2011). Additionally, demonstrating affirmation of their racial heritage have a less balanced conceptualization of self and are less inclined to experience feelings of depression and suicidal ideation (Walker, Wingate, Obasi, & Joiner, 2008). To this end, a positively affirmed racial identity among traditional-aged Black college women serve as a “significant protective function in the face of negative external influences” (Umaña-Taylor, 2011, p. 796). Gender in Student Identity Development Theory Gender is shaped by our families, friends, society, and the media. Gender dictates how we are named and dressed as youth, but it also has broader implications for economic access, resource allocation, educational socialization, and career options later in life (Bussey, 2011). While it is often confused as a construct that is interchangeable with biological sex, gender and sex are not synonymous. Sex denotes an individual’s biological characteristics and sexual organs, while gender is the social construct most commonly associated with sex and sex-related roles of individuals (Bussey, 2011). According to Bussey (2011), “gender identity is viewed as part of a person’s broader concept of his or her personal identity…[identity formation] is an ongoing process that transforms over the life course” (p. 604). Still, there are various schools of thought that explore gender differentiation, including social science and sociological, humanistic, psychological, and social cognitive. Psychological perspectives center upon the ways in which individuals make sense of their gender, while the social sciences examine the oppressive qualities of gender differentiation (Bussey, 2011). For instance, West & Zimmerman (1987) indicated that the gender identities of men and women are firmly planted in social and economic structures that were developed to control the dissemination of tangible resources. Though there are several theoretical constructs that examine how women make sense of the world, this manuscript focuses on Josselson’s (1987, 1996) interpretation of Marcia’s (1966) Ego Identity Statuses because of her psychosocial perspective. While there is a great deal of merit in the work of other theorists, Josselson (1987) explicitly emphasized that the preponderance of identity development theories lacked gender-inclusive lenses (Evans et al., 2010). She attempted to organize an approach that validated the unique experiences of women as they undergo the process of identity development.
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In her investigation on gender development among women graduating from college, Josselson (1987) expounds upon Marcia’s (1966) four statuses of identity development by utilizing Erikson’s (1980) “Stages of Psychosocial Development” to support her framework. In classifying women into the statuses of (1) Identity Foreclosure, (2) Achievement, (3) Moratorium, and (4) Identity Diffusion, Josselson (1987) attempts to devise a theory that is non- linear nor one that is positioned around age-related patterns.
Gilligan (1982) Individual Selfishness to Self- Goodness to Nonviolence Survival Responsibility Sacrifice Truth Belenky, Clinchy, Silence Received Subjective Procedural Constructed Goldberger, & Knowledge Knowledge Knowledge Knowledge Tarule (1986) Josselson (1987) Identity Achievement Moratorium Identity Diffusion Foreclosure Baxter Magolda Absolute Transitional Independent Contextual (1992) Knowing Knowing Knowing Knowing Interpersonal Knowing (Women) Interindividual (Women) Impersonal Knowing Individual Figure 2. Gender in Student Identity Models
Josselson (1987) noted that previous psychosocial development models were framed around the life circumstances of men as they become more independent and seek autonomy. Most women, however, ascribed to relationship-centered transformative processes, where they utilize their connections with others to situate themselves in society and pinpoint their social roles (Josselson, 1987). Josselson (1987) therefore based her theory in the ways that women formulate their identities through relationships. The first status, Identity Foreclosure, is one where women have avoided crises and have made early career and relationship commitments that they sustain for prolonged periods of time (Josselson, 1987, 1996). Identity Foreclosures actively seek to recreate their childhood experiences with the families they have built and attempt to maintain cultural traditions (Josselson, 1987, 1996). Known as “Guardians,” these women seldom experience substantial personal growth (Josselson, 1987, 1996). Near graduation, women who transition into the Identity Achievement status are a diverse group and have developed a self-ascribed identity. These women tended to establish psychological independence in adolescence, which increased their capacity to explore identity processes in an autonomous manner (Josselson, 1987). Identity Achievements are more open- minded, less reliant on external social forces to shape their conceptualization of self, and have a supplanted sense of identity rooted in the self (Josselson, 1987). However, when recognizing their achievements, Identity Achievements depend upon their partners or significant others for validation (Josselson, 1987). Known as “Pathmakers,” these women forge their own trail (Josselson, 1987, 1996). The third type, Moratoriums, are those who reside in a perpetual state of exploration (Josselson, 1987). Because our society places a high degree of emphasis on stability and commitment among women, social pressure may cause Moratoriums to feel a great sense of anxiety (Josselson, 1987). These women tend to exhibit low self-esteem, and while this phase may be unsettling, placement in this status is not indicative of long-term challenges (Josselson, 1987). Josselson (1996) describes these women as “Searchers,” because they are still affirming their personal value systems and solidifying pertinent life choices.
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Of all the identity statuses, Josselson (1987) determined that women of the Identity Diffusion group were the least psychologically developed, exhibited high levels of anxiety, were less independent, and found sustaining intimate relationships challenging. Josselson (1987) suggested that Identity Diffusion is best conceptualized as a normative developmental stage, where women are further categorized in one of four subgroups: severe psychopathology, previous developmental deficits, Moratorium Diffusion, and Foreclosed Diffusion. Women in the first two categories have spent the majority of their lives attempting to overcome early trauma. Women in the third group were actively moving between self-actualization and a state of developmental limbo. Finally, Foreclosed Diffusers were passive and did not feel in control of their lives (Josselson, 1987). Labeled, “Drifters,” Identity Diffusers continued to move forward past their undergraduate careers, though they lacked the control necessary to sustain a concrete sense of identity (Josselson, 1996). In examining the ways women begin to construct their sense of self, Josselson (1987) found relationships between the themes of love, caring, and connectedness throughout her study. However, neither Josselson’s foundational work (1987), nor her follow-up piece (1996) addresses the fact that her model—which attempts to assert representations of the woman’s experience—lacks the voice of women who have been othered. In addition to the heterosexist undertones that were pervasive throughout her writings, Finding Herself is vastly representative of White, middle-class values. The subordinate-dominant power dynamics at play in this text go unrecognized by the author, as the focus of her model centers on (White) women who have been afforded the opportunity to earn a college degree.
Progression to Womanhood Though they serve as useful templates, existing student development theories inadequately represent the various dimensions of a contemporary and diverse student population (Renn, 2004). When analyzing the racial identity development of multiracial students, Renn (2004) posited that there is an increasing need for theoretical paradigms that account for the relationship between students and their environment (Brofenbrenner, 1993). Additionally, several scholars, including Crenshaw (2011), Miller (1991), and Renn (2004) suggest that many theories specifically omit minority voices. As previously indicated, current renditions of student identity development theory center upon the “Black experience” or the “woman’s experience”, but these theoretical constructs lack the intersectional perspective that is required in fully exploring the racial and gender identification of Black undergraduate women (Crenshaw, 2011; Josselson, 1987; Miller, 1991; Renn, 2004). Consequently, Progression to Womanhood considers historical and sociopolitical accounts when describing Black women’s progression into adulthood. The Progression to Womanhood model is situated within the literature, as it connects psychosocial and college impact models in order to more fully explain the intersectional identity developmental experiences of Black college women (Cross, 1971; Evans et al., 2010; Pascarella & Terenzini, 1991). Brofenbrenner (1993) suggests that “development is an evolving function of person-environment interaction [and that] this interaction must take place in the immediate, face- to-face setting in which the person exists” (p. 10). Subsequently, Progression to Womanhood is responsive to the ways that students interact with their environments and networks as they advance through different stages of development (Brofenbrenner, 1993; Renn, 2004). The following ecology model provides a visual representation of the environments within which Black undergraduate women are situated when proceeding through the Progression to Womanhood framework. Black Feminist Thought is extensively present in this model, as it demonstrates that Black women encounter similar challenges caused by forces in the exosystem
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and macrosystem, though the circumstances presented in the microsystem are unique to individual situations (Collins, 2000; Crenshaw, 2011; Springer, 2007; Tatum, 1997).
racial Macrosystem typologies social Exosystem norms
Mesosystem institu- media tional influences federal Micro- curricula social Courses Student system services policy
Finances Friends & Family gender roles admissions federal & sociohistorical policy state financial occurrences policy
Figure 3. The Identity Development Ecology Model for Black College Women (Adapted from Kris Renn’s Ecology of Multiracial Identity on Campus)
The Identity Development of Black College Women Several postmodern approaches to racial and gender identity development aim to explicate the specific dynamics involved in the developmental processes of underrepresented groups (Evans et al., 2010; Parpart & Marchand, 1995). These efforts have been particularly important when considering gender, as patriarchal attitudes have led to ambiguous, ambivalent understandings of gender in the U.S. (Banet-Weiser, 2007; Evans et al., 2010; Parpart & Marchand, 1995). Postracial and postfeminist ideologies distort advances made towards racial and gender equity within U.S. institutions, including the educational system (Collins, 2000; hooks, 1981; Springer, 2007). These issues are important to note when addressing the racial and gender identity development of Black undergraduate women, as this context sets the stage for how they come to situate themselves in society and within the campus environment. Therefore, the Progression to Womanhood model incorporates elements from three traditional families of student development theory (e.g., race, gender, and ecology) as understood through an intersectional lens shaped by critical Black feminist perspectives. Currently, when discussing the identity development of Black women, most educators turn to Cross’ (1971) Nigrescence model (Tatum, 1997), as it is assumed that race is widely considered the focal point of identity among Blacks, regardless of gender (Crenshaw, 2011). Progression therefore integrates gender into the identity processes of Black undergraduate women, as race and gender are both significant aspects of their identity. This linear model includes five stages: Adherent, Novitiate, Explorer, Participant, and Contributor. Progression
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through this model is not absolute and students may fluctuate between stages at various points of their college career.
Adherent Novitiate Explorer Participant Contributor Weak Increased Navigating Intermediate Self- concept of level of challenges experimentation classifications Black independence. against belief with identity. established. womanhood. systems. Guardian- Initial Defining and Exploration of Resolved based separation articulating self-selected dissonance assumptions. from familial- interests. classifications. between the based values self and and sociocultural definitions. understandings Identity of race and Development gender. Process Interactions Exploration Dependence Broadened Internalization During with of how the on social network of themes on Collegiate authority self is situated network to includes diverse self-reliance, Career figures in new solidify role connections. intelligence, shapes role environment. on-campus and in society. and in society. acceptance of diverse standards of beauty. Media Engaged in Engaged in In-depth Identify with influences remedial initial research on one of two perceptions dialogue on exploration of themes typologies: of Black race and/or historic and regarding the (1)!Low womanhood. gender. contemporary intersectionality race/gen Black issues. of identity. der salience (2)!High race/gen der salience Race takes Initial Emulation of Role modeling precedence transformation Black behaviors of over gender. of self- Womanhood. Black portrayal, -! Peers Womanhood image, and -! Role for others. linguistic Models patterns. Figure 4. Progression to Womanhood A New Framework on the Identity Development of Black American College Women
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Adherent Upon entry into their new college environment, Adherents exhibit a low understanding of Black womanhood. Though they may possess strong ties to the Black community, they have yet to pinpoint Blackness as a salient part of their own identity, particularly through the lens of a woman (Cross, 1971; Stevens, 2002). These young women are still dependent upon the ideologies that were introduced to them in their youth, which shaped their belief systems (Cross, 1971; Cross & Fhagen-Smith, 2001; Stevens, 2002). Because of these attachments to their childhood, women in this grouping continue to rely upon authority figures for guidance in understanding themselves and how they fit into the world (Josselson, 1987; Stevens, 2002). Additionally, Adherents are susceptible to the images and messages that are broadcasted through various media outlets, many of which project one-dimensional depictions of Black women (Stevens, 2002). Yet, these women are unaware that these messages stem from sociohistorical accounts which have shaped U.S. economies and race-based social stratification (Collins, 2000; hooks, 1981). Finally, premature understandings of race cause Adherents to rank the racial aspects of their personhood above their gender (Crenshaw, 2011). Novitiate The second stage involves women who have begun to engage with the campus community and are exhibiting higher levels of independence from their home lives (Stevens, 2002). These demonstrations of independence begin to emerge as they encounter challenges made against their personal histories, traditions, and beliefs (Cross, 1971). Eventually, Novitiates either choose to ascribe to their previously-held ideologies or begin to examine the adaptation of alternatives (Josselson, 1987). Novitiates are becoming comfortable with the idea of exploring who they are and how they fit into subgroups, as well as the broader campus community (Helms, 1995). Often, preliminary involvement in student organizations, budding friendships with Black students of diverse backgrounds, and enrollment in general education courses, Black women advancing through this stage are beginning to engage in fundamental dialogues on race and gender (Patton & Harper, 2003; Stevens, 2002). Explorer Black women who have advanced to the third stage are individuals who are beginning to successfully navigate challenges against their belief systems and are now open to ideologies that are supportive of Blackness and Black womanhood (Cross, 1971; Stevens, 2002). Explorers are actively involved in learning more about the social forces which have negatively affected the Black community, and they now recognize and understand the themes of power, subordinate- dominate roles, and systems of oppression (Collins, 2000; Cross, 1971; hooks, 1981). Explorers are also becoming more adept in identifying patriarchal paradigms in the broader society, as well as within the Black community (Collins, 2000; hooks, 1981). Though they subscribe to teachings of racial solidarity, Explorers are beginning to question systems of oppression that work against them due to their race in conjunction with their sex (Crenshaw, 2011; Cross, 1971). Explorers are also starting to demonstrate their ability to think independently and critically, which has a positive effect on their ability to define and articulate their interests, though they remain dependent upon their peer groups in shaping their social identity (Stevens, 2002). Explorers are experimenting with their image, which may cause inner conflict as they are becoming increasingly aware of the negative typographies that have been perpetuated about Black women and stereotypes (with lengthy histories) that their friends willingly replicate (P. Collins, 2000; hooks, 1981; Stevens, 2002). Black college women who also identify with the Hip-Hop Generation may be particularly perplexed, as misogynistic and heterosexist themes that are prominent in many streams within commercialized hip-hop culture run in complete opposition of healthy, balanced self-conceptualization of Black womanhood (Kitwana, 2002;
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Rose, 1994; Stevens, 2002). Explorers engaged in the hip-hop community who are not purists – individuals dedicated to grassroot movements within hip-hop – may be learning to compartmentalize their consumption of mainstream hip-hop, or they may be internalizing the messages that are prominent in commercial hip-hop media. Participant No longer an observer, Participants are actively and skillfully engaged in the development of their racialized and gendered identities. These women have shifted past basic understandings of Black female archetypes (P. Collins, 2000; Cross, 1971; Stevens, 2002). Black women in this stage are demonstrating high degrees of confidence in shaping their own motifs centered on their personal values, their experiences, and their perceptions of Blackness and womanhood in the U.S. (Josselson, 1983; Stevens, 2002). Participants who previously exhibited dichotomous viewpoints on race, gender, class, and sexual orientation are now more willing to forge relationships with a broader social and professional network (Cross, 1971; Stevens, 2002). Participants are becoming more adept in recognizing the intersections of “otherness” – or marginalization – among minority populations and are self-conceptualizing themselves at varying degrees across a spectrum of identity (Crenshaw, 2011; hooks, 1981; Stevens, 2002). Understanding the dynamics of intersectionality leads women to move past the stratification of social constructs such as race and gender, which contributes to their ability to avoid placing emphasis on one sole aspect of their identity. In addition to becoming more familiar with literature that examines the othering of underrepresented populations, Participants act as unofficial ethnographers, entering the field and experiencing different cultures first-hand (Cross, 1971; Stevens, 2002). Finally, Participants have successfully identified role models with which they can practice the emulation of Black womanhood (Jarmon, 2001; Stevens, 2002). They have selected mentors, women within their peer group and within the community, who they have determined are skilled in espousing the essence of their own definitions for Black womanhood (Collins, 2001; Jarmon, 2001; Stevens, 2002). Contributor Contributors have established a high degree of self-confidence in who they are, how they are situated within their surrounding environment, and what their role is within their immediate and broader communities (Cross, 1971; Stevens, 2002). Contributors demonstrate a sense of self-awareness and community responsibility, though the communities with which they ascribe to may not be other-based (Collins, 2000; Cross, 1971). Black women who have advanced to the fifth stage have resolved feelings of dissonance between themselves and societal norms on race and gender. Additionally, they have learned to value the beauty of diversity and no longer subscribe to narrow, demeaning definitions and depictions of underrepresented groups (P. Collins, 2000; hooks, 1981; Stevens, 2002). Though Contributors have internalized self- authored themes of resilience and determination, they may continue to emphasize race and gender, or may choose to focus on other aspects of their identity (Cross, 1971). Those who exhibit high race/gender salience, however, work diligently to model their ideologies surrounding Black womanhood for Black youth, for other Black college students, and for their peers within the broader Black community (A. Collins, 2001; P. Collins, 2000; hooks, 1981; Stevens, 2002).
Implications In a society where Black women often contend with negative, stereotypical imagery, are suppressed within the broader dialogue on Blackness, and are all but removed from discussions of womanhood, Progression is explicit in focusing solely upon Black womanhood and how it
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evolves as Black women advance through college. This framework centers on the diverse experiences of Black collegiate women, while recognizing that they may also rely on their environment, peers, and family to develop initial understandings of Black womanhood. Progression is distinctive because it acknowledges the sociocultural challenges that Black women face, while simultaneously centering upon the agency that Black women possess in constructing their identities. Progression also recognizes contemporary themes that are currently present in the lives of many Black college women, including the consumption of media and affiliations with hip-hop culture. Additionally, this framework allows space for Black women who identify with the Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender, Intersex, Queer, Questioning, and Ally (LGBTIQQA) community to fully express themselves without the confines of heteronormativity. For instance, Josselson (1987) was cognizant that women’s gender identity development is fluid and may change over the course of the life span. Still, much of Josselson’s (1987) theory explored how women made sense of themselves and their experiences within the institution of marriage and in intimate relationships with men. This framework incorporates a broader spectrum of gender expression and sexual orientation among Black college women. Additionally, Progression highlights a few of the ways that higher education scholars could improve upon studies involving Black college women. Though literature on the experiences of Black college women began to emerge in the 1980s, very few studies have elected to take an adequacy perspective. Rather, the majority of studies on Black women in college take a deficit approach to outlining their issues and formulating recommendations (Collins, 2001; Crenshaw, 2011). Progression is unique in that, because it first acknowledges that macrosystems, exosystems, and mesosystems can serve as a challenge to the development of a positive self-conceptualization among Black college women. Second, this framework couches the persistence and advancement of these women in their ability to utilize adversity as a catalyst for personal growth. Researchers are therefore challenged to continue to explore the experiences of Black college women from an intersectional lens and from an adequacy perspective in order to determine how their identity developmental processes may be evolving with shifts in the college environment. As previously indicated, the racial and gender identity development of Black college women is important because they continue to face difficulties as minorities in a predominately White society. While institutions of higher learning can be welcoming spaces for students while they explore their values and become acquainted with difference, colleges and universities are not immune to stereotypes, bias, and covert/overt racism. In order for Black college women to successfully advance through their academic programs and graduate, it is important that they feel safe within their university community. One way educators will achieve this task is by ensuring that Black college women have developed a positive self-construct, which serves as a preliminary mechanism for psychological and emotional protection against race-based and gender-related bias. In becoming familiar with the ecology model and identity development framework detailed in Progression, faculty and staff may also work to build upon their ability to properly identify institutional and individual othering which may impede the academic and social success of Black College women. As with any model, Progression has its limitations. Because this framework centers upon the racial and gender identity of Black women in college, there are socioeconomic implications with this work. While there are a number of Black women enrolled in – and graduating from – colleges and universities throughout the country, there is still a large population of Black women who have been unable to gain access to an advanced education. While the voices of underprivileged Black women may be reflected in this framework, there is a
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respective allocation of privilege and social capital attached to the identity development processes of Black college women that must be acknowledged. Further, while this piece works as a conceptual paradigm, the next step in expanding upon this framework includes applying empirical evidence to this structure to test the themes presented in this manuscript.
Conclusion The racial othering of Black women alongside Black men differentiates Black women’s identity development from that of White women, but their womanhood also separates their experiences from those of Black men (Crenshaw, 2011). Though White women were able to distinguish their developmental patterns from White men (Belenky et al., 1986; Gilligan, 1977; Josselson, 1987), theoretical constructs exploring the identity development of Black women remain in limbo because of the juxtaposition of their race, gender, and the sociocultural implications of both within the United States (Crenshaw, 2011). Because it is widely assumed that race is the primary identifying factor in Black women’s development, their experiences have been condensed with Black men, as both groups feel racialized subordination (Crenshaw, 2011). Yet, patriarchal attitudes also exist within the Black community which are oppositional to Black women’s consciousness (Crenshaw, 2011). Identity is an internalized system that works to protect us from psychological harm, conjoins us with our interests, values, and loved ones, and reflects our “idiosyncratic libidinal needs” (Josselson, 1987, p. 12). Though our behaviors are socialized in very obvious ways, we form our identities under less apparent terms (Josselson, 1987). The Progression to Womanhood framework aims to nest these processes within the context of the college setting for Black undergraduate women. This conceptual map is relevant, as it makes a significant contribution to the existing body of literature that explores student identity development.
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References Anderson, J. D. (1988). The education of Blacks in the South, 1860 – 1935. Chapel Hill, NC: The University of North Carolina Press. Atkinson, D. R., Morten, G., & Sue, D. W. (1993). Counseling American minorities: A cross- cultural perspective (4th ed.). Dubuque, IA: Brown & Benchmark. Baldwin, J. A. (1981). Notes on an Africentric theory of Black personality. Western Journal of Black Studies, 5, 172-179. Belenky, M. F., Clinchy, B. M., Goldberger, N. R., Tarule, J. M. (1986). Women’s ways of knowing: The development of self, voice and mind. New York, NY: Basic Books Inc. Berry, J. W. (1993). Ethnic identity in plural societies. In M. E. Bernal & G. P. Knight (Eds.), Ethnic identity: Formation and transmission among Hispanics and other minorities (pp. 271-296). Albany, NY: State University of New York Press. Brofenbrenner, U. (1993). The ecology of cognitive development: Research models and fugitive findings. In R.H. Wozniak & K.W. Fischer, (Eds.), Development in context: Acting and thinking in specific environments (pp. 3-44). Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum. Bussey, K. (2011). Gender identity development. In S. J. Schwartz, K. Luyckx, & V. L. Vignoles (Eds.), Handbook of identity theory and research: Domains and categories (pp. 603- 628). New York, NY: Springer. Collins, A. C. (2001). Black women in the academy: A historical overview. In R. O. Mabokela & A.L. Green (Eds.), Sisters of the academy: Emergent Black women scholars in higher education (pp. 29-42). Sterling, VA: Stylus Publishing, LLC. Collins, P. H. (2000). Black feminist thought: Knowledge, consciousness, and the politics of empowerment. New York, NY: Routledge. Collins, P. H. (1986). Learning from the outsider within: The sociological significance of Black feminist thought. Social Problems, 33(6), S14 – S42. Crenshaw, K. W. (2011). Demarginalising the intersection of race and sex: A Black feminist critique of anti-discrimination doctrine, feminist theory, and anti-racist politics. In H. Lutz, M. T. Herrara Vivar, & L. Supik (Eds.), Framing intersectionality: Debates on a multi-faceted concept in gender studies (pp. 25-42). Burlington, VT: Ashgate Publishing Company. Cross, W. E., Jr. (1971). The Negro to Black conversion experience. Black World, 20(9), 13-27. Cross, W. E., Jr. (1991). Shades of Black: Diversity in African-American identity. Philadelphia, PA: Temple University Press. Cross, W. E. Jr., & Fhagen-Smith, P. (2001). Patterns of African American identity development: A life span perspective. In B. Jackson & C. Wijeyesinghe (Eds.), New perspectives on racial identity development: A theoretical and practical anthology (pp. 243 – 270). New York, NY: New York University Press. Erikson, E. H. (1980). Identity and the life cycle. New York, NY: WW Norton & Company. Evans, N. J., Forney, D. S., Guido, F., Patton, L. D., & Renn, K. A. (2010). Student development in college: Theory, research, and practice (2nd ed.). San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass. Gilligan, C. (1977). In a different voice: Women’s conceptions of self and morality. Harvard Educational Review, 47, 481-517. Gregory, S. (1999). Black women in the academy: The secrets to success and achievement (Revised Ed.). Lanham, MD: University Press of America. Helms, J. E. (1995). An update of Helms's White and people of color racial identity models. In J. G. Ponterotto, J. M. Casas, L. A. Suzuki, & C. M. Alexander (Eds.), Handbook of multicultural counseling (pp. 181-198). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
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hooks, b. (1981). Ain't I a woman: Black Women and feminism. Boston, MA: South End Press. Jarmon, B. J. (2001). Unwritten rules of the game. In R. O. Mabokela & A. L. Green (Eds.), Sisters of the academy: Emergent Black women scholars in higher education (pp. 175- 182). Sterling, VA: Stylus Publishing, LLC. Josselson, R. (1987). Finding herself: Pathways to identity development in women. San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass. Josselson, R. (1996). Revising herself: The story of women’s identity from college to midlife. New York, NY: Oxford University Press. Kitwana, B. (2002). The hip hop generation: Young Blacks and the crisis in African American culture. New York, NY: BasicCivitas Books. Lorde, A. (1983). There is no hierarchy of oppression. Homophobia and Education: How to Deal with the Name Calling, 14(3-4), 9. Lucas, C. J. (1994). American higher education: A history. New York, NY: St. Martin’s Press. Marcia, J. E. (1966). Development and validation of ego-identity status. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 3(5), 551-558. Marcia, J. E. (1980). Identity in adolescence. In J. Adelson (Ed.), Handbook of adolescent psychology (pp. 159 – 187). New York, NY: Wiley. Miller, J. B. (1997). The development of women’s sense of self. In J. V. Jordan, A. G. Kaplan, J. B. Miller, I. P. Stiver, & J. L. Surrey (Eds.), Women’s growth in connection: Writings from the stone center (pp. 11-26). New York, NY: The Guilford Press. Pascarella, E.T., & Terenzini, P.T. (1991). How college affects students: Findings and insights from twenty years of research. San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass. Patton, L. D., & Harper, S. R. (2003). Mentoring relationships among African American women in graduate and professional schools. New Directions For Student Services, 104, 67 – 78. Phinney, J. S. (1993). A three-stage model of ethnic identity development in adolescence. In M.E. Bernal & G.P. Knight (Eds.), Ethnic Identity: Formation and Transmission among Hispanics and Other Minorities (pp. 61-78). Albany, NY: State University of New York Press. Renn, K.A. (2004). Mixed race students in college: The ecology of race, identity, and community on campus. Albany, NY: State University of New York Press. Rose, T. (1994). Black noise: Rap music and Black culture in contemporary America. Middletown, CT: Wesleyan University Press. Sellers, R. M., Shelton, J. N., Cooke, D. Y., Chavous, T. M., Rowley, F. A. J., & Smith, M. A. (1997). A multidimensional model of racial identity: Assumptions, findings, and future directions. In R. L. Jones (Ed.) African American identity development. Hampton, VA: Cobb & Henry. Solórzano, D. (2000). Critical race theory, racial microaggressions, and campus racial climate: The experiences of African American college students. Journal of Negro Education, 69(1/2), 60-73. Springer, K. (2007). Divas, evil Black bitches, and bitter Black women: African American women in postfeminist and post-civil-rights popular culture. In Y. Tasker & D. Negra (Eds.), Interrogating postfeminism: Gender and the politics of popular culture (pp. 249- 276). Durham, NC: Duke University Press. Stevens, J. W. (2002). Smart and sassy: The strengths of inner-city Black girls. New York, NY: Oxford University Press, Inc.
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Tasker, Y., & Negra, D. (2007). Introduction: Feminist politics and postfeminist culture. In Y. Tasker & D. Negra (Eds.), Interrogating postfeminism: Gender and the politics of popular culture (pp. 1-25). Durham, NC: Duke University Press. Tatum, B. D. (1997). Racial identity development and relational theory: The case of Black women in White communities. In J. V. Jordan (Ed.), Women’s growth in diversity: More writings from the stone center (pp. 91-106). New York, NY: The Guilford Press. Thompson, C., & Dey, E. (1998). Pushed to the margins: Sources of stress for African American college and university faculty. Journal of Higher Education, 69(3), 324-345. Umaña-Taylor, A.J. (2011). Ethnic identity. In S. J. Schwartz, K. Luyckx, & V. L. Vignoles (Eds.), Handbook of identity theory and research: Domains and categories (pp. 791- 809). New York, NY: Springer. Walker, R. L., Wingate, L. R., Obasi, E. M., & Joiner, T. E. (2008). An empirical investigation of reculturaltive stress and ethnic identity as moderators for depression and suicidal ideation in college students. Cultural Diversity & Ethnic Minority Psychology, 14, 75-82. West, C., & Zimmerman, D. (1987). Doing gender. Gender & Society, 1, 125-151. !
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African American Female Doctoral Students: Experiences, Motivation, and Perceptions of Hegemony in Preparation for Careers in Educational Leadership ! Keisha Marie Baylor College of William and Mary
To understand the experiences of female doctoral students of color in preparation for careers in educational leadership, their intersected identities regarding race and gender must also be understood by institutions on the preK-12 and higher education levels. This study aimed to gain insight into the navigation experiences of women of color pursuing careers in educational leadership through doctoral study, as well as their motivation for pursuing a career in the field of educational leadership and perceptions of professional hegemony. Data were collected primarily through face-to-face and telephone interviews with each participant, as well as a final focus group interview. Findings indicate the emergence of several commonalities across participant experiences and implications for K-12 and institutions of higher education. Overall, the need still exists for more research on what motivates women of color, including and beyond African American women, to pursue and stay in positions of educational leadership in pre-K through 20. Keywords: educational leadership, African American women, intersectionality
Much research has been conducted to investigate the lack of diversity in educational leadership. In the K-12 setting, administrative leadership teams within schools often reinforce a lack of attention to diversity, as most principals are from the majority culture (Goddard & Hart, 2007). Although members of ethnic minorities, especially ethnic minority women, have become more visible in teaching positions, in many institutions, they have been barred access to positions of educational administration (Hogg, 2001; Trujillo-Ball, 2003). For over three decades, the composition of educational administration graduate programs has shifted more focus on the lack of diversity in these programs and question whether or not best practices for supporting graduate students apply to all or only some. It is suggested that some strategies may transcend race, but graduate students of color need support for successful matriculation fundamentally different from their White counterparts (Young & Brooks, 2008). Although many educational benefits are directly connected to campus diversity, diverse women of color faculty encounter multiple forms of marginalization within the institutions of higher education (Benjamin, 1997; Garcia, 2005; John, 1997; Li & Beckett, 2006; McKay, 1997; Reyes, 2005; Sulé, 2011). Women of African American and Latin American backgrounds, in particular, are at risk for this marginalization.
Review of the Literature To understand the experiences of women of color in preparation for careers in educational leadership, their intersected identities regarding race and gender must also be understood by institutions on the preK-12 and higher education levels. In Silences and Serenades: The Journeys of Three Ethnic Minority Women School Leaders, researcher Maenette K. P. Benham explores the lived experiences of an African American, a Latina, and an Indian woman in educational leadership using a narrative research approach. Each of the women, who were working at various levels in educational leadership positions, encountered experiences that helped to shape their professional identities as women of color. Four major themes emerged from the study: (1) forging identity against mass stereotypes that serve to oppress, (2)
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experiences of marginalization leading each woman to re-construct boundaries associated with culture, (3) geography and institution to combat age-old institutional inequality, and (4) personal perceptions and reflections of the work they do to challenge school bureaucracy. This study illustrates how stories have the power to help school leaders navigate through multiple realities as they begin to understand how life experience shapes their professional work (Benham, 1997). Second, in Restructuring the Master’s Tools: Black Female and Latina Faculty Navigating and Contributing in Classrooms through Opposition Positions, researcher Venice Thandi Sulé explores how Black and Latina faculty at predominately White research institutions (PWIs) have learned to navigate the educational system and negotiate barriers as women of marginalized groups. This study illustrates how awareness of membership in marginalized groups can help its members break free of societal constraints and make the choice to move on toward success within mainstream-dominated educational institutions, rather than regress. Finally, in Valuing Social Identity: Consequences for Motivation and Performance in Low-Status Groups, researchers Colette van Laar, Belle Derks, Naomi Ellemers, and Dennis Bleeker look into how social identity influences the motivations and performance of individuals of marginalized groups and as they pursue upward mobility in traditionally white or male- dominated occupations. The study illustrates that societal treatment of an ostracized group can influence the stability and actions of its members (van Laar, Derks, Ellemers & Bleeker, 2010).
Problem Statement As demonstrated, research exists, but more knowledge concerning the particular experiences and multidimensional identities of women of color in educational leadership is needed. The impetus for this study stems from the researcher’s personal experiences as an educator, woman of color, and doctoral student pursuing a career in educational leadership. Over the years, many more women of color have held educational leadership positions on the higher education level than in K-12 education, but a large disparity in the number of women of color in positions of educational leadership overall persists (Hogg, 2001; Trujillo-Ball, 2003). Although much has been done to equal the playing field for women in various career preparations, women of color continue to encounter challenges, especially related to pursuing advanced study and careers in educational leadership (Benjamin, 1997; Garcia, 2005; John, 1997; Li & Beckett, 2006; McKay, 1997; Reyes, 2005; Sulé, 2011). Driven by these research-based realizations, the purpose of the study was to examine the personal and professional experiences of women of color, and their motivations to pursue advanced graduate degrees and careers in educational leadership to contribute to the larger body of knowledge on the subject. This study investigated the lived experiences of the participants, specifically African American women, adding to existing research on women of color pursuing doctoral degrees and positions of leadership in education. By highlighting their motivations and experiences in pursuance of an advanced graduate degree and career in the field, perceptions of professional hegemony and microaggressions (everyday negative messages directed toward marginalized groups) relevant to pursuing, entering and maintaining a career in educational leadership were also investigated. Professional hegemony is defined as the dominance of one social group or another, notably the domination that is found in the workplace (Sulé, 2011).
Method A qualitative research approach was chosen to investigate the lived experiences of African American women pursuing doctoral degrees in educational leadership. In particular, phenomenological methodology was chosen. Historically, phenomenology seeks to define and attribute meaning to the general essence of a common lived experience shared by several
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individuals. The researcher using this approach seeks to articulate meaning and gain a deeper understanding of the everyday shared experiences of groups of humans, otherwise known as phenomena. Often, these phenomena are explained through reflection of awareness and insightful descriptions (van Manen, 1990). According to Moustakas (1994), through open-ended interview questioning, the essence of “what” the participants experienced as well as “how” they experienced it is described in rich detail, with sufficient description to provide an understanding of the essence of the shared experience (as cited in Creswell, 2013, p. 61). Phenomenology is a relevant qualitative approach for this study as it enables the researcher to provide a rich description of the lived experiences of these women regarding educational leadership from their own perspectives. Data Collection Procedure Participants were selected purposively by email, informing them of the study purpose and procedures, as well as risks, benefits, and confidentiality measures. Purposive criteria included the following: status as a woman of color (of a minority ethnicity), currently in the process of completing a doctoral degree in educational leadership, and either pursuing or in the first year of employment as an educational leader on the preK-12 or higher education level. Upon receiving signed letters of consent, five study participants pursuing doctoral degrees in various preparations within educational leadership agreed to participate in the study; three of the participants are African American. The findings regarding these participants will be discussed. To learn the essence of the lived experiences of the participants, interviews were conducted. Approximately 15 total hours of phenomenological inquiry data were collected primarily through two semi-structured, open-ended interviews with each participant and a final focus group interview with all of the participants at once. During the first interview, the personal background of all participants was investigated, as well as professional experience and motivation in pursuance of a career in educational leadership. Participants were asked individual background, professional experience and career motivation questions related to traits of an educational leader; decisions to pursue a career in educational leadership; influences related to pursuing a doctoral degree in educational leadership; and the role of gender, ethnicity, and cultural background in choosing educational leadership as a profession. Preparation, professional goals, and influences related to pursuing an educational leadership position were also addressed. During the second interview, participants were asked questions about experiences, if any, related to professional hegemony in pursuance of a career in educational leadership. Topics such as challenges and microaggressions in the educational setting, as well as societal views of female educational leaders of color and personal perceptions of what it is like to be a woman of color were explored. During the third and final interview, all participants were arranged as a focus group and asked to reflect on both individual interview experiences and reveal any new perspectives or knowledge gained in the process with the group members. Generational challenges most pertinent to women of color, as well as final perspectives and suggestions for other women of color interested in pursuing a career in educational leadership were discussed. Data Analysis and Coding All interviews were audio recorded and word-for-word transcripts were generated for ease of data analysis. As each transcript was read, notes were written for preliminary coding based on emergent patterns in the data. The notes captured the statements related to the themes in paragraph form (van Manen, 1990). The statements or utterance summaries helped to interpret the data and express the essence of meaning of the phenomena. The summaries were later coded using the selective reading and line-by-line or unitized coding approach. Selective reading involves listening to or reading text several times to determine and isolate essential phrases and/or statements from participant interviews. The line-by-line approach involves reviewing
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every sentence transcribed to find out what is revealed regarding the experience of interest being described among the participants (van Manen, 1990). Protection of Data Quality Creswell’s (2013) criteria for the quality of phenomenological research were employed to verify data quality, and the accuracy of participant responses was evaluated through member checking. For this method, each participant was provided with a descriptive summary of their participant responses to ensure accurate data were generated and engaged in appropriate peer- debriefing practices to maintain authenticity of the data. Participants were asked to revise any data that they determined incomplete or inaccurate (Creswell, 2013). Also, the collection of multiple data points was established to aid in discovering themes among participant perspectives and to obtain a deeper understanding of the collectively experienced phenomenon. Also important was the articulation of the phenomenon accurately using correct participant data and later detailed interpretations of generated data in the form of utterance summaries and codes.
Findings Findings from the study reveal four major themes regarding participant motivations and experiences: social justice impetus for career change and motivation toward educational leadership, supports for women of color in pursuance of careers in educational leadership, supports for women of color in pursuance of careers in educational leadership, and perception of hegemony in professional interactions.
Social Justice Impetus for Career Change and Motivation Toward Educational Leadership Overall, participants expressed the desire to become an educational leader arose out of a social justice orientation, feeling obligated to someone (family, friends, those who lent support) or something (society) to do well and bring about changes to the current broken educational systems with which they are affiliated. Each participant felt that obtaining a doctoral degree in educational leadership will help to give them credibility, and hope to advocate as a positive influence in ensuring those changes surface for the greater good and to help members of their own ethnic groups succeed. The participants also expressed the desire to build relationships and communication networks to empower the forgotten members of society and help them to reach beyond the achievement gap toward a successful college and work life. Sasha. Sasha frequently referenced her previous career in the juvenile justice system as a social justice impetus for her desire to become an educational leader. She expressed her feelings about the achievement gap and wanting to make a difference in her own community: “If I wanna develop programs, I have to be within leadership to do that. That’s where the societal piece comes in because I can’t expect for someone else to do it for my group. If there’s someone who doesn’t do well and isn’t successful, that’s gonna impact my community more than anything.”
Supports for Women of Color in Pursuance of Careers in Educational Leadership All participants identified personal identity, family, mentors, and available knowledge as supports. They expressed the need for family and mentors of mixed-race and gender as an area of support to bring multiple professional perspectives to shape their views of education and leadership. Sasha referenced the support of the ‘unspoken coalition’ or network of unified people of color working in the same capacity. She explained that the group has inherent rules and codes to live by and people in the network help each other by providing opportunities for members of the same ethnic group. Sasha also referenced her ‘board of directors’ or mentors as a source of
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support. Having multiple male and female mentors of varied ethnicity within and outside of the field of education offered her broader perspectives, guidance and invaluable insight.
Supports for Women of Color in Pursuance of Careers in Educational Leadership All participants highlighted personal feelings of inadequacy, structural oppositional factors, work-life balance, working with people that aren’t’ culturally sensitive and challenging the deficit thinking of colleagues working with students of color as major obstacles in preparation for careers in educational leadership. Elizabeth. Regarding personal feelings of inadequacy in pursuing a career in educational leadership, Elizabeth described her first year of doctoral study and how she felt as if she was an ‘other’ or outsider for several reasons: having a background in sports administration and switching to a career in education; pursuing an EdD while classmates were pursuing a PhD; feeling as if she lacked the skills to converse with classmates and discuss readings in class, asking herself “can I do this?” often; not knowing who she could go to for help. She later realized that she actually ‘othered’ herself in the process by placing self-imposed barriers in her own process because she felt that people perceived her as inferior because she is a Black woman. “I think in the back of your mind, you think that they could be thinking those things or interact with people that believe that way, and you are cognizant of that…then you always feel like you have to disprove it, in some way.”
Perception of Hegemony in Professional Interactions Finally, participants expressed encountering instances of discrimination in professional situations that they later found out were examples of microaggressions. Jennifer. Similar to Sasha, Jennifer also worked previously in the juvenile justice system as well as faith-based non-profit work before entering the field of education. She described her feelings toward microaggressions encountered and examples of professional hegemony she experienced. Jennifer admitted that she reasoned between choosing to acknowledge the microaggressions witnessed or not confront the ignorance of others. In reference to confronting microaggressions in the current educational climate, Jennifer had this to say: “Some days I just don’t feel like it. I don’t feel like being the educator of the people, I just get tired of it.” In addition, Sasha expressed her frustration toward the word usage of educators toward students of color using the following example: “Theyisms”: “they” need remediation, “they” have single parent households, “they” don’t have this and “they” don’t have that – who are “they”? Additionally, participants have witnessed the reactions of others as they challenge societal views of women and step outside of their own comfort zones to bring about change. Elizabeth also provided an account of the sexism she experienced in a conversation with one of her former male colleagues and peers who was surprised by her choice to become an educational leader through doctoral study. She remembered that he was not a champion for women in leadership roles. He made it clear that he was okay with women being in subservient, traditional roles and very vocal in what he thought the roles of men and women should be.
Discussion One of several positive attributes of conducting various forms of qualitative research includes the capacity to hear voices of individuals within oppressed groups (Creswell, 2013). A critical lens was utilized to frame participant experiences and perceptions of hegemony as the study participants represent two facets of marginalization, being individuals of both female and minority group status. Critical Race Feminism or CRF was chosen to undergird this study.
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Critical Race Feminism As an emergent theory, CRF is a derivative from critical legal studies and critical race theory, encouraging understandings of the multifaceted nature of identification as a woman of color, or intersectionality. Legal scholar Kimberlé Crenshaw’s term “intersectionality” is the metaphorical meeting of race, gender, and class used to conceptualize individual identity while combating marginalization (Nash, 2008). To address inequalities and disparities and understand the circumstances and experiences of people at the intersections of race, gender, and class, a multiplicative intersectional analysis is required that examines the ways in which marginalization affects their experiences, considerations, practices (Berry, Jay & Lynn, 2010; Wing, 1997). The CRF lens uses a multidisciplinary approach to uncover and reflect on the connections between gender and race, while recognizing that women of color hold multifaceted identities. This aids in understanding individuals and groups of individuals, especially those who have experiences with social and political marginalization (Berry, 2010). CRF theory takes a deeper look into how individuals view themselves within the broader context of society, as well as institutions within society (Sulé, 2011). By placing importance on the stories of women encountering multiple components of their own identity, it is acknowledged that these women bring their experiences and personal identities into educational leadership. At the same time, these women recognize that identifying with a particular race does not equal the common or shared identity of its members (Berry, 2010). Pinpointing how identity influences access to power as exhibited in the everyday experiences of women of color, CRF was used to frame the connections these women make across multiple aspects of their identities as women and persons of color, and their perceptions of professional hegemony (Sulé, 2011). Supported by Critical Race Feminism, the study findings reveal the intersectionality of women of color, shared by all participants, that influences the way these women view, interpret, and respond to personal and professional experiences in society. The findings of this study further reveal themes among the participants to include career switcher status, social justice implications that influenced a desire to work as educational leaders, support systems that include multiple mentors, feelings of isolation, and the true perspective or awareness of what they are up against as African American women pursuing leadership positions through doctoral study. These themes and findings support two of the four themes as mentioned earlier regarding Benham’s (1997) narrative study: (2) experiences of marginalization leading each woman to re- construct boundaries associated with culture, and (4) personal perceptions and reflections of the work they do to challenge school bureaucracy. The interview conversations revealed that each of these women previously worked in careers outside of education and later, as a result of noticing the changes that needed to be made, decided to pursue careers as educational leaders. Each of these women also revealed the adjustments they had to make in their personal and professional lives throughout the process because of societal perceptions. The findings of this study also support Sule’s (2011) study and van Laar, Derks, Ellemers, and Bleeker’s (2010) study, reinforcing how awareness of membership in marginalized groups allows these women to break free of societal constraints and motivates them to choose educational and career paths toward success within mainstream-dominated educational institutions.
Implications The purpose of the study was to examine the personal and professional experiences of the women of color, and their motivations to pursue advanced graduate degrees and careers in educational leadership. Using the theoretical framework of Critical Race Feminism and the phenomenological research approach, the lived experiences of women in this study were formed into important narrative accounts of their lives as influenced by the marginalization and
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oppression they have faced directly and indirectly, acknowledging the multifaceted nature of their collective identities (Berry, 2010). The data reveal findings that bring awareness to similar experiences between women of color preparing for careers in educational leadership. In this particular study, the use of a purposive criterion sampling technique actually yielded a participant sample varied by age, educational careers, preparations prior to doctoral study, and field of interest in education. In future studies, investigating the lived experiences of African American women pursuing careers in educational leadership through doctoral study in particular age ranges and emphasis areas may provide more data to inform the study purpose. Gaining insight into the perceptions and experiences of particular groups of African American women may also help other women of color in educational leadership preparation programs. Overall, the need exists to know more concerning what motivates women of color to pursue and stay in positions of educational leadership pre-K through 20. Having a better understanding of the motivation behind career choice for women of color working or aspiring to work in positions of educational leadership, as well as their perceptions and experiences in doing so, is also needed. Such research may inform practitioners, women of color in general, mainstream colleagues of women of color in education, and researchers in preparing similar future educational leaders.
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References Benham, M. K. (1997). Silences and serenades: The journeys of three ethnic minority women school leaders. Anthropology & Education Quarterly, 28(2), 280-307. Benjamin, L. (Ed.). (1997). Black women in the academy: Promises and perils. Gainesville, FL: University Press of Florida. Berry, T. R. (2010). Engaged pedagogy and critical race feminism. Educational Foundations, 24(3-4), 19-26. Berry, T. R, Jay, M., & Lynn, M. (2010). Introduction: Thoughts and ideas on the intersectionality of identity. Educational Foundations, 24(1-2), 3-9. Creswell, J. W. (2013). Qualitative inquiry and research design: Choosing among five approaches (3rd ed.). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications, Inc. Garcia, A. (2005). Counter stories of race and gender: Situating experiences of Latinas in the academy. Latino Studies, 3(2), 261-273. Goddard, J. T., & Hart, A. C. (2007). School leadership and equity: Canadian elements. School Leadership and Management, 27(1), 7-20. Hogg, M. A. (2001). Social identification, group prototypicality, and emergent leadership. In M. A. Hogg & D. J. Terry (Eds.), Social identity processed in organizational contexts (pp. 197-212). Ann Arbor, MI: Sheridan Books. John, B. M. (1997). The African American female ontology: Implications for academe. In L. Benjamin (Ed.), Black women in the academy (pp. 53-64). Gainesville, FL: University of Florida Press. Li, G., & Beckett, G. H. (2006). “Strangers” of the academy: Asian women scholars in higher education. Sterling, VA: Stylus. McKay, N. (1997). A troubled peace: Black women in the halls of the White academy. In L. Benjamin (Ed.), Black women in the academy: Promises and perils (pp. 11-22). Gainesville, FL: University of Florida Press. Moustakas, C. (1994). Phenomenological research methods. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Nash, J. C. (2008). Re-thinking intersectionality. Feminist Review, 89(2000), 1-15. Reyes, X. A. (2005). Dissonance in the academy: Reflections of a Latina professor. Latino Studies, 3(2), 274-279. Sulé, V. T. (2011). Restructuring the mater’s tools: Black female and Latina faculty navigating and contributing in classrooms through oppositional positions. Equity and Excellence in Education, 44(2), 169-187. Trujillo-Ball, L. (2003). Mexican American female principals and their chameleon identity: Working against a socially constructed identity in a predominately white school district (Unpublished doctoral dissertation). University of Texas, Austin, TX. van Laar, C., Derks, B., Ellemers, N., & Bleeker, D. (2010). Valuing social identity: Consequences for motivation and performance in low-status groups. Journal of Social Issues, 66(3), 602-617. van Manen, M. (1990). Researching lived experience. New York, NY: State University of New York Press. Wing, A. K. (1997). Brief reflections toward a multiplicative theory and praxis of being. In A. K. Wing (Ed.), Critical race feminism: A reader (pp. 27-34). New York, NY: New York University Press. Young, M. D., & Brooks, J. S. (2008). Supporting graduate students of color in educational administration preparation programs: Faculty perspectives on best practices, possibilities and problems. Educational Administration Quarterly
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SECTION THREE
K-12 Education
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Caring for Black Males in Schools: An Ethnographic Exploration of Educational Experiences of Black Males in a GED Program Julia C. Ransom, Ph.D. PolicyLab at The Children’s Hospital of Philadelphia
Black males are more likely than others to attend alternative education programs and schools (Howard, 2008; McCall, 2003). Alternative high schools and programs tend to serve a disproportionate number of male students, students of color, at-risk students, and economically disadvantaged students (McNulty & Roseboro, 2009; Watson, 2011). This ethnographic study focused on Black male students who have dropped out of traditional high school prior to attending an alternative GED program in a Northeastern city. The findings in this article are excerpted from the larger ethnographic study that addressed the following question: How do Black males’ perceptions of caring and educational experiences in an alternative GED program differ from experiences in their former traditional high school? The ethic of care theoretical framework was used to guide analysis. Findings indicated that students experienced more caring environments in the alternative GED program. Keywords: Black males, alternative education, ethos of care
As the graduation rates for traditional comprehensive high schools have increased, the number of alternative completion programs has increased (Kleiner, Porch, & Farris, 2002). Trends suggest that the number of students in alternative settings will continue to rise over the years (Lehr, Tan, & Yssledyke, 2009). Black male students make up a large portion of students who do not graduate high school in four years; 52% of Black males had graduated within four years as of the 2009-2010 school year (Holzman, Jackson, & Beaudry, 2012). With such a large number of Black male students disengaging from high school, providing viable educational alternatives is essential to their success. Alternative programs serve a disproportionate number of male students, students of color, at-risk students, economically disadvantaged students, and others that have been disenfranchised from traditional schooling (McNulty & Roseboro, 2009; Watson, 2011). Therefore, this ethnographic study focuses on Black male students who have dropped out of traditional high school prior to attending an alternative education program in a Northeastern city. More specifically, this article examined the following research question: How did Black male students experience the elements of the ethos of care in an alternative classroom environment and how did their teacher embody the ethos of care with her students?
Literature Review Black males tend to face many challenges both academic and behavioral in educational settings (Kim & Taylor, 2008; Thomas & Stevenson, 2008). In addition, these students are more likely to score below proficient in key subject areas on NCES standardized tests (Howard, 2008) and are more likely to be placed in remedial and special education courses (Howard, 2008; Noguera, 2003; Thomas & Stevenson, 2009). This low achievement can lead to eventual departure and disengagement from schooling. Consequently, Black male students at-risk are more likely to attend alternative education programs and schools (Howard, 2008; McCall, 2003). According to Kleiner et al. (2002), the number of alternative schools in the United States rose from 2,606 in 1993 to over 10,900 in 2001. In addition, these schools are concentrated in high- poverty, urban, and minority districts. Given that the majority of students in alternative schools
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are male, minority, urban, and high-poverty, there is a need to contribute more literature focused on Black male students in alternative settings in urban areas. Moreover, this research is important given the negative experiences that many Black male students encounter in schooling (Isom, 2007; Lynn & Jennings, 2009). In the classroom, research has shown that teacher expectations and student perceptions of caring can have a positive or negative impact on academic engagement, academic self-efficacy, student behavior, and student-teacher relationships (Fowler, Banks, Anhalt, Der Hinrichs, & Kalis, 2008; Thomas & Stevenson, 2009; Tyler & Boelter, 2008), but that Black male students often face negative perceptions and lower expectations. If students do not believe that teachers care about them and their academic performance, then their likelihood of success diminishes (Noguera, 2003). In several studies focused on alternative settings, the theme of care was identified in student responses to how they felt about their alternative school in comparison to the traditional school. The students praised their alternative school for the caring environment and positive teacher interactions they experienced. Students described “caring” as teachers and other school administrators providing personal attention, inquiring about their out of school lives, and displaying concern about their education (Lagana-Riordan et al., 2011; Saunders & Saunders, 2001; Watson, 2011). Therefore, examining care for Black male students in alternative settings can provide potential strategies to ensure that these students experience success.
Theoretical Framework The ethic of care is based in Nel Noddings’ (1988) characterization of caring as relational ethics. The foundation of Noddings’ ethic of care consists of the notion that there is one who is cared for and there is one who is caring. The one caring responds to the needs and wants of the cared for, while the cared for acknowledges the caring and reciprocates. In the school setting the teacher becomes the one-caring and the student is the cared-for individual (Noddings, 1988). Teachers who possess an ethic of care feel that they are responsible for empowering their students. Teachers who create caring relationships produce students who respond in kind with care. These teachers believe that they have a duty to act for their students, and are charged with being personally responsible for their students (Owens & Ennis, 2005). The ethic of care is often defined by accountability and response, the responsibility of the caring and the response of the cared for (Noddings, 1988). Teachers should want to produce caring productive students; however, to mold such people, teachers must have a wealth of knowledge about students (Noddings, 1988). When provided with care, and the feeling that their teacher knows their needs, poor and minority students can become empowered and experience academic success after persistent failure (Rivera-McCutchen, 2012). Black students in particular benefit from an ethos of caring that is infused with culturally responsive practices (Gay, 2002; Ladson-Billings, 1995; Ware, 2006). In essence, the ethos of caring moves away from a theory devoid of consideration for culture, to caring that is culturally appropriate for the student population that the teacher is educating when culturally responsive practices are included.
Methodology Ethnographic Methods This study used ethnographic methods to examine the research questions. Ethnography is an interpretation of how people make meaning, what they say, and what they do. This idea is guided by the concept that culture exists within groups (LeCompte & Schensul, 2010). In providing a definition for qualitative research, Denzin and Lincoln (2011) state that it is “a situated activity which locates the observer in the world” (p. 3). In ethnography, the researcher
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studies people and things in their natural setting in order to make sense of how people make meaning of their worlds. The primary goal of this study was to understand Black male students’ educational and caring experiences in their alternative program. In turn, the best methods to gain access to this information are those that provide the most insight into the way students make sense of their world. The use of qualitative ethnographic methods of interviews and observations allowed me to understand the way that Black male students in this particular setting make sense of their lived reality (Hesse-Biber & Leavy, 2011). Research Site and Participants AchieveEd provides basic literacy and math skills, post-secondary preparation, workforce preparation, and a GED upon completion. AchieveEd is 98% Black, and almost half of the students are Black males. AchieveEd serves predominately poor and working class students with 100% qualifying for free or reduced price lunch. The ten male participants for the study were previous traditional high school attendees between the ages of 19 and 21 years old. The teacher observed, Ms. Skye, is a Black woman in her late 30’s who has worked with disadvantaged youth for over a decade. The age range of students was bounded because according to AchieveEd enrollment, 96% of students in the program are within this range. Data Sources and Analysis Fieldwork was conducted at the program from January 2014 until June 2014 in a Career and College Readiness class for two hours twice per week. Field notes were written and class sessions were audio recorded for each observation period. Formal semi-structured in-depth interviews were conducted with students and their teacher. Version 3.7.1 of HyperResearch (ResearchWare, 2015) qualitative software was used to code field notes and interview transcripts. During the coding process, I began with codes that were descriptive, describing exactly what seen and heard, and others that were analytical and drawn from the literature regarding the ethos of care. These were used to create analytical categories for interpretation. From there I moved on to interpreting the different abstractions and themes associated with care. Codes and themes from the literature included: teacher care and student teacher relationships. Emergent codes and themes from fieldwork and interviews included: cultural responsive care, race/gender specific care. From the 49 codes created, those that belonged to the same thematic area were combined. Themes that were irrelevant were discarded during analysis.
Findings The young men interviewed in this study were Evan, Karim, Harry, Jared, Seth, Peter, Jeff, Steve, Bob, and Walt. The findings provide evidence of the importance of care for Black male students, as well as the role of cultural context for the ethic of care in the student-teacher relationship. The findings are consistent with previous literature that indicated students’ feeling of more caring relationships within alternative school settings overall (Lagana-Riordan et al., 2011; Saunders & Saunders, 2002; Watson, 2011). In contrast to the feeling of care students expressed feeling at AchieveEd, in their discussions of their former high schools, there was an absence of care from their point of view. Students included teacher incompetence and lack of expectations as examples of the lack of care.
Lack of Care in Traditional High Schools Experiences of care were not abundant for students in their past high school experiences. One form of lack of care was students’ perception that teachers were unable to manage student behavior in the classroom in order to teach effectively. Jared provided an example of this when asked about the environment at his previous high school:
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Teacher can't get nothing done. You in a classroom, you trying to learn but the background, everybody, like majority of the class, on the phone, listening to music, loud and obnoxious so the teacher can't say nothing. He barely can't say anything, without talking over the class. Jared felt that the teachers’ inability to control the students in class led to his and others inability to learn content in their classes. Further, it showed that teachers for those classes did not really care if the lesson was completed because the students behaved poorly while the teachers were explaining the lesson and the teacher did nothing in response. This is important to note because research has shown that student productivity is low and engagement is negatively affected when there is a lack of emotional involvement from teachers (Brackett, Reyes, Rivers, Elbertson, & Salovey, 2011). Further, the ability to keep student behavior within appropriate norms or to be a warm demander in order to ensure a productive learning environment (Ware, 2006) is often seen as a form of teacher care by Black students. This was not present for Jared in his previous high school. Perceptions of indifference from teachers and lack of expectations were other indications of lack of care that students articulated. Students believed that when they were not engaged in their work, their teachers did not find strategies to engage them nor did they have expectations for them to complete the work. The perception of low expectations of Black boys is a common narrative found in research on student teacher relationships that Black boys encounter (Rowley et al., 2014). The response of my students was to fulfill the expectations of the teachers in some cases. When discussing the classrooms at his traditional high school and teachers approach, Harry felt that teachers just did not care if he did work; he said, “I really think they didn't care. I never really had no teachers, like how the teachers are here [at AchieveEd]. It was just ... if you didn't want to do the work [at previous high school], you just didn't do the work in high school. They [teachers] just leave you alone”. Harry believed that if he did not show he wanted to work then he was left alone and isolated from the lesson in the classroom. Harry felt that overall the teachers in his school and the entire city school district did not care for students. He said: The school district, they really don’t care, like the teachers. They really don’t want to teach, for real, and they give up on you fast…. Like they don’t push you to, to do better. They just give up on you. Here they, they try to help you out. They really push you.”
Feeling Cared for at AchieveEd The ethic of care in this study was reflected through words and actions of students and teacher. A poignant example of Ms. Skye’s care was shown when she demonstrated her responsibility for the success of her students. She believed that it was her responsibility to ensure that students passed the GED and gained employment or pursued post-secondary education. The following is excerpted from field notes on January 27th: “We [teachers] gotta step up as teachers to make sure y’all are ready. I have to step up my game to make sure you’re ready to take the exam and equally ready to get a job. When I let you do baby work, I fail you.” She reiterated that her role was mentor, and caring but firm supporter during her interview. From the student perspective, the care that students felt was best conveyed by Peter when he said “I feel like the teachers, they really care about us and…they really focus on our education. It’s just; it’s a different environment from like a regular school. That’s what I like.” In addition to being cared for and valued, students experienced an ethic of care that was culturally responsive. Culturally responsive pedagogy is “an approach to teaching and learning that empowers students intellectually, socially, emotionally, and politically by using cultural references to impart knowledge, skills, and attitudes” (Ladson-Billings, 1994, p. 18 as cited in Ware, 2006, p. 447). The students were building positive and meaningful relationships with Ms.
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Skye and other teachers because the teachers found ways to connect, communicate, and value students through their culturally responsive pedagogy. Culturally responsive caring entails teachers providing an environment of encouragement and a rigorous educational learning environment for Black students and others outside of the cultural norm. Culturally responsive caring is an ethos of care that is culturally appropriate and authentic for the students. The following discussion began during a lesson based on choosing occupations. Ms. Skye demonstrated a level of familiarity, knowledge of neighborhoods, and speech patterns in talking with Evan regarding the safety of using unlicensed auto mechanics. Ms. Skye then gave examples of several occupations that will not be disappearing. One of the examples is car mechanic. According to field notes from May 19th, Evan disagreed, saying that all cars are computerized now, so jobs will begin disappearing. Ms. Skye said, “but there will always be hoopties in the hood! Somebody is always gonna drive a squatter!” Evan said that you can just get a fiend [crack addict] to fix it for $10 [laughing as he said it] and Ms. Skye said “No way! I will never have that… coming near me in my house, no way!” Ms. Skye shared in a hypothetical situation with Evan and also demonstrated that she knew cultural idioms. By knowing the environment that Evan is familiar with, she showed that she has learned about his background and is building a relationship with him. Although the conversation ended with humor, the dialog was still centered around the lesson. Therefore, Ms. Skye used culturally responsive caring when discussing the subject matter in order to continue to a build relationship with her student.
Discussion This study provided evidence of the ethos of care that existed for Black male students at one alternative GED program, and their perspectives of lack of care in previous traditional high school settings. The lack of care came in the form of poor classroom management, pedagogy that lacked engaging strategies, and perceptions of indifference. The ethic of care took the form of motivation and encouragement from teachers. To establish a successful ethic of care relationship between teacher and student, several characteristics must be present in the relationship. According to Noddings (1984, 1992), the one-caring teacher must be engrossed in their student, committed to their student, and experience a shift from a focus on the self to a focus on the student. The students’ role in establishing the ethic of care relationship is that they must be receptive and open to the efforts of the teachers, and respond in a caring way (as cited in Owens & Ennis, 2005). The Black male students in this study demonstrated the reciprocal nature of the ethic of care, and Ms. Skye demonstrated the engrossment and commitment that the students’ previous high school teachers did not. Caring and supportive relationships are essential for Black males to flourish in schools (Corprew & Cunningham, 2012; Jackson, Sealey-Ruiz & Watson, 2014; Milner, 2007). Ms. Skye went beyond the ethos of care by incorporating culturally responsive caring with her students. Educational strategies based in an ethos of care were used in the classroom with my students, and these strategies were conducted using culturally responsive pedagogy resulting in culturally responsive caring relationships (Jackson et al., 2014; Shevalier & McKenzie, 2012). Ms. Skye and her students demonstrated the ethic of care and culturally responsive caring in their interactions and in the classroom, thus providing evidence for the ways this theoretical concept is enacted.
Implications Caring is not a one-way relationship with the teacher providing all of the care while the students is the passive recipient (Jackson et al., 2014). The students gave their opinions of care, and Ms. Skye, as well as the students, demonstrated their caring relationship. Several studies present the aspects that create caring and culturally responsive caring environments (Alder,
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2002; Gay, 2002; Jackson et al., 2014; Ladson-Billings, 1995; Noddings, 1998; Shevalier & McKenzie, 2012; Weinstein et al., 2004). However, as Milner (2007) and Jackson et al. (2014) note, care and culturally responsive care are especially beneficial for Black male students. These findings are important to consider, as including the ethic of care as we prepare teachers to teach our most vulnerable youth will be essential. Information regarding care in action is provided by this study as it begins to tease this out by documenting Black male students’ feelings of lack of care in their old high school settings, and then comparing it to the care that they felt in their current alternative setting. The importance of care for Black male students is reflected in the words and actions of these students. Future research examining the ethic of care and culturally responsive care from the Black male student point of view is important in order to go beyond the concept to provide concrete examples of what these students mean when they say they felt care.
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References Brackett, M. A., Reyes, M. R., Rivers, S. E., Elbertson, N. A., & Salovey, P. (2011). Classroom emotional climate, teacher affiliation, and student conduct. Journal of Classroom Interaction, 46(1), 27-36. Corprew, C. S., & Cunningham, M. (2011). Educating tomorrow's men: Perceived school support, negative youth experiences, and bravado attitudes in African American adolescent males. Education and Urban Society, 44(5), 571-589. Denzin, N. K., & Lincoln, Y. S. (2011). The Sage handbook of qualitative research (4th ed.). Los Angeles, CA: Sage Publications, Inc. Fowler, L. T. S., Banks, T. I., Anhalt, K., Der, H. H., & Kalis, T. (2008). The association between externalizing behavior problems, teacher-student relationship quality, and academic performance in young urban learners. Behavioral Disorders, 33(3), 167-183. Gay, G. (2002). Preparing for culturally responsive teaching. Journal of Teacher Education, 53(2), 106-116. Hesse-Biber, S. & Leavy, P. (2011). The practice of qualitative research (2nd ed). Los Angeles, CA: Sage Publications. Holzman, M., Jackson, J., & Beaudry, A. (2012). The urgency of now: The Schott 50 state report on public education and black males. The Schott Foundation. Howard, T. (2008). Who really cares? The disenfranchisement of African American males in PreK-12 schools: A critical race theory perspective. Teachers College Record, 110(5), 954-985. HyperResearch [computer software]. (2015). Retrieved from http://www.researchware.com/ Isom, D. (2007). Performance, resistance, caring: Racialized gender identity in African American boys. The Urban Review, 39(4), 405-423. Jackson, I., Sealey-Ruiz, Y., & Watson, W. (2014). Reciprocal love mentoring Black and Latino males through an ethos of care. Urban Education, 49(4), 394-417. Kim, J. H. & Taylor, K. A. (2008). Rethinking alternative education to break the cycle of educational inequality and inequity. The Journal of Education Research, 101(4), 207- 219. Kleiner, B., Porch, R., and Farris, E. (2002). Public alternative schools and programs for students at risk of education failure: 2000–01 (NCES 2002–004). U.S. Department of Education. Washington, DC: National Center for Education Statistics. Ladson"Billings, G. (1995). But that's just good teaching! The case for culturally relevant pedagogy. Theory into Practice, 34(3), 159-165. Lagana-Riordan, C., Aguilar, J. P., Franklin, C., Streeter, C. L., Kim, J. S., Tripodi, S. J.,& Hopson, L. M. (2011). At-risk students' perceptions of traditional schools and a solution- focused public alternative school. Preventing School Failure, 55(3), 105-114. doi: 10.1080/10459880903472843. LeCompte, M. D., & Schensul, J. J. (2010). Designing & conducting ethnographic research: An introduction (2nd ed.). Lanham, MD: AltaMira Press. Lehr, C. A., Tan, C. S., & Ysseldyke, J. (2009). Alternative schools. Remedial and Special Education, 30(1), 19-32. doi: 10.1177/0741932508315645. Lynn, M. & Jennings, M. E. (2009). Power, politics, and critical race pedagogy: a critical race analysis of Black male teachers’ pedagogy. Race Ethnicity and Education, 12(2), 173- 196. McCall, H. J. (2003). When successful alternative students “disengage” form regular school. Reclaiming Children and Youth, 12(2), 113-117.
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McNulty, C. P. & Roseboro, D. L. (2009). “I’m not really that bad”: Alternative school students, stigma, and identity politics. Equity and Excellence in Education, 42(4), 412–427. DOI: 10.1080/10665680903266520. Milner, H. R. (2007). African American males in urban schools: No excuses-teach and empower. Theory Into Practice, 46(3), 239-246. Noddings, N. (1988). An ethic of caring and its implications for instructional arrangements.. American Journal of Education, 96(2), 215-230. Noguera, P. A. (2003) The trouble with Black boys: The role and influence of environmental and cultural factors on the academic performance of African American males. Urban Education, 38(4), 431-459. Owens, L. M., & Ennis, C. D. (2005). The ethic of care in teaching: An overview of supportive literature. Quest, 57(4), 392-425. Rivera-McCutchen, R. L. (2012). Caring in a small urban high school: A complicated success. Urban Education, 47(3), 653-680. Rowley, S. J., Ross, L., Lozada, F. T., Williams, A., Gale, A., & Kurtz-Costes, B. (2014). Chapter nine-framing Black boys: Parent, teacher, and student narratives of the academic lives of Black Boys. Advances in Child Development and Behavior, 47, 301-332. Saunders, J. A., & Saunders, E. J. (2002). Alternative school students' perceptions of past [traditional] and current [alternative] school environments. High School Journal, 85(2), 12-23. Thomas, D. & Stevenson, H. (2009). Gender risks and education: The particular classroom challenges for urban low-income African American boys. Review of Research in Education, 33, 160-180. Tyler, K. M. & Boetler, C. M. (2008). Linking Black middle school students' perceptions of teachers' expectations to academic engagement and efficacy. Negro Educational Review, 59(1), 27-44. Ware, F. (2006). Warm demander pedagogy: Culturally responsive teaching that supports a culture of achievement for African American students. Urban Education, 41(4), 427-456. Watson, S. (2011). Somebody’s gotta fight for them. Urban Education, 46(6), 1496-1525. DOI: 10.1177/0042085911413148.
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A Pilot Study Evaluating the Parent Proficiencies Questionnaire for African American Parents (PPQ-AA)
Laura Reid Marks Cirecie A. West-Olatunji Rachael D. Goodman University of Memphis Xavier University of Louisiana George Mason University
African American students are particularly at risk for academic underachievement, and research has demonstrated that parenting practices have a huge impact on student academic performance. The Parent Proficiencies Questionnaire for African Americans (PPQ-AA) is a novel diagnostic tool that was designed to assess parenting practices among low-income African American parents/caregivers in relation to their child’s academic performance, using a culture-centered strength-based approach. The purpose of this study was to assess the utility of the PPQ-AA for assessing academic achievement, as measured by attendance, grade point average (GPA), and mathematics, science, as well as reading scores on the Florida Comprehensive Assessment Test (FCAT), in low-income African American parents of fifth grade students. Correlation analyses and exploratory multiple regression analyses were conducted in a sample of 10 African American parents. Findings showed that only attendance and PPQ- AA score were correlated. Perhaps, even though African American students are attending classes, educational hegemony negatively impacts their GPA, and mathematics, science, as well as reading scores on the FCAT. Implications and recommendations for counselors are discussed. Keywords: African American, parenting, culture-centered, academic achievement
According to the National Center for Education Statistics (NCES; 2011), as early as the third grade African American students demonstrate significantly lower performance in reading, mathematics, and science, compared to their White counterparts (Aud et al., 2010). Many studies have assessed the impact that parental behaviors (e.g. behaviors in the home environment, discipline/support behaviors) have on student academic achievement (Fan & Chen, 2001; Hill & Taylor, 2004), and have found that parenting behaviors correlate with increased academic performance (Porter DeCusati & Johnson, 2004). However, much of the literature on African American parenting has been deficit-oriented, focusing on student weaknesses that require remediation and familial deficits that necessitate parent education (McNeal, 2001; Schwartz, 2002). This approach has been the popular one because parenting practices that “work” have been assumed to be the same across ethnic groups, comparing all parenting practices to the approach used by White parents. However, African American parents parent differently from White parents, but this difference does not necessary mean they are parenting in ineffective ways. This assumption has led to the marginalization of the African American population in many ways, including as it relates to their parenting practices. The Parent Proficiencies Questionnaire for African Americans (PPQ-AA) is a newly developed diagnostic tool that has been designed to assess parenting practices among low- income African American parents/caregivers in relation to their fifth grade child’s academic performance. Due to the novelty of the scale, the psychometric properties of the scale are unknown. The items that make up the instrument were taken from the Early Childhood Longitudinal Study, Kindergarten Class of 1998-99 (ECLS-K), a nationally norm referenced database collected by the National Center for Education Statistics (NCES; 2001). The PPQ-AA is a unique assessment tool, as it seeks to utilize a strength-based, culture-centered approach to parenting assessment. By utilizing this approach, the researchers of this study are intentionally taking a collaborative, strength-based approach to enhancing parenting proficiencies in an African American parent population. The researchers of this study seek to determine whether or
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not the PPQ-AA is a valid predictor of school achievement, as measured by: school attendance, Grade Point Average (GPA), and scores on a standardized state achievement test (Florida Comprehensive Assessment Test, or FCAT).
Statement of the Problem African American students are particularly at risk for academic underachievement compared to White students (Braswell, Lutkis, Grigg & Santapau, 2001; Weiss, Lutkus, Hildebrant & Johnson 2002). There is a disproportionality of African American students compared to White students in special education. Nationally, African Americans represented 18.3% of students placed in the special education category of specific learning disability, 26.4% in the category of serious emotional disturbance, and 34.3% in the category of mild retardation; although African Americans represented only 14.8% of the overall population (US Department of Education and Office of Special Education Program, 2001; Office for Civil Rights, 1999). Townsend (2000) reported that African American students had higher rates of discipline referrals, suspensions, and expulsions compared to White students. These disciplinary actions often lead to other effects, such as grade retentions, school drop out, and academic collapse that widen the current existing achievement gap between African American and White students (Cartledge, Tillman, & Johnson, 2001). Given these findings, understanding the parenting practices that contribute to high academic achievement in African American students is important so targeted interventions can be developed to close the achievement gap. Parenting Practices & Academic Achievement Current literature has demonstrated that parenting practices significantly impact student academic performance (Epstein, 1990; Mandara, 2006). Parenting proficiencies that affect student academic performance include parent involvement, the home environment and parent discipline/support (Fan and Chen, 2001; Feuerstein, 2000; Hill & Taylor, 2004). Parental involvement refers to interactions between the parent and school that involve communication with the school's personnel, and routine, non-mandated visits to the child's classroom or school community (Epstein, 1990). Parenting proficiency in the home environment involves cognitive and behavioral activities performed by the parent/caregiver that encompass support and facilitating their child's performance in the classroom (Growlnick, Benjet, Kuroski & Apostleris, 1997). Finally, discipline and support refer to an authoritative style of parenting that couples firmness with warmth and caring (Dornbusch, Ritter, Liederman, Roberts & Fraleigh, 1987; Park & Bauer, 2008; Steinberg, Dornbusch & Brown, 1992; Steinberg, Elmen, & Mounts, 1989). Many studies have assessed the impact that parental behaviors have on student academic achievement (Fan & Chen, 2001; Hill & Taylor, 2004). Parenting styles have been assessed in terms of four attitudes: authoritative, authoritarian, permissive and neglectful (Turkel & Tezner, 2008). Specifically, research has demonstrated that children who are raised in an authoritative environment obtain higher grades than their peers who were raised in an authoritarian environment (Park & Bauer, 2008; Steinberg et al., 1992; Steinberg et al., 1989). Authoritative parents are identified as being warm, supportive and accepting while providing a necessary amount of strictness. However, authoritarian parents are identified as parents who practice a high level of control with low levels of acceptance. African Americans have been often labeled as having an authoritarian parenting style, and research has identified this style as one of the reasons for African American student underachievement. Permissive parents tend to have few rules and expectations, whereas neglectful parents spend little time with their children and offer no rules or support. In general, studies have previously provided inconsistent results across ethnic groups when investigating the impact of parental practices on student’s achievement
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(Chao, 1994; Leung, Lau & Lam, 1998), indicating that further research is needed to explore the reasons for these inconsistencies. African American Parenting Practices Prior studies on African American parenting have conceptualized African American parents as utilizing an authoritarian style of parenting and used this framework to explain why their children underperformed in school (Steinberg et al., 1992). Current research has begun to examine African American parenting in new ways, providing evidence to the contrary (Park & Bauer, 2008; Schwartz, 2002). Mandara (2006) reported that African American parents who use their version of authoritative parenting to teach their children about their cultural heritage gave their children the skills to achieve despite social barriers. Mandara (2006) suggest that African American parents should monitor their children’s homework and limit playtime so African American student success increases. Given this new trend, research now needs to focus on the salient characteristics of African American parenting that lead to high academic performance. Mandara & Murray (2002) utilized a typological approach for assessing African American family functioning, by classifying parenting styles into categories. However, currently there is no parenting instrument that is constructed specifically for African Americans to assess their parenting. Considering the impact that parenting has on student achievement, a diagnostic instrument that assesses parenting practices and offers parent suggestions for strengthening existing capabilities would prove a valuable tool for counselors and parents.
Culture-centered Counseling Theory The researchers of this study used culture-centered counseling theory as a lens through which to develop the PPQ-AA. The assumptions of culture-centered counseling theory are: (a) that all human behaviors are learned and demonstrated in a cultural context and (b) that each culture is complex and dynamic (Pedersen, 1997). Culture-centered counselors make the client’s culture their focus in counseling, as culture is the lens through which the client sees his or her life and draws its meaning (Pedersen, 1992). By taking a culture-centered approach, counselors can adjust their interventions and perspectives in a way that is suited for that culture. The PPQ- AA facilitates this process with parents. As a result, interventions and skills can be adapted for African American parents. The counseling process for African-American parents should provide clients with the opening to explore the meaning of their experiences (Harris & Ford, 1991). Addressing the parenting issues of low-income, African American parents requires knowledge of and sensitivity to their experiences. Seeking to analyze which parenting behaviors are correlated with high student academic performance, the researchers of this study hypothesized that the scores on the PPQ-AA would be correlated with school attendance, grade point average (GPA), and student performance on the Florida Comprehensive Assessment Test.
Methods Participants The participants in this study consisted of 10 low-income parents/caregivers of 12 fifth grade African American school children in a public school district, located in a suburban area within the southeastern region of the U. S. The data for 12 students were included in the study because one parent was the caregiver of three students. Among the total 10 participants in this study, there were nine mothers and one father. All parents had female students in the school district. One of the nine participants was married. Also, with the exception of one, all parents had a high school diploma, with four parents having achieved some college education and one parent having a college degree. The primary language in all households was English. Of those who reported their income, the range was from just under $10,000 per year to $39,000 per year. All
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participants would be considered low-income given their annual income and the number of people who lived in their household. The small sample size hugely impacted the results of this study and limited the ability to conduct inferential statistics. Measures Demographic questionnaire. Demographic questions were asked that assessed parents’ income, race, number of dependents, marital status, level of education, and primary spoken language at home. Parenting behaviors. Parent behaviors were measured using the Parent Proficiencies Questionnaire for African Americans (PPQ-AA; West-Olatunji, Goodman, & Reid, 2008). The PPQ-AA is a diagnostic survey tool that was developed to assist low-income African American parents by identifying parenting skills that correlate with high academic achievement. The items that make up this instrument were taken from the Early Childhood Longitudinal Study, Kindergarten Class of 1998-99 (ECLS-K), a nationally norm-referenced database collected by the National Center for Education Statistics (NCES, 2001). There were 38 “yes” or “no” questions on the questionnaire that parents were asked to answer regarding their parenting practices in the areas of parent involvement, home environment, and discipline/support for a total scale score. Sample items from the parent involvement subscale included, “During this school year, I (or another adult in my household) have taken it upon myself to contact my child’s teacher or school?” and “I expect my child to attend college or graduate from college.” Sample items from the home environment subscale included, “In the past month, I (or someone in my family) has visited a library with my child” and “My child does homework either at home or somewhere else outside of school five or more times per week.” Sample items from the discipline/support subscale included, “I would give my child a time out.” and “I would spank my child.” The reliability of the PPQ-AA total scaled in the current study was 0.047, indicating a weak level of reliability that is probably a result of the low sample size in this study. Procedure The PPQ-AA utilized a pencil-and-paper format and was administered to African American parents/caregivers by graduate counseling students. Parents/caregivers were given the questionnaire in small groups or individual meetings. Parents/caregivers of fifth grade students were recruited in a variety of ways. More specifically, parents were sought out through their participation at school events, and by calling parents and seeking their participation over the phone, utilizing a school directory list (after permission was sought from the school administration). Parents/caregivers were informed that participation was voluntary with no monetary compensation and that there were no known risks involved. Informed consent gave researchers permission to access students’ academic records from the county school board. These records included students’ academic grades, disciplinary, and attendance history. Data Analysis Ideally, a structural equation modeling (SEM) confirmatory factor analysis (CFA) or a multiple regression analysis would need to be conducted to assess the validity of the PPQ-AA at predicting academic achievement in fifth graders. A power analysis using an online calculator (http://www.danielsoper.com/statcalc3/calc.aspx?id=1) recommended a minimum sample size of 122 participants to conduct a multiple regression analysis. However, given the low sample size there was a lack of the necessary power for this analysis. Means, standard deviations, and correlations were assessed in light of the inability to perform inferential statistics. For exploratory purposes a multiple linear regression analysis was still conducted using the parent’s score on the PPQ-AA as the independent variable and the students’ fifth grade GPA, number of days present in their fifth grade year, fifth grade math, reading and science state assessment scores as dependent variables.
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Results Means and standard deviations were calculated for the independent and dependent variables (see Table 1). The PPQ-AA had a mean score of 21.29 (SD = 3.76). The mean GPA was 2.75 (SD = .41), which translates to a high “C” average GPA. The mean number of days present in school was 174.33 (SD = 6.56). The mean reading score on the FCAT was 302.25 (SD = 54.51), where 600 is the highest score possible and scores above 300 counted as passing the test. The mean mathematics score on the FCAT was 327.67 (SD = 60.02), where 600 is the highest score possible and scores above 300 counted as passing the test. The mean science score on the FCAT was 285.67 (SD = 84.90), where 600 is the highest score possible and scores above 300 counted as passing the test.
Table 1.
Means and Standard Deviations of Independent and Dependent Variables (N = 12) Variable M SD PPQ-AA Total Score 21.29 3.76 GPA (4.0 scale) 2.75 .41 Attendance (days present) 174.33 6.56 Reading score 302.25 54.51 Mathematics score 327.67 60.02 Science score 285.67 84.90
Correlations were also calculated (see Table 3). Days present in school and PPQ-AA score were significantly positively correlated r (10) = .71, p = .01. Although not discussed as a hypothesis, reading scores and mathematics scores were positively correlated, r (10) = .58, p = .049. Additionally, mathematics scores and science scores were also positively correlated, r (10) = .70, p =. 01. For exploratory purposes, a series of multiple linear regression analyses were conducted to assess the relationship between PPQ-AA score and school achievement (see Table 2). A series of linear regression analyses was conducted with the PPQ-AA score as the independent variable and: (a) days present in school as the dependent variable; (b) student’s fifth grade GPA as the dependent variable; (c) student’s fifth grade reading state assessment score as the dependent variable; (d) student’s fifth grade math state assessment score as the dependent variable; and (e) student’s fifth grade science state assessment score as the dependent variable.
Table 2.
Results of PPQ-AA on School Achievement Variables R² B β t
GPA (4.0 scale) .12 .04 .35 1.18 Attendance .50 1.24 .71 3.19** (days present) Reading score .05 -3.17 -.22 -71 Mathematics .10 4.97 .31 1.03 score Science score .02 2.73 .12 .39 *p < .10, **p < .05
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Table 3.
Correlations PPQ-AA GPA Attendance Reading Mathematics Science Score Score Score PPQ-AA 1.00 .35 .71** -.22 .31 .12 GPA .35 1.00 .47 -.26 -.07 .08 Attendance .71** .47 1.00 -.03 .16 -.03 Reading -.22 -.26 -.03 1.00 .58** .78* Score Mathematics .31 -.07 .16 .58** 1.00 .70** Score Science Score .12 .08 -.03 .78* .70** 1.00 *P < .01, **P < .05
The analyses showed that PPQ-AA score was a significant positive predictor of the number of days a student was present in their 5th grade year, β= .71, t (11) = 3.19, p =.01 with days present accounting for 50.4% of the variance in PPQ-AA score. Results of the linear regression showed that PPQ-AA score was not a significant predictor of GPA, β = .35, p = .27. Results of the linear regression showed that PPQ-AA score was not a significant predictor of a student’s reading state assessment score, β = -.22, p = .50. Results of the linear regression showed that PPQ score was not a significant predictor of a student’s math state assessment score, β = .31, p = .33. Finally, results of the linear regression showed that PPQ-AA score was not a significant predictor of a student’s science state assessment score, β = .12, p = .71. In sum, correlation analysis showed that the PPQ-AA was positively correlated with days present in school. Results of the exploratory multiple linear regressions showed that PPQ-AA is a significant positive predictor of only one of the five dependent variables, that is, days present at school. While the PPQ-AA did have positive beta coefficients for linear regressions on GPA, mathematics FCAT, and science standardized test scores, none of these were statistically significant in the current sample. The results indicate that further investigation with a larger sample size is needed to determine the strength of these relationships.
Discussion For numerous years, there has been a deficit-oriented approach to African American parenting in the literature (Mandara, 2006). There has been scant research examining the role of African American parenting, relative to academic achievement, using a strength-based approach. (McNeal, 2001; Schwartz, 2002). Current research has suggested that the authoritarian parenting style has been shown to be the most effective parenting style with African American children (Mandara, 2006). Some items that one would expect to be authoritarian in nature on the PPQ-AA are items such as, “I use tough love to set boundaries and structure with my child” and “I spank him or her.” However, even though some parents endorsed these items in this study, their children were not highly successful in the classroom, and only one hypothesis of this study was supported. The goal of this study was to determine whether African American parents’ scores on the PPQ-AA was related to low-income, African American fifth grade student success in the classroom, as measured by days present in school (attendance), GPA, and scores on the
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mathematics, science, and reading portions of the FCAT. The study showed that PPQ-AA scores were correlated with days present in school (attendance). This finding was supported by a linear multiple regression. However, the study failed to support the hypotheses that scores on the PPQ- AA correlated with high GPA, and mathematics, reading, and science scores on the FCAT. As expected, the results of the correlation analysis showed that PPQ-AA scores were positively correlated with the number of days (attendance) a student was present in school. A correlation between the PPQ-AA and this dependent variable indicates that scores on the instrument are related to school attendance, which is thought to be beneficial to students’ academic performance. Research has shown that students who attend school regularly perform better academically (Nichols, 2003). Further previous research has found that African American students are particularly at risk for academic underachievement compared to White students (Donahue, Finnegan, Lutkus, Allen & Campbell, 2001; Lapp et al., 2002; Weiss et al., 2002). This finding was again supported in the current study where students had high attendance, but did not excel in the classroom, as shown by the mean 2.75 mean GPA of the 12 students in this study. Some students in the study were present at school 100 percent of the time, but were still underachieving. There are several possible reasons for this finding. This lack of classroom success might be created by teaching practices that are not culturally adaptable. Teaching is historically modeled after Eurocentric practices that might not work effectively with students from other ethnic backgrounds. For example, in White culture it is common for a teacher to be at the front of the classroom lecturing to students and then giving students practice exercises. In other cultures, more hands on learning (e.g. role playing, experiential activities, trips to the museum) have been found to be more effective. This finding also indicates other possible signs of educational hegemony. The number of White families who are from low-income backgrounds is proportionately less than the number of Black families who are low-income (United States Census, 2010). This statistic means that more White students might have access to resources giving them the academic edge over their African American peers. For example, White students might have access to paid tutoring services outside of school whereas their African American counterparts do not. White students might also have more access to computers and other electronic media that aid classroom success. One of the questions on the PPQ-AA was, “Does your child use a computer at home to get on the internet?” Several of the parents in the study endorsed that this was not the case in their home. Given the necessity of computers today, this is a clear disadvantage. The other hypotheses of this study were not supported. Scores on the PPQ-AA were not correlated with GPA, mathematics, reading, or science scores on the FCAT. Perhaps the reason for this result is the small sample size in this study. Other reasons for this might be that the questions are not tapping in to parenting behaviors that assist students with academic achievement. Perhaps, further research has to be conducted given the novelty of this instrument. Limitations There are several limitations in this study that might have affected results. First, the largest limitation is that the sample size is very small, as shown by the a priori power analysis, with only 10 parent participants and 12 students in the study. Perhaps if participants had received compensation, more participants would have been recruited. Second, (sample size aside) the outcomes of this study might have been different if parent involvement had been measured differently when assessing African American parenting styles. Previous research has provided inconsistent results comparing the impact of parental practices on students’ achievement in the classroom across ethnic groups (Chao, 1994; Leung et al., 1998). Research has found that that children who are raised in authoritative environments obtain higher grades than their peers who were raised in authoritarian environments (Park & Bauer, 2008; Steinberg et al., 1992; Sternberg
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et al., 1989) and have found most African American parents to be authoritarian parents, using this to explain why their children underperform in school (Steinberg et al., 1992). The PPQ-AA aims to be African American-specific and culturally sensitive, but the original questions were taken from the nationally representative ECLS-K dataset. This would mean the majority of people in the data set are White and as such questions are not culturally specific to African Americans. The questions might very well be assessing successful parenting practices of White parents. The researchers did not control for this potential problem by carrying out a qualitative study with the parents of successful African American students. Such a study would access African American specific parenting that attributes to student success. In sum, the questionnaire might be measuring what it set out not to measure - the successful parenting practices of White parents. Finally, there may be more to parenting than what the questionnaire asks. Parenting is not a simple affair and there is no one equation for success as a parent. As such, it is difficult to capture what parenting practices specially assist students in the classroom. Furthermore, there is variability across parents in what works for them and their child. There may need to be a revision to the questionnaire to fully capture what parenting styles promote high academic achievement. There is a possibility that the questionnaire is not measuring parenting behaviors and student success at all. Researchers might need to totally re-develop the questionnaire using other questions from the ECLS-K (2001) dataset, questions from another dataset or possibly questions developed from a qualitative study that they conduct. A qualitative study might include African American parent focus groups, where questions asked are about the items on the PPQ-AA and the parenting practices of parents of academically successful African American children. Recommendations for Counselors The results of this study could not conclude whether or not the PPQ-AA was a valid predictor of academic achievement in fifth grade students, due to sample size limitations. Currently, there is no parenting instrument of its kind available for counselors working with low- income African American parents. Since much of the research on African American parenting is deficit-based, an instrument that is strength-based would be useful in the field. This development might mean more successful outcomes for counselors who can facilitate strength-based discussion with parents to assist their students, using culture-centered approaches (Pedersen, 1992). Counselors can make suggestions to assist parents with their parenting in a way that parents welcome their feedback. For example, maybe a parent cannot figure out what he/she can do to help their child succeed. After completing the questionnaire and meeting with a counselor, a parent might decide to buy more books for their home and read with their child, or a parent might decide not to ignore when their child is disrespectful and address the issue of disrespect as it arises. Results from the current study indicate that counselors should advocate for students who are attending school regularly, but not achieving in the classroom. Since this outcome is highly indicative of educational hegemony, counselors are bound ethically to assist students at the institutional level. Counselors can start this process by educating teachers about culturally sensitive teaching practices. Maybe the reason why these students are not achieving is because of the teaching practices being used in American schools. As stated previously, for the most part teaching practices in American schools are Eurocentric and would not work effectively with some African American students. Current teaching practices are based on a White framework. Teachers can then vary their classroom practices in a way that every student in the classroom benefits. For example, teachers might add some more hands-on activities or some more group activities, or maybe even use pictures for those students who are visual learners.
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Also, counselors can advocate to administrators for students who they think could achieve but are not. Administrators might be able to require that teachers attend workshops that discuss culturally sensitive teaching practices. Administrators could require that teachers implement such practices and spend time observing teachers to ensure they take the task seriously. Continuing education credit can be offered for voluntarily attending workshops that promote culturally sensitive teaching practices. Counselors can partner with parents to get appropriate programs in to their child’s school that will assist those who should be achieving academically, but are not. This might mean offering an after school program where college students in the community come in to the school and provide free tutoring for students. Another possibility is organizing an after school peer homework program, where students are paired with someone in their grade, with whom they complete their homework on a daily basis. Finally, outside agencies can be brought in to teach teachers culturally sensitive teaching practices and how to treat students from other ethnic backgrounds in ways that have been shown to promote their success. Volunteer activities might be organized that allow students to leave the campus as a group and provide community outreach. This can be used as kind of hands-on learning for students that can supplement classroom instruction and help students succeed. Finally, counselors can also refer parents to outside programs and agencies that might be able to help parents and their students for little or no cost. For example programs like Upward Bound and Take Stock in Children provide support and assistance to students from low-income households. Upward Bound provides tutoring, counseling and extra classroom support. It also provides opportunities for cultural education and pride. Many agencies in the community such as libraries offer workshops on student success and parenting skills that might also be helpful. Future Research The biggest limitation in this study was the sample size. Future research with the PPQ-AA would involve a larger sample with at least 122 parents. By increasing the number of parents in the study, we hope to have a clearer test of the proposed hypotheses. Compensation can be offered to parents who participate, as there was great difficulty recruiting parents to participate in the study. Also, recruitment methods can be altered. Researchers could partner with local agencies like the library to solicit participants. Researchers could also host events for African American history month or parent workshops that entice parents to attend, who can then complete the questionnaire. A qualitative study could prove useful in revising the questionnaire to be more culture-specific to African American parents. Also, if questionnaire feedback sessions for parents were successfully held after parents participated, parents might be able to help with question revision. Finally, an extension to a national study is suggested. The current study was conducted in only one school district in the U.S.
Conclusion African American students in the United States are at an increased risk for academic underachievement. Parenting behaviors have been shown in the scholarly literature to impact academic achievement in children. Although scores on the PPQ-AA proved to only be correlated with the number of days a student is present in school, there is still possible utility to the instrument, because the sample size in this study was too small. Given the sample size of this study, inferences about the instrument cannot be drawn. The correlation between number of days present and PPQ-AA score does validate that counselors working with African American children have an important role to play in assisting and advocating for these children. By working with parents and building on parenting strengths, counselors can make positive changes in this disadvantaged population.
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References Aud, S., Hussar, W., Planty, M., Snyder, T., Bianco, K., Fox, M., … Drake, L. (2010). The condition of education 2010 (NCES 2010-028). Washington, DC: National Center for Education Statistics, Institute of Education Sciences, U.S. Department of Education. Braswell, J. S., Lutkus, A. D., Grigg, W. S., Santapau, S. L., Tay-Lim, B.S.-H., & Johnson, M. S. (2001). The nation’s report card: Mathematics 2000 (NCES 2001–517). U.S. Department of Education. Office of Educational Research and Improvement, National Center for Education Statistics. Washington, DC: Government Printing Office. Cartledge, G., Tillman, L. C., & Johnson, C. T. (2001). Professional ethics within the context of student discipline and diversity. Teacher Education and Special Education, 24(1), 25-37. Chao, R. K. (1994). Beyond parental control and authoritarian parenting style: Understanding Chinese parenting through the cultural notion of training. Child Development, 65(4), 1111-1119. Donahue, P. L., Finnegan, R. J., Lutkus, A. D., Allen, N. L., & Campbell J. R. (2001). The nation’s report card: Fourth-grade reading 2000 (NCES 2001–499). U.S. Department of Education. Office of Educational Research and Improvement, National Center for Education Statistics. Washington, DC: Government Printing Office. Dornbusch, S. M., Ritter, P. L , Liederman, P. H., Roberts, D. F., & Fraleigh, M. J. (1987). The relation of parenting styles to adolescent school performance. Child Development, 58, 1244-1257. Epstein, J. L. (1990). School and family connections: Theory, research, and implications for integrating sociologies of education and family. Marriage and Family Review, 15(1-2), 99-126. Fan, X., & Chen, M. (2001). Parental involvement and students' academic achievement: A meta- analysis. Educational Psychological Review, 13(1), 1-22. Feuerstein, A. (2000). School characteristics and parent involvement: Influences on participation in children's schools. Journal of Educational Research, 94(1), 29-40. Growlnick, W. S., Benjet, C., Kurowski, C. O., & Apostoleris, N. H. (1997). Predictors of parent involvement in children’s schooling. Journal of Educational Psychology, 89(3), 538-548. Harris, J. J., III, & Ford, D. Y. (1991). Identifying and nurturing the promise of gifted Black students. Journal of Negro Education, 60(1), 3–18. Hill, N., & Taylor, L. (2004). Parental school involvement and children's academic achievement: Pragmatics and issues. Current Directions in Psychological Science, 13(4), 161-164. Lapp, M. S., Grigg, W. S., & Tay-Lim, B. S.-H. (2002). The Nation’s Report Card: U.S. History 2001 (NCES 2002–483). Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Education. Office of Educational Research and Improvement, National Center for Education Statistics. Leung, K., Lau, S., & Lam, W. L. (1998). Parenting styles and academic achievement: A cross cultural study. Merrill Palmer Quarterly, 44(2), 157-172. Mandara, J. (2006). The impact of family functioning on African American males’ academic achievement: A review and clarification of the empirical literature. Teacher's College Record, 108(2), 206-223. Mandara, J., & Murray, C. B. (2002). Development of an empirical typology of African American family functioning. Journal of Family Psychology, 16(3), 318-337. McNeal, R. B. (2001). Differential effects of parental involvement on cognitive and behavioral outcomes by socioeconomic status. Journal of Socio-Economics, 30(2), 171-179. Nichols, J. D. (2003). Prediction indicators for students failing the state of Indiana high school graduation exam. Preventing School Failure, 47(3), 112-121.
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Pederson, P. (1992). Culture-centered counseling and interviewing skills: A practical guide. Wesport, CT: Praeger Paperback. Pedersen, P. (1997). Culture-centered counseling interventions: Striving for accuracy. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications. Park, H., & Bauer, S. (2002). Parenting practices, ethnicity, socioeconomic status and academic achievement in adolescents. School Psychology International, 23(4), 386-397. Porter DeCusati, C. L., & Johnson, J. E. (2004). Parents as classroom volunteers and kindergarten students’ emergent reading skills. Journal of Educational Research, 97(5), 235-246. Schwartz, J. P. (2002). Family resilience and pragmatic parent education. The Journal of Individual Psychology, 58(3), 250-262. Steinberg, L., Dornbusch, S. M., & Brown, B. B. (1992). Ethnic differences in adolescent achievement: An ecological perspective. American Psychologist, 47(6), 723 – 729. Steinberg, L., Elmen, J. D., & Mounts, N. S. (1989). Authoritative parenting, psychological maturity and academic success among adolescents. Child Development, 60(6), 1424- 1436. Townsend, B. L. (2000). The disproportionate discipline of African American learners: Reducing school suspensions and expulsions. Exceptional Children, 66(3), 381-392. Turkel, Y. D., & Tezner, E. (2008). Parenting styles and learned resourcefulness of Turkish adolescents. Adolescence, 43(169), 143-152. U.S. Department of Education, & Office of Special Education Programs. (2001). Twenty-Fourth annual report to congress on the implementation of the Individuals with Disabilities Education Act. Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office. U.S. Department of Education & Office for Civil Rights (1999). OCR elementary and secondary school survey: 1998. Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office. Weiss, A. R., Lutkus, A. D., Hildebrant, B. S., & Johnson, M. S. (2002). The Nation’s Report Card: Geography 2001 (NCES 2002–484). Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Education. Office of Educational Research and Improvement, National Center for Education Statistics.
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Homeschoolers: Experiences of African American Male Students-- A Phenomenological Study
Jasmine D. Williams Prairie View A&M University
This article reports on findings from a study which examined experiences affecting the academic success of African American male students at a University. Specifically, this study sought to determine students’ experiences of homeschooling as they relate to improving academic success. Data was collected at a Historically Black College and University (HBCU) located in the southern part of the United States. Through semi-structured interviews with four participants, this study identified three specific experiences that contributed to homeschoolers’ academic success: 1) Homeschooling as nurturing; 2) Homeschooling as journey of self-discovery; and 3) Homeschooling as reinforcement of cultural pride. The study findings provide an insight into the African American homeschooling experience that is absent in the current literature. Keywords: African American students, homeschooling, Afrocentricity, cultural pride
The failures of public education in the United States in general are widely covered in the literature (Hood, 1993; Mehta, 2013; Meyer, 2013; Reese, 2004). Inarguably, no group has suffered more from the failures of public education than African American students as evidenced by persistently intractable disparities such as the achievement and behavior gaps (Beatty, 2013; Condron, Tope, Steidl, & Freeman, 2013; Frisby, 1993), the concentration of students in minority segregated schools that receive fewer educational and financial resources (Ikpa, 2004; Kozol, 1991; Noguera, 2009; Tanner, 2013), higher high school suspension rates (Lee, Cornell, Gregory, & Fan, 2011; National Center for Educational Statistics, 2012), lower percentage of students placed in gifted and talented programs (National Center for Educational Statistics [NCES], 2008), and lower high school graduation rates and college attendance rates (Logan, Minca, & Adar, 2012; Schouten, 2012). The importance of education is undeniable as a plethora of studies across all disciplines attest to the relationship between the quality and quantity of education and later socioeconomic status (Alexander & Salmon, 2007; Condron et al., 2013; Simms, 2012; Tanner, 2013). This means that of the estimated 50 million students attending public schools today, the approximately seven million or 15% that are African American (NCES, 2015a) are consigned to a school system that has a protracted history of failing to meet their academic needs. In part, the failings of public education have increased the popularity of educational alternatives such as homeschooling. Homeschoolers are defined as students who receive education in the home as opposed to a public or private building (Basham, Merrifield, & Hepburn, 2007). Throughout the last century, very few students were homeschooled until the 1960s when homeschooling became a popular choice of parents considered left on the political spectrum and a decade later, parents who self-identified as right on the political spectrum. Over the last 30 years in particular, interest and participation in homeschooling has proliferated (Basham et al., 2007; Fields-Smith & Williams, 2009; Lines, 2000). Although homeschooling is often dominated by White students, multiple research studies (Lundy & Mazama, 2014; Mazama & Lundy, 2013; Ray, 2004) indicate the growing participation of African American students. Several large, recent studies have featured African American participation in homeschooling ( Fields-Smith & Kisura, 2013; Fields-Smith & Williams, 2009; Lundy &
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Mazama, 2014; Mazama & Lundy, 2012, 2013), although African American participation is still a relatively new phenomenon. Unfortunately, the research is overwhelmingly concentrated on the reasons and motivations of African American parents who elect to homeschool. There is scant research that features African American homeschoolers themselves. The importance of this absence cannot be overstated. The literature becomes more informed with their voices because their experiences from their perspectives validate the justification of their parents to homeschool. Indeed, a body of literature that is overwhelmingly representative of homeschooling parents is incomplete. To address this void, this study was guided by the following research questions: 1) What are the academic and social experiences of African American students who were homeschooled and now attend a Historical Black College and University (HBCU)? and 2) Did they experience an Afrocentric educational paradigm during their homeschooling career?
African American Homeschoolers in the Literature The increase in homeschooled students has generated renewed interest in homeschooling on the part of researchers (Lundy & Mazama, 2014). The most recent figures from the National Center for Education Statistics estimate that approximately 3% of all school age students are homeschooled (NCES, 2015b). African American students represent roughly 8% of students homeschooled (NCES, 2015b). Given the growing popularity of homeschooling, understandably researchers have devoted significant attention to the academic achievement of homeschooled students in relation to their public school counterparts. In the past 15 years, multiple quantitative studies (Cogan, 2010; Ray, 2010; Snyder, 2013) compared standardized test scores, grade point averages and graduation rates of secondary level homeschooled students to traditionally schooled students. The studies validated earlier research findings that homeschooled students’ academic achievement as measured by test scores and grade point averages were equal to or better than traditionally schooled students (Martin-Chang, Gould, & Meuse, 2011; Ray, 2010). African Americans constitute a minority in homeschooling. As such, it should come as no surprise that there is a dearth of research regarding their participation. To address this void in the data, some scholars have sought to discover the appeal of the homeschool modeling for African Americans (Baker, 2013; Fields-Smith & Kisura, 2013; Fields-Smith & Williams, 2009; Lundy & Mazama, 2014; Mazama & Lundy, 2012). These qualitative studies indicated African American parents consider homeschooling an opportunity to counteract the plethora of harmful effects their children are subjected to as a result of an educational system permeated by inequalities due in no small measure to the long history of racial segregation. In these studies, some parents expressed a strong preference for a culturally relevant educational environment, something, according to them, that continues to be notably absent from public schools today (Fields-Smith & Williams, 2009; Lundy & Mazama, 2014). The value of these studies to the homeschool literature is obvious. Yet, the literature remains incomplete without the lived experiences and perspectives of homeschooling according to African American students.
Theoretical Framework This study utilized for its framework the paradigmatic lens of Afrocentricity, coined first by scholar Molefi Kete Asante (Mazama & Lundy, 2013) and defined by him as, “a mode of thought and action in which the centrality of African interests, values, and perspectives predominate . . . . it is the placing of African people in the center of any analysis of African phenomena” (Asante, 2003, p. 2). Asante and researchers like Jawanza Kunjufu, Geneva Gay, Tonia Durden, and the late Asa Hilliard, have found that “children who are centered in their own
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cultural information are better students, more disciplined, and have greater motivation for schoolwork” (Asante, 1992, p. 30). The adoption of Afrocentricity as an educational construct does not merely exchange one hegemonic orientation for another like some White researchers insist (Frisby, 1993). All societies create institutions that are reflective of their cultural beliefs and values (Asante, 1992; Asante, 2003). Therefore, the foundation of truly authentic education encompasses both the community and the culture of the child (Levine, 2000). As Asante wrote, “In education this means that teachers provide students the opportunity to study the world and its people, concepts, and history from an African world view” (Asante, 1991, p. 171). The genesis of Afrocentricity can be found in the body of literature produced by eminent historian, Carter G. Woodson. Woodson’s seminal work The Mis-Education of the Negro (1933) established the standards of authentic education that later scholars, such as Asante, used to formulate the “philosophical and theoretical perspective” (Mazama & Lundy, 2013) of Afrocentricity. According to Woodson (1933), in order for education to have meaning it must be applicable and relevant to one’s own condition. “The education of any people should begin with themselves” (p. 32). Afrocentricity was selected for two primary reasons. First, historically many researchers and scholars have in part attributed the poor performance of African American students in public schools to the permeation of European history, culture and values in tandem with the purposeful exclusion and distortions of Africans and African Americans’ unique experiences (Asante, 1991; Gay, 2013; Levine, 2000; Woodson, 1933). Second and more important, extant literature on African American parents who elect homeschooling reveal reasons related to centuries of White supremacy in education. For example, Mazama and Lundy (2013) found some African American parents believed “that a Eurocentric curriculum is bound to gravely interfere with their children’s self-esteem and sense of purpose” (p.123).
Method Research Design This phenomenological study involved college students who were homeschooled from grades 6-12 and now attend a Historical Black College and University (HBCU) located in the Southern part of the United States during the spring of 2015. Phenomenological studies are distinguished from other research methods by the description of common meanings “for several individuals of their lived experiences” (Creswell, 2013, p. 76). The advantages of this methodology include a deeper understanding of people’s experiences (Fraenkel, Wallen, & Hyun, 2012; Phenomenology - Research Methodology, 2015), or as Creswell (2013) explains, phenomenology is able to, “reduce individual experiences with a phenomenon to a description of the universal essence” (p. 76). One of the biggest disadvantages is that data collection can be time intensive (Phenomenology - Research Methodology, 2015). Still, phenomenological studies are commonly used in social science disciplines (Schram, 2006). Participants and Data Collection The population for this study consisted of 17 students (12 men; five women) who were admitted to the HBCU between the fall of 2010 and the fall of 2014. A convenience sampling method was used for the selection process. Convenience sampling occurs when the researcher selects participants who are most accessible (Marshall, 1996) and it is often used when the size of the population is small (Morse, 2004). A benefit of convenience sampling is cost – it is the least labor intensive than other methods but it is also considered the least rigorous (Marshall, 1996). Students were contacted through campus email addresses. Only four students, all males and all in the second semester of their freshmen year, responded to the email invitation. Two of
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the four participants were siblings. All participants came from two parent families and all participants were homeschooled throughout their junior high and high school years. In-depth, semi-structured interviews and one focus group were recorded. Participants also completed a questionnaire for demographic information. Follow-up questions were answered through email. Data Analysis Three specific areas from the interview topics were selected for analysis: 1) how the participants experienced homeschooling; 2) the participants’ interpretation of efforts to highlight the lives and contributions of African Americans in the homeschooling curriculum, i.e. with interest and relevance or dis-interest and irrelevance; and 3) how the homeschooling experience related to the participants’ level of self-confidence and by extension, their college preparedness. The list of the questions is included in Appendix A. The data were analyzed through the use of horizonalization (Creswell, 2013). Horizonalization involved combing recordings and transcripts multiple times for important sentences that provided examples of their experiences in the three areas noted above. The data were color-coded to correspond to each participant. To ensure accuracy of transcription and thus trustworthiness of the data, transcripts were shared with each participant. Once participants verified their transcripts, their responses were categorized. The categories with the most references were selected as themes. The researcher shared the themes with each participant to test the validity of the interpretations. All participants agreed with the conclusions. The major themes that emerged were: (1) homeschooling as nurturing, (2) homeschooling as journey of self-discovery, and (3) homeschooling as reinforcement of cultural pride. Using the themes as a guide, the researcher wrote descriptions of the experiences for each participant. The data were then synthesized to create a composite in each area that captured the essence of the homeschoolers’ experiences (Creswell, 2013). Researcher Bias One of the primary characteristics of qualitative research is the role of the researcher, for it is the researcher who selects the topic, designs the parameters and questions of the study, collects the data, and analyzes and interprets the data (Creswell, 2013). The researcher’s intimate involvement in the study raises valid concerns of subjectivity (Johnson, 2015; Ratner, 2002). A recommended measure to moderate subjectivity is for the researcher to recognize their subjectivity and consider how it may influence their objectivity (Ratner, 2002). My motivation for undertaking this study was premised upon my commitment to study viable alternatives to public education that can increase the college entrance rates and college completion rates of African American students. Therefore, the greatest manifestation of the bias I brought to this research study was the fact that homeschooled students who did not did go to college were never a part of the research design.
Findings and Discussion
Homeschooling as Nurturing All four participants in this study experienced homeschooling in an environment smaller and more intimate than their public school counterparts. All were involved in informal homeschool cooperatives (where two or more families share all manner of educational resources) with class sizes that ranged from four to twelve students. When asked to explain the major differences between homeschooling and traditional schooling, the number of students and the personal relationship between students and teachers were cited by each as meaningful benefits of their homeschooling experience. Vincant addressed the benefits of smaller classes:
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One of the other issues we faced was that because the teachers were having to address a class of 20-25, sometimes upwards of 30 students at a time, we were forced to go at a pace of the rest of the class even though we were clearly accelerated. So being forced to go at that pace kind of stifled our enjoyment of the educational process and honestly made us a little bored. And because of that, we also started taking education less seriously. That affects your grades. Dad wasn’t happy about that so as a homeschooler it is just you in your grade. I shared my household with my siblings but it was just me in my grade. Vincant also described a deeper appreciation for having parents as teachers by pointing out how his behavior in part was motivated by the fact that he was directly accountable to them. For Landon the individual attention was important. “I think what makes me so glad I was homeschooled was the fact that I could get the individualized instruction if I have an issue, it’s not even a problem for me to go to talk to the teacher.” Michael acknowledged the benefit of small classes but also highlighted the relationship he experienced with his homeschooling teachers as important: I know a lot of the students that I know in public school said their teacher don’t care about them. But I can tell you mine do. I still text them. They ask me how I’m doing telling me to just keep doing my best and things like that. And that’s why (pause) that’s what I think was really important to me. And that’s the reason why I came here (to this HBCU) cause I thought I would get that here. Here, Anthony spoke of the small classes and the separation of students by gender for some activities. “We have separate classes for the boys and then one class for the girls as far as like personal development,” he explained. By and large, the homeschooling environment was experienced as intimate, nurturing, and to a large extent, safe. The “homeschool as safe” motif is supported in the literature. Fields- Smith and Kishura (2013) in their study referred to “the psychology of safety” (p. 276). African American parents reported that school safety, especially as it related to their African American male sons, was a motivating factor in their decision to homeschool.
Homeschooling as a Journey of Self-Discovery As research indicates, the transition from high school to college can be fraught with challenges (Hicks, 2005). But, whether speaking of why they were homeschooled, or the purpose of education, or whether their parents gave them specific reasons for homeschooling, it became apparent that their various experiences increased their confidence in themselves as well as their level of academic preparedness. For example, Vincant’s parents expected him to play a direct role in homeschooling by requiring him to set his own schedule. They also allowed his interests to drive the direction of the curriculum. As a homeschooler I got to, we had to do the basics of course, Math, English, everything, Sciences but I really got to dive deep and experiment with what I truly wanted to do after high school and going on into my adult life. For example, there were times when I was really big on astronomy, so my parents got me plenty of astronomy textbooks to satiate that. When I was really into animals and I thought I wanted to be a vet, they got me a bunch of books on zoology and everything like that so it really gave me a chance to take control over my own education which also help me appreciate it more. Vincant summed up why he adjusted to college so well: “I got to know myself, and therefore, because of that, I came to college knowing who I am, I can understand other people better. I can understand my peers better. When we
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talk about different things . . . because I knew myself and in knowing myself, I was able to connect with my peers. Anthony and Michael took classes at one of the local community colleges. Anthony said college work was “a breeze,” because “they (homeschooling teachers) really push you to the limit and beyond which I feel like is a good thing.” The self-assuredness of Michael was on display when he added, “I want to be known for something. I don’t want to be like, okay, he is just another guy I went to high school with. I want people to know, okay, yeah, that’s that guy.” Landon, who also spent his senior year in Malaysia in an exchange program, expressed fearlessness when facing college challenges. “Like I say, I’m intelligent so I’m able to figure it out.” For these participants, homeschooling was more than just fundamentally learning how to read, write, think and count. Their six years of homeschooling resulted in varying degrees of accountability and independence. It fostered a level of self-efficacy that some parents identified in Mazama and Lundy’s (2013) study as a desired outcome.
Cultural Pride Each participant was asked to elaborate on their experiences regarding any special efforts to include the lives and contributions of African Americans in their homeschooling curriculum. Indeed, the absence of African Americans in the public school curriculum was the primary reason Landon’s parents elected to homeschool. Landon remarked: The purpose of my homeschooling experience, what they always told me, was to make sure we were educated with a view mostly on Black culture and to make sure we were educated to show that we had an important part of history. Landon went further. “Every day in class we were learning about Black people who did very important things in medicine, in art, in history, that I wouldn’t necessarily know. Michael said although he studied general history, “most of it was about Black people cause our teacher, her perspective was history was ‘his story,’ the other guy’s perspective and she wanted us to know more about us. . . I learned a lot I didn’t know in public school.” His example: We did a lot of research on like, where did Math really start? Where did Science really start? Most people think its ancient Greece, no, that’s not just where it started . . . how can they (the pyramids) be up for thousands of years but nobody ever knew how to build them so if all these scientists who get credit for being the fathers of calculus, the fathers of philosophy, the fathers of psychology but none of them can figure out those pyramids. Anthony talked about the numerous images of sports athletes, scientists, and entrepreneurs that adorned the walls of classrooms. But they were not there as just artwork or pretty visuals. “Everybody had to find an African American or Black person in history that they admire,” he explained. For Michael his sense of pride was expressed this way: My dad always told us to be different . . . I’m different from most (students) in a good way . . . .I don’t really participate in activities, drugs. I don’t drink cause my mind needs to be at its best point at all times and I think that stuff is not going to help you. I try to treat women with more respect than the average guy does. I don’t want to be, ‘oh he was that that guy,’ or the reason girls think Black guys don’t treat women right. I don’t want to be known for that. My dad always told me to try to treat a girl the way you would want a guy to treat your sister. That’s the thing, that’s the way I’m different from most people. Vincant was the only study participant whose parents did not make an intentional effort to infuse the curriculum with the contributions of African Americans. Yet, he related how he
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learned about the Buffalo Soldiers during this sophomore year and how he became fascinated with their history. He said he and siblings visited the Buffalo Soldiers Natural History Museum so often the directors of the museum established an annual essay contest. “Every year we (he and siblings) entered that contest and every year we came out first and second. One year I was first, my older brother was second. Then the year I competed with my younger brother I got second and he got first.” Interestingly, the cultural pride exhibited by all participants was not a zero sum game. There was no evidence the participants viewed society through a Black/White binary, notwithstanding the fact that two of the three families are members of a religious organization popularly known for their black nationalist philosophy. Furthermore, it is reasonable to presume the selection of a HBCU for college was a manifestation of the cultural pride that their parents instilled in their homeschooling education. Lundy and Mazama (2014) highlighted the significance of “homeschooling as a corrective measure” (p. 64). Homeschooling as “corrective” is the stance assumed by African American parents to navigate the direction in which they want their sons to grow. In summary, African American students have a history of being ill-served by public schools (Kozol, 1991; Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1995; Woodson, 1933). On the other hand, the data from this study suggested the homeschooling experiences for these participants were positive and by and large validated their parents’ selection of homeschool as a viable alternative to public school. Participants experienced the homeschooling environment as emotionally nurturing in marked contrast to their experiences in traditional schools. Furthermore, the research suggested homeschooling was experienced as a journey of self-discovery and that journey, coupled with the infusion of Afrocentricity, contributed to their self-confidence as academically prepared first year college students. Even more important, the level of confidence and cultural awareness were identified in the literature as desired attributes African American homeschooling parents worked to instill in their children (Lundy & Mazama, 2014).
Limitations Limitations are inherent in all qualitative studies due, in large measure, to the inability of the researcher to generalize. Still, there are several specific limitations of this study. First, not only was the sample size small, two of the participants were siblings, which limited the variability of experience to some degree. Second, all of the participants were male. There were four females in the population but none responded to the invitation to participate. The experiences of females may yield differing themes. Third, two of the families are members of a religion in which cultural unity, self-determination, and cultural pride are central tenets (Lincoln, 1994). It is, therefore, difficult to determine the degree to which the religion impacted the educational philosophy of the parents or conversely, the degree to which the educational philosophy impacted religion. Finally, this study would have been greatly enhanced had there been two samples of college students at HBCUs, one sample who had been homeschooled and one sample who attended traditional school.
Implications for Future Research The addition of African American homeschoolers’ experiences in their own words is invaluable to the literature. Ultimately, their experiences from their perspectives render the judgement of homeschooling as an effective alternative. Future research possibilities include qualitative studies of African American college students who were homeschooled versus those that were traditionally schooled at HBCUs and the same population at Predominately White Institutions (PWIs). Such studies would further illuminate differences between homeschooled
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and traditionally schooled students in myriad of ways, specifically academic preparedness and social adjustment. Future research studies could also focus on the differences in curriculum for both populations, especially in regards to an African-centered curriculum. This area of research could further inform culturally based practices for educational practitioners and parents of traditionally schooled students.
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APPENDIX A Interview Questions ! What do you think was the purpose of your homeschooling experience? ! Did your parents give you specific reasons for their decision to homeschool and if so, what were they? ! As you reflect upon your homeschooling experience, how were those reasons addressed? ! How would you define education? What do you think is the purpose of education? ! Please describe what in your homeschooling experience how you understand education and how it shaped your definition of education before you entered college. ! What are the differences between homeschooling and traditional schooling? ! What did you appreciate most about your homeschooling experience before you began college? What do you appreciate most about your homeschooling experience today? ! How did your homeschool experience influence your decision to attend college? HBCU? ! Describe how you think your homeschooling experience prepared you for college academically and socially? ! Who do you consider your role models and why? ! Do you know where your curriculum came from? ! Walk me through an example of how subjects like history were covered. What kind of materials were used? Books, movies, fieldtrips, lecture? ! Was there a special effort to highlight the lives and contributions of other African Americans? Examples. ! What do you imagine would be different about you had you attended traditional school? ! Talk about ways in which you think your homeschooled experience makes you a different college student than students who were traditionally schooled? ! Have you considered homeschooling as an option for your own children? Why or why not? ! Do you think more parents should consider homeschooling? Why or why not? ! What lesson, value, or belief has attending college and a HBCU reinforced for you? ! What are your career aspirations and why? ! What do you think of the educational system in this country today? ! What do you think when you hear about statistics regarding the high school drop-out rate among black students? The low college completion rate of black students? The disproportionate numbers of black students who are placed in special education? The achievement gap between black students and white students? ! What do you about the history of school segregation?
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References Alexander, K., & Salmon, R. G. (2007). Warranting failure: The "system" that breeds poverty and starves public schools. Journal of Education Finance, 33(2), 203-220. Asante, M. K. (1991). The Afrocentric idea in education. Journal of Negro Education, 60(2), 170-180. Asante, M. K. (1992). Afrocentric curriculum. Educational Leadership, 94(4), 28-31. Asante, M. K. (2003). Afrocentricity: The theory of social change (revised and expanded). Chicago, IL: African American Images. Baker, A. A. (2013). Black families' pedagogies: Pedagogical philosophies and practices surrounding black parents' decisions to homeschool (Doctoral dissertation). Retrieved from ProQuest Dissertations & These Global. (3604570). Basham, P., Merrifield, J., & Hepburn, C. R. (2007). Home schooling: From the extreme to the mainstream. Vancouver, BC: The Fraser Institute. Beatty, A. S. (2013). Schools alone cannot close achievement gap. Issues in Science and Technology, 69-75. Cogan, M. F. (2010). Exploring academic outcomes of homeschooled students. Journal of College Admission, 208, 18-25. Condron, D. J., Tope, D., Steidl, C. R., & Freeman, K. J. (2013). Racial segregation and the Black/White achievement gap, 1992-2009. The Sociological Quarterly, 54(1), 130-157. Creswell, J. W. (2013). Qualitative inquiry & research design: Choosing among five approaches (3rd ed.). Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Publications, Inc. Fields-Smith, C., & Kisura, M. W. (2013). Resisting the status quo: The narratives of black homeschoolers in metro-Atlanta and metro-DC. Peabody Journal of Education, 88(3), 265- 283. Fields-Smith, C., & Williams, M. (2009). Motivations, sacrifices, and challenges: Black parents' decisions to home school. Urban Review, 41(4), 369-389. Fraenkel, J. R., Wallen, N. E., & Hyun, H. (2012). How to design and evaluate research in education (8th ed.). New York, NY: McGraw-Hill. Frisby, C. L. (1993). One giant step backward: Myths of black cultural learning styles. School Psychology Review, 22(3), 535-557. Gay, G. (2013). Teaching to and through cultural diversity. Curriculum Inquiry, 43(1), 48-70. Hicks, T. (2005). Assessing the academic, personal and social experiences of pre-college students. Journal of College Admission, 186, 19-24. Hood, J. (1993). The failure of American public education. The Freeman. Retrieved from the Foundation for Economic Education: http://fee.org/freeman/the-failure-of-american-public- education/ Ikpa, V. (2004). Leaving children behind: The racial/ethnic achievement gap. Research for Educational Reform, 9(2), 3-13. Johnson, L. (2015). Problems in research: Quantitative & qualitative methods. Retrieved from http://classroom.synonym.com/problems-research-quantitative-qualitative-methods- 4418.html Kozol, J. (1991). Savage inequalities: Children in America's schools. New York, NY: Crown Publishers, Inc. Ladson-Billings, G., & Tate, W. I. (1995). Toward a critical race theory of education. Teacher's College Record, 97(1), 47-68. doi: 0161-4681-95/9701/047 Lee, T., Cornell, D., Gregory, A., & Fan, X. (2011). High suspension schools and dropout rates for black and white students. Education and Treatment of Children, 34(2), 167-192.
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Levine, D. (2000). Carter G. Woodson and the Afrocentrists: Common foes of mis-education. High School Journal, 84(1), 5-9. Lincoln, C. E. (1994). The black Muslims of America (3rd ed.). Grand Rapids, MI: William B. Eerdmans Publishing Company. Lines, P. M. (2000). Homeschooling comes of age. Public Interest, 140, 74-85. Logan, J. R., Minca, E., & Adar, S. (2012). The geography of inequality: Why separate means unequal in American public schools. American Sociological Association, 11/1/2013-288- 301. doi:10.1177/0038040711431588 Lundy, G., & Mazama, A. (2014). "I'm keeping my son home": African American males and the motivation to homeschool. Journal of African American Males in Education, 5(1), 53-74. Marshall, M. N. (1996). Sampling for qualitative research. Family Practice, 13(6), 522-525. Martin-Chang, S., Gould, O. N., & Meuse, R. E. (2011). The impact of schooling on academic achievement: Evidence from homeschooled and traditionally schooled students. Canadian Journal of Behavioural Science, 43(3), 195-202. Mazama, A., & Lundy, G. (2012). African American homeschooling as racial protectionism. Journal of Black Studies, 43(7), 723-748. Mazama, A., & Lundy, G. (2013). African American homeschooling and the question of curricular cultural relevance. The Journal of Negro Education, 82(2), 123-138. Mehta, J. (2013). Why American education fails. Foreign Affairs, 92(3) Meyer, M. (2013). The fall of public education. Retrieved from www.newclearvision.com/2011/04/04/the-fall-of-public-education/ Morse, J. M. (2004). Sampling in qualitative research. In M. S. Lewis-Beck, A. Bryman, & & T. F. Liao (Eds.), The Sage encyclopedia of social science research methods (p. 993). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Research Methods. National Center for Educational Statistics. (2008). Percentage of gifted and talented students in public elementary and secondary schools, by sex, race/ethnicity, and state: 2004 and 2006. Retrieved from www.nces.ed.gov/programs/digest/d10/tables/dt10_049.asp National Center for Educational Statistics. (2012). Youth indicators 2011 America's youth: Transitions to adulthood. Retrieved from www.nces.ed.gov/pubs2012/2012026/tables/table_14.asp National Center for Educational Statistics. (2015a). The condition of education 2015. Retrieved from www.nces.ed.gov/programs/digest/d14/tables/dt14_203.50.asp National Center for Educational Statistics. (2015b). Fast facts: Homeschooling. Retrieved from www.nces.ed.gov/fastfacts/display.asp?id=91 Noguera, P. (2009). The achievement gap: Public education in crisis. New Labor Forum, 18(2), 61-69. doi:10.4179/NLF.182.0000008 Phenomenology - Research Methodology. (2015). Phenomenology. Retrieved from http://research-methodology.net/research-philosophy/phenomenology/ Ratner, C. (2002). Subjectivity and objectivity in qualitative methodology. Forum: Qualitative Social Research, 3(3). Ray, B. (2004). Homeschoolers on to college: What research shows us. Journal of College Admission, (185), 5-11. Ray, B. (2010). Academic achievement and demographic traits of homeschool students: A nationwide study. Academic Leadership Journal, 8(1). Reese, W. J. (2004). Why Americans love to reform public schools. Educational Research and Perspectives, 107(119), 217-231. Schouten, G. (2012). Educational justice: Closing gaps or paying debts? Journal of Applied Philosophy, 29(3), 231-242.
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Schram, T. H. (2006). Conceptualizing and proposing qualitative research (2nd ed.). Upper Saddle River, NJ: Pearson Education, Inc. Simms, K. (2012). Is the Black-White achievement gap a public sector effect? An examination of student achievement in third grade. The Journal of at-Risk Issues, 17(1), 23-29. Snyder, M. (2013). An evaluative study of the academic achievement of homeschooled students versus traditionally schooled students attending a catholic university. Catholic Education: A Journal of Inquiry and Practice, 16(2), 288-308. Tanner, T. (2013). Culturally responsive educational theories: A practical guide with case studies for improving the academic performance of diverse learners. Cypress, TX: Educational Concepts, LLC. Woodson, C. G. (1933). The mis-education of the negro. Philadelphia, PA: Hakim's Publications.
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Phillip A. Smith Teachers College, Columbia University
There is an absence of any extensive examination of the ways in which agency, White conferred dominance, and racial stratification perpetuate inequalities in access to educational leadership positions by Black Americans. Through an integrative review, and analysis of national data sets, this paper explores the extent to which differing levels of racism - individual, institutional or cultural, exist in the hiring and promotion of K-12 school administrators. Utilizing a critical race theory (CRT) epistemological approach, as well as a historicizing of knowledge analytical approach, the paper illustrates that despite significant gains through the Civil Rights movement, African Americans continue to be denied equitable access to senior school administrative positions. The paper also examines the social and economic cost of maintaining racism within this area of public services. The paper concludes with a response to the entitled question “Does racism exist in the hiring and promotion of K-12 school administrators?” Keywords: African American, School administrator selection, racial bias and discrimination
The challenges in adequately responding to the leadership crisis facing schools and school districts are multi-faceted. There is some evidence of a “supply problem” (Thomson, 2009, p.31) in the pipeline of education and school administrators (DeAngelis & O’Connor, 2012). As Pounder, Galvin, and Shepherd (2003) report, there are a multiplicity of both independent and intentional factors that may contribute to perceptions or misperceptions of a supply problem or shortage of suitably qualified school administrators. The school leadership is an aging workforce: over 50 percent of currently serving principals, the group most likely to progress to more senior administrative roles, reaches retirement age within the next few years (Papa, Lankford, & Wyckoff, 2002). Whilst there are greater numbers of individuals suitably qualified to enter administration positions, decreasing numbers of certified individuals seek these senior administration positions (DeAngelis & O’Connor, 2012). Also, there is a need to increase diversity and representation of senior school leaders comparable to student, and wider community populations (Alston, 2000; Tallerico, 2000). The demographic, racial and cultural context of the U.S. is a rapidly changing one, with public schools moving from monocultural non-diverse contexts to serving more heterogeneous and diverse student cohorts (Jones, 2002; Noguera, 2003). It is estimated that that by the year 2020, only 49% of the school-age population will be White (Karpinski, 2006; Riehl, 2000). Brown (2005) and others (Jones, 2002) have argued that: “schools in a racially diverse society will require leaders and models of leadership that will address the racial, cultural, and ethnic makeup of the school community” (Brown, 2005, p. 585). Yet, there is evidence of significant under-representation of individuals of African heritage in school and senior educational leadership positions (Brown, 2005). Jackson (2003) noted similar concerns within higher education through his research and analysis of the African American male educational pipeline to faculty and administration positions in higher education institutions. The aforementioned highlights a pressing need for the collective professional practice of education and school administration to reflect the full spectrum of cultural and social traditions and systems within society. Schools and school districts need to be more responsive to
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rapidly changing student demography, to become diversity-enhanced institutions, that is, places of vibrant opportunities to support racially, culturally, and linguistically diverse student cohorts (Howard, 2007). Further, as proffered by Tillman (2003), “despite our commitment to diversify [educational administration], our field remains predominantly White” (p.1). The predominance of a homogenous school leadership workforce is further compounded by a decentralized, localized model of education that results in variable routes to the hiring and promotion of school administrators dependent on type of school, urbanicity, school district and state. Invariably, such decentralized systems and practices provide the starting point for race discrimination (Bush & Moloi, 2008). For the purposes of this paper, Gates, Ringel, Santibanez, Chung & Ross’ (2003) following use of the terminology school administration will apply: “those [individuals] filling a variety of school-, district-, and state-level management positions in the K-12 school system. Principals and district superintendents are the most visible administrators, but there are many others as well, such as assistant principals, district business managers, and regional superintendents” (p.1). In order to fully understand the effectiveness of these senior management positions there is, according to Brown (2005) a need “to investigate school administration in specific social, political, and racial contexts” (p. 587). Such an investigatory inquiry should be supported through more rigorous, and practice-oriented research and scholarship on workforce diversity effects (Pitts & Wise, 2010).
Gaps in the Literature The aforementioned research and scholarship forms a significant contribution to a growing body of literature that examines the underrepresentation of people of color in school administration roles as well as the benefits of a more racially and culturally diverse school leadership workforce. There is also evidence of significant scholarship and research on the experiences of African American principals and school administrators both before and since the Brown era. There is however, less substantive literature on the racialized aspects of the educational leadership pipeline, and the hiring and promotion processes of school administrators (DeAngelis & O’Connor, 2012; Jackson, 2003; Tallerico, 2000) or any detailed investigatory inquiry into elements of the hiring process that can limit advancement of people of color. As Hooker (2000) highlights, “the literature on recruitment and selection of school administrators continues to be anecdotal, unpublished, and atheoretical.” (p. 183) Gooden (2012) makes a more explicit reference to the racialized aspects of the organizational contexts signposted in Hooker’s (2000) earlier paper and highlights the multiple levels in which racism within the realms of education leadership development does “advantage Whites and subordinate Blacks and those from other racial minority groups” (p.79). This conceptual paper seeks to build on the scholarship of Hooker (2000), Gooden (2012) and others (Alston, 2000; DeAngelis & O’Connor, 2012; Jackson, 2003; Pitts & Wise, 2010; Pounder & Shepherd, 2003) connecting the intersections between organizational context, hiring practices and the racial under-representation of African American K-12 school administrators. Through a critique and problematizing of generally accepted facts and factual assumptions, the paper seeks to further understand the role of structural inhibitors, racial micro-aggressions, and racism in the hiring and placement of these individuals into senior school administration positions. The paper will specifically focus on the extent to which the under-representation of
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Urban Education Research and Policy Annuals Vol. 4(1) ! African Americans in K-12 school administration roles is due to intentional or consequential racism in hiring and promotion processes vis-à-vis individual, institutional, or cultural racism directed towards K12 school administration candidates of color (Guess, 2006). In so doing, the paper makes a contribution to the lacuna of literature on the longer-term impact of racialized hiring and placement practices on the underrepresentation of this sub-group of senior educational leaders. To fully explore the presence of racism in hiring and promotion practices, it is important to first understand the different levels within which racism manifests: individual, institutional, and cultural. Such racism may be due to structural inhibitors, racial micro-aggressions, and invisible selection criteria that people of color encounter as they seek to progress their career ambitions (see Gooden, 2012). Jones (1972) encapsulates all three levels of racism into the following single definition: “Racism results from the transformation of race prejudice and/or ethnocentrism through the exercise of power against a racial group defined as inferior, by individuals and institutions with the intentional or unintentional support of the entire culture” (p.172). Cress Welsing (2004) expands on this and provides a further definition that usefully illustrates the institutional and cultural ways in which racism exists as: the local and global power system structured and maintained by persons who classify themselves as White, whether consciously or subconsciously determined; this system consists of patterns of perception, logic, symbols formation, thought, speech, action and emotional response as conducted simultaneously in all areas of people activity (economics, education, entertainment, labor, law, politics, religion, sex and war. (p. ii) In naming the research focus vis-à-vis racism in the hiring, and placement of K-12 administrators, the author acknowledges that racism is ubiquitous and universal at individual, institutional and cultural levels throughout society and particularly within the realms of education and schools (Decuir & Dixson, 2004; Delgado & Stefancic, 2012; Ladson-Billings, 2009a, 2009b, 2013; Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1995; Leonardo, 2009; Parker & Lynn, 2002; Solórzano and Yosso, 2002; Tate, 1997)
Methodology Integrative Review Framework The research, conducted primarily as an integrative review, synthesizes previous relevant literature, empirical studies, and research in order to infer generalizations about substantive issues of race within the context of the hiring and promotion of educational leaders and school administrators (Cooper, 1982, 2010; Demerath & Roof, 1976; Jackson, 1980). Cooper’s (2010) seven-step approach to research synthesis and analysis formed the basis of the integrative review: Step1: Formulating the problem – the research proposal and hypothesis were initially formulated through engagement and discussion with other researchers and scholars within the field, both within and external to the author’s home institution. These preliminary conversations informed a more directed investigatory inquiry of other substantive research, commentary, and examinations of the racialized aspects of the school administration pipeline. Step 2: Searching the literature – literature used to inform the study was limited to empirical studies and research that specifically focuses on documenting the African American experience and understandings of the school administration profession. The use of limited, relevant, literature is consistent with a “methodologically adequate studies” approach as supported by Jackson,1(980, p.455), Demerath and Roof (1976), and Jackson (2003). Specific studies were identified through a search of
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literature using keyword, phrases, and subject searching of library databases, and citation indexing. Key search terms included “race”, “education[al] leadership”, “principal/administrator hiring”, “African/Black American”, and “education/school pipeline”. A separate “author” search of the scholarship of leading scholars within the field was also conducted. Step 3: Gathering information from studies – information was primarily gathered through a synthesis of reported findings and associated implications, as well as coding of key themes emerging from identified, relevant studies on the topic of hiring, placement, and promotion of African Americans in school administration and education leadership positions. Step 4: Evaluating the quality of studies – cross triangulation between information gathered from studies, statistical data, and other official sources was used to identify comparative and contrasting themes and perspectives discussed and identified. Cross triangulation also enabled the formulation of critical judgments on the quality of empirical studies and findings that constituted data for the purposes of the integrative review and research synthesis. Particular attention was given to literature and research that provided historical, factual, substantiated accounts that examine “the inner-relations between career trajectory, socialization, and identity” (Floyd, 2012, p.224) as experienced and understood by African American educational professionals. The results of Step 5: Analyzing and integrating the outcomes of studies, Step 6: Interpreting the evidence, and Step 7: Presenting the results constitute this paper and conclusions. Other Related Epistemological Frameworks A central premise of the research foundation and inquiry is that fully understanding the causes and consequences of the under-representation of African American school administrators requires examining the historical and racialized aspects of hiring and placement practices (Ingersoll & May, 2011). Two central and related epistemological frameworks have informed the research design - historicizing of knowledge, and critical race theory. Application of the first framework, historicizing of knowledge, is consistent with the methodological framework tradition adopted by Brown (2011) in his problematization of historical and contemporary beliefs about Black males as articulated in social science and education literature from the 1930’s to the present. Historicizing of knowledge allows for an examination of the extent to which present realities and assumptions are constructed, for example as a result of multiple and uneven trajectories of the past (Popkewitz, 1997). This is particularly relevant in a discourse on racialized aspects of education, and education leadership. As illustrated by McCray, Wright and Beachum (2007) in their study on racial bias in the hiring and placement of school administrators, the extent to which “the historically negative presumptions as it relates to the leadership capabilities of African American principals are still part of the thought patterns of decision makers regarding the placement of these administrators” (p.247). Critical Race Theory (CRT) forms the second epistemological method of analysis. The use of CRT as a theoretical framework was seen as an appropriate culturally sensitive epistemology and methodological approach through which to explore the racialized aspects of the school administration/education leadership pipeline as experienced by African Americans. In particular, the impact and implications of the racialized aspects of: de-segregation, schools and education (Ladson-Billings, 1998; Parker & Lynn, 2002; Tate, 1997); racism as normality (Bell, 1992; Crenshaw, 2010; Delgado, 1995); and racial stereotyping (Solórzano, 1997; Steele, 2010) on the hiring, placement, and promotion processes. Evidence of the existence of racism in the hiring, placement, and promotion of K-12 school administrators will be explored through consideration of the historical and contextual background of the profession. This will include presentation of the changing demography of the school population and implications for the hiring
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Urban Education Research and Policy Annuals Vol. 4(1) ! and placement of school administrators of color in key roles. References will also be made to historical literature, existing empirical research, and both qualitative and quantitative data sets to further explore the issue of racism, whether intentional or consequential, in the hiring of K-12 administrators (Department for Professional Employees [DPE], 2013; National Center for Education Statistics [NCES], 2008, 2011; Office of Civil Rights, 2012). Limitations There is limited available data of the selection criteria that applies across the range of school administration professions. This may be due to the decentralized nature of the hiring and promotion practices across school districts as previously highlighted (Huber & Pashiardis, 2008). Further, whilst making references to equality and employment legislation, any detailed analysis of equality-based hiring practices, affirmative action policies or other similar federal or state level public sector hiring initiatives is considered outside of the scope of this paper.
Discussion School Administration as a Profession The role of the school principal, administrator, or superintendent is typically, although not exclusively, assumed by individuals from a teaching background or with experience in the education system (DeAngelis & O’Connor, 2012; Gates et al., 2003; Rousmaniere, 2007). Subsequent education reform, increased decentralization from federal-to-state-to-district and greater local accountability for student outcomes, and an overall increased marketization of education has led to greater expansion of the school administration professional function. As a result, and in some larger school districts in particular, the traditional administrative role of superintendent has metamorphosized into several individual roles with responsibilities for a range of distinct business functions (Tillman, 2004). These significant changes in the role and responsibilities of K-12 school administrators also signal a leadership crisis for the profession and the education system. All of the above, whilst having an impact on the school administration profession as a whole, also present themselves as an additional “challenge” for African American school leaders and individuals from other minoritized and non-dominant groups, with limited and/or inequitable access to social and cultural capital. Consequently, African Americans and other race/ethnic minoritized leaders are unable to successfully navigate or circumvent the impact of these pressures to the same degree as school administrator peers from the dominant, White racial group. For example, education reform, demands to improve student attainment levels, and insufficient resources are most likely to be a greater issue for school administrators serving urban and suburban communities of predominately students of color, with higher proportions of English language learners, than for those, predominately White, administrators in more suburban or rural districts and locations serving more homogenous, majority White, student cohorts (Akom, 2011; Franklin, 2002; Ladson-Billings, 2009; Oakes, 2005; Tallerico, 2000) Hiring and Placement Process In Mickelson, Smith and Oliver (in Weis & Fine, 1993), we are reminded that “employment policies and practices do not exist in a vacuum; they operate in a society whose racial divisions overlap those of class and income” (p. 24). In many ways work-place organizational structures replicate the social hierarchies that lay at the foundation of wider society, with careers and professional positions becoming synonymous to racial and culturally determined social positioning and stratification. However, commentators have previously argued for the importance and need to increase diversity and representation of school principals and administrators comparable to the student and wider community populations that they serve.
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Further, there is significant evidence to suggest that a diverse work-force comprised of people from a wide range of backgrounds, representative at all levels across the organization hierarchy, is a stronger and more effective one (Hunte, 2010; Purdie-Vaughns, Steele, Davies, Ditlmann, & Crosby, 2008; Ross, 2002; Tallerico, 2000). Policymakers have instigated a range of strategies and initiatives, at the federal, state, and district level, to address the leadership crisis facing schools and school districts, and in many cases, for example in New York, have attempted to rationalize their assessment and certification of school leaders (Huber & Pashiardis, 2008). There is, however, limited available data of the selection criteria that applies across the range of administration positions. This may be due to the decentralized nature of the hiring and placement practices across school districts as previously highlighted. Scholars have argued that many of the traditionally accepted hiring and promotion practices are in fact racially biased. For example, Arvey (1979) examines the legal and psychological aspects of the employment interviews as evidenced in the legal challenge of United States v. Hazelwood School District (1976), highlighting the very subjective nature of the interview process and influence of stereotyping and bias within the school-based interview setting. It is this unfamiliarity or incongruence with cultural patterns between White interviewer and Black applicant that potentially biases the validity of the employment interview process (also consider Jussim, Coleman & Lerch, 1987; Sekaquaptewa, Espinoza, Thompson, Vargas, & von Hippel, 2003). A further example is the practice and use of a “prior relevant experience” selection criterion, which as Tallerico (2000) observes: “the professional norms and routines that reify prior experience in positions in which women and people of color are underrepresented, as forces operating systemically that contribute to the predominance of White males in educational administration” (p.38). Measures have also been put in place to increase the range, provision and number of university K-12 administration leadership development programs with many institutions now offering urban leadership development programs in recognition of the specific and oftentimes particularly challenging context of urban district K-12 school administration (see McCray, Wright & Beachum, 2007). Altruistically, the generally decentralized nature of the hiring and placement of school administrators, as well as the stepped controlled stages in the process are intended to ensure a consistent and same approach to the hiring and placement process and in the treatment of individual job applicants. This sameness of treatment and procedures is seen as particularly important, and especially so in light of and in compliance with equality employment legislation. However, there is still evidence of a range of structural inhibitors to the hiring and promotion of African Americans to school administrative roles with, in the majority of cases, search committee membership being exclusively or dominated by White males (Ortiz, 2000).
Pre / Post Brown Notwithstanding the constitutional challenges, and landmark victories gained through the Civil Rights movement, especially the Supreme Court decision Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka (1954), the changing demographic landscape of the nation’s population, and an increased need for school administrators, the role of the school principal [and K-12 administrator] has according to Pollard (1997) remained the long considered “bastion of White men” (p. 354). The placement of Black K-12 school administrators juxtaposes the comparative experiences of White administrators. African American school administrators are most likely to be placed in schools and school districts serving predominately students of color (Ortiz, 1982). In many instances
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Urban Education Research and Policy Annuals Vol. 4(1) ! African American principals are completely excluded from leadership positions in predominately White public schools (Rousmaniere, 2007). In contrast, White administrators are placed in predominately White, predominately minority, as well as in schools with diverse student groups (see Horsford, 2010, 2011; Tillman, 2003). The promised integration of the school system following the 1954 Brown decision, and desegregation of education led to the amalgamation and wholesale closure of Black schools with devastating consequences for the provision of education, Black school principals, the teacher workforce, and the wider African American communities that these schools served (McCray, Wright & Beachum, 2007). Also consider Ethridge (1979) and Hudson and Holmes (1994). The post-Brown era marked a period in the history of education in the U.S. that according to Karpinski (2006) resulted in the “decimation” (p. 251) of the numbers of Black principals. The future status, and threatened job security of African American principals and educators was one of the most consequential travesties of the perceived gains of the post-Brown era (Fultz, 2004; Karpinski, 2006). Between 1954 and 1964, the number of African American principals was reduced by 90% (Rousmaniere, 2007; Tillman, 2004;). According to Karpinski (2006), the displacement of African American principals and teachers “removed some of the most competent educators in the U.S. public school system” resulting in the “withdrawal of potential African American candidates from the principalship [and broader school administration]” (p. 248). This would be particularly salient in the hiring of senior school district administrators in the future. The significant displacement of Black students to the teaching profession, and subsequently to the pool as potential school administrators, continued for several decades, through to the early 2000s (Brown, 2005). The introduction of teacher education programs as well as new teacher certification requirements have both further resulted in the significant displacement of educators of color. This has further increased the levels of underrepresentation of African American teachers relative to the student population. To illustrate, in 2001, 6% of public school teachers were African American, whereas 17.1% of the school student population were of African American heritage. The disparities and racial under- representation increases at the senior level school administration positions.
Other U.S. Federal Legislation There has been considerable advancement through federal legislation post Brown to the protection of employment rights of individuals, and which specifically prohibit employment discrimination based on race, color, religion, sex and national origin. Federal Affirmative Action law further provides a legislative framework for the hiring and placement of minority workers. However, there continues to be a degree of ambiguity and ongoing legal controversy and debate on the setting of constitutional standards for race-based affirmative action. Further, and importantly, as stated by Rance (1992), there is some evidence to suggest that “even though minorities are becoming increasingly more qualified to hold high level administrative positions, the number of Blacks in the field of school administration has not significantly increased” (p.14).
The Changing Demography The demographic trends and projections of the United States are changing. In 1970 83.3% of the population was White, 10.9% Black, 4.5% Hispanic and 1.3% Asian or other minority group. It is predicted that this will change significantly by 2050 with almost 50% of the population being people of color (Hacker, 2003; U.S. Census Bureau, 2001; Young & Brooks, 2008). It will be incumbent on schools, school districts and administrators to find demonstrable
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ways to support the evolution of human capital and shift to a majority minority ethnic student and wider population over the next few years to adequately support diverse cohorts of students to be fully prepared as global citizens. There are approximately 811,000 education administrators in the U.S. of which 76.6% are White, 13.3 % are Black or African American, 7.9% are Hispanic or Latino/a, and 2.2% are Asian (DPE, 2013). The proportion of individuals in these roles is not reflective of either the percentage distribution enrolled K-12 students by race, or by race of the wider population. The United States Census Bureau (2013) report that of the total number of K-12 school enrolments, 52.5% of enrolled students are White (non-Hispanic), 15.4% are Black, 23.8% are Hispanic or Latino/a; and 4.8% are Asian (U.S. Census Bureau, 2013). In looking at the wider population, of the total resident population, 77.7% are White, 13.2% are Black, 17.1% are Hispanic or Latino/a, and 5.3% are Asian (U.S. Census Bureau, 2014). Pacific Islanders, American Indian/ Alaska Native and other minority groups make up the remainder of the total population. (NCES, 2012; U.S. Census Bureau, 2013, 2014). Under-representation of African Americans and other racial minority groups within the K-12 administrative workforce, comparable to their representation in the wider population, may be an indicator of intentional or consequential racism within the employment practices of the profession.
Compensation and Wage Differentials Margo (1984) posits that the “the nature and extent of racial wage differentials is an important economic and social issue” (p. 306), an important and helpful proposition in analysing compensation and wage differentials. Benefits and wages for K-12 administrators vary significantly by: state; school district within state; location of school – city, suburban, town, rural; the level and type of institution in which employed; and the specific role an individual assumes. The latest estimates from the Department for Professional Employees (2013) report that the median annual wage for K-12 administrators was $87,760 in 2012. The NCES (2012) analysis of average salaries for principals for 2007-08 (calculated on a 2009-10 cost basis) provides the most recent available salary information by race of principal. NCES report that for 2007-08, White principals on average received an annual salary of $86,900, Black principals received $89,900, Hispanic/Latino/a principals $95,100, and Asian principals $105,900. Whilst a useful comparator, it is not possible to distinguish the salaries paid to individuals across all racial groups in comparative school/ district settings. Further, as we are reminded in Papa et al (2002), “the compensation of school leaders may not compensate for the extraordinary demands placed on school leaders, with this being most likely in schools where working conditions are most difficult” (p.15). Inequalities in levels of salary compensation are often an indicator of discriminatory work practices. The notion of equal pay for equal work is particularly relevant. Whilst the average annual salary level for principals of color is marginally higher than that for White principals the urban contexts within which most principals of color work are arguably more complex, challenging and demanding. Further, school principals and administrators of color typically lead in significantly under-resourced school contexts, disadvantaged through the historical inequalities of an educational apartheid system (Akom, 2011). In contrast, White administrators, for the most part, assume positions in less challenging, smaller urban, suburban or rural areas.
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Urban Education Research and Policy Annuals Vol. 4(1) ! Wider Cost Implications Racism and racial inequalities are costly (Feagin & McKinney, 2005). The consequential costs to society of creating and sustaining systems that maintain systemic stratification and unequal distribution of resources, power, wealth, and prestige are insurmountable (Akom, 2011; Morrow & Torres, 1995). Whilst attempts have been made to quantify the socio-psychological costs of racism, there have been limited attempts to look at the broader economic and financial cost implications of systems that perpetuate individual, institutional or cultural racism. Further, much of the attribution of costs assume a victim perspective and thus falls short of any analysis of the wider cost implications of racism to all sections of society. Shapiro (2004) provides a helpful contrast between the “hidden costs of being African American and the advantage of being White” (p. 55). This is a helpful paradigm, particularly in examining the cost-implications of racism within the hiring and promotion of school administrators. It is therefore pertinent to explore the extent to which supply and demand or an advantage / disadvantage metrics collates to a Black / White racial identity of prospective candidates to be hired or promoted into these senior school administration posts. It is important to consider the wider “hidden” cost implications of racism in the hiring processes of school administrators in terms of economic significance, salary compensation, human and cultural capital, stereotype and racial stratification of the attributes of the effective leader. A dominant monocultural, Euro-centric perspective defines both school leadership and students as composites of ostensibly homogenous sub-groups. This limits and promotes an assimilist or race-neutral approach to education leadership and schooling (Mabokela & Madsen, 2005) that is unable to benefit from a collective global-mindedness, and culturally competent effective school leadership (Gooden, 2012; Johnson & Campbell-Stephens, 2010; Reyes & Wagstaff, 2005). Further, the challenges of leading in complex urban and suburban contexts may also have a negative impact on the personal health and wellbeing of the school administrator. An additional hidden cost of race discriminatory practices, are the costs, financial and otherwise, associated with pursing claims and actions as a result of race bias and discriminatory employment practices.
Conclusion Race definitions, expressions thereof and any extensive or explicit discussion on individual, institutional or cultural racism or other forms of racialized inequalities in schooling, education and public services more broadly have over time become transient. The discourse on racism, racial inequality, or power conflict has been muted through a broader post-racial, colorblind narrative (Gooden, 2012; Mabokela & Madsen, 2005;) and what Pollock (2005) terms “colormuteness” that intentionally avoids the need for any meaningful “race talk”, engagement or analysis on the uncomfortable topic of race and racism. Whilst much has been done to remove visible evidence and manifestations of individual racism, structures and systems in place as well as organization climate continue to preserve the influence and impact of macro, structural discrimination, and institutional and cultural level racism. Within the area of hiring, placement and promotion, dominant White America deploys what Marger (2012) describes as techniques of dominance and subordination to promote and confirm prejudices and discrimination. The use of over simplified and negative stereotyping, particularly within hiring and promotion processes, presumes to assume that physical or behavioural traits which do not align with the model image of the school administrator as White, and male, renders applicants who do not fit this mold unsuitable candidates for such senior
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positions. Such prejudice and discrimination is often reinforced within the permanence of ethnic and racial stratification with inherent and negative assumptions of place, status, and attributes of members from minority groups. Sixty years after Brown, de jure racial segregation has been replaced with de facto segregation (Tillman, 2004). The extent to which a wide range of structural inhibitors and racial micro-aggressions prevalent within the education system and schools continue to contribute to the under-representation of African Americans in senior K-12 administration positions remains evident. As this paper has demonstrated, there is a need for a wider policy discourse and examination of the longer-term effects of racialized and race bias practices within education in aspects of hiring, placement and retention of school principals and senior administrators. Failure to do so maintains an inequitable racialized distribution of individuals at the most senior levels of education administration and denies students, schools, school districts, and states of the skills and expertise that African American educational professionals may bring to the profession (Brown, 2005; Horsford, 2010, 2011; Howard, 2007; Lomotey, 1989; Reyes & Wagstaff, 2005). This is ever more important in senior K-12 administrator positions, for it is the school administrator that shapes the ethos and direction of the school, the effective management of the school district, allocation of resources, and ultimately the attainment and achievement of the student cohorts.
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Jones, J. M. (1972) Prejudice and racism. New York, NY: McGraw Hill Jussim, L., Coleman, L. M., & Lerch, L. (1987). The nature of stereotypes: A comparison and integration of three theories. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 52(3), 536- 546. Karpinski, C. (2006). Bearing the burden of desegregation: Black principles and Brown. Urban Education, 41(3), 237-276. Ladson-Billings, G. (1998). Just what is critical race theory and what's it doing in a nice field like education? International Journal of Qualitative Studies in Education, 11(1), 7-24. Ladson-Billings, G. (2009a). Race still matters: Critical race theory in education. In M. W. Apple, W. Au, & A. Gandin (Eds.), The Routledge international handbook of critical education (pp. 110-122). Ladson-Billings, G. (2009b). Just what is Critical Race Theory and what's it doing in a nice field like education? In E. Taylor, D. Gillborn, & G. Ladson-Billings (Eds,) Foundations of critical race theory in education (pp. 17-38). New York, NY: Routledge. Ladson-Billings, G. (2013) Critical Race Theory – What it is not! In M. Lynn & A. D. Dixson (Eds.). Handbook of critical race theory in education. New York, NY: Routledge. Ladson-Billings, G., & Tate, W. F. (1995). Toward a critical race theory of education. Teachers College Record 97(1), 47-68. Leonardo, Z. (2009). Race, whiteness, and education. New York, NY: Routledge. Lomotey, K. (1989). African-American principals: School leadership and success. Westport, Connecticut: Greenwood Publishing Group. McCray, C., Wright, J., & Beachum, F. (2007) Beyond Brown: Examining the perplexing plight of African American principals. Journal of Instructional Psychology, 34 (4), pp. 247-255. Mabokela, R. & Madsen, J. (2005). ‘Color-blind’ and ‘color-conscious’ leadership: A case study of desegregated suburban schools in the USA. International Journal of Leadership in Education, 8(3), 187-206. Marger, M. (2012). Race and ethnic relations (9th ed). New York, NY: Wadsworth. Margo, R. (1984). “Teacher salaries in Black and White”: The South in 1910. Exploration in Economic History, 21(3) 306-326. Mickelson, R., Smith, S., & Oliver, M. (1993) Breaking through the barriers: African American job candidates and the academic hiring process. In L. Weis & M. Fine (Eds.), Beyond silenced voices: Class, race, and gender in United States schools (pp. 9-24). New York, NY: New York Press Morrow, R. A., & Torres, C. A. (1995). Social theory and education: A critique of theories of social and cultural reproduction. Albany, New York: State University of New York Press. National Center for Education Statistics. (2008). Schools and Staffing Survey 2007-2008, Table 12. Retrieved from http://nces.ed.gov/surveys/sass/tables/sass0708_2009320_d1s_12.asp National Center for Education Statistics – Digest of Education Statistics: 2011 http://nces.ed.gov/programs/digest/d11/tables_1.asp [Accessed 24 October 2013] Noguera, P. (2003). City schools and the American dream: Reclaiming the promise of public education (Vol. 17). New York, NY: Teachers College Press. Oakes, J. (2005). Keeping track: How schools structure inequality. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. Office for Civil Rights. (2012). The transformed civil rights data collection (CRDC) – Revealing new truths about our nation’s school. Retrieved from http://www2.ed.gov/about/offices/list/ocr/docs/crdc-2012-data-summary.pdf 13
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Ortiz, F. I. (1982). Career patterns in education: Women, men, and minorities, in public school administration. South Hadley, MA: J. F. Bergin Publishers, Inc. Ortiz, F. (2000) Who controls succession in the superintendency? A minority perspective, Urban Education, 35(5), 557-565. Papa Jr., F., Lankford, H., & Wyckoff, J. (2002). The attributes and career paths of principals: Implications for improving policy. Albany, New York: State University of New York Press. Parker, L., & Lynn, M. (2002) What’s race got to do with it? Critical Race Theory’s conflicts with and connections to qualitative research methodology and epistemology. Qualitative Inquiry, 8(1), 7-22 Pitts, D. W., & Wise, L. R. (2010). Workforce diversity in the new millennium: Prospects for research. Review of Public Personnel Administration, 30(1), 44-69. Pollock, M. (2005). Colormute: Race talk dilemmas in an American school. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Pollard, D. (1997). Race, gender, and educational leadership: Perspectives from African American principals. Education Policy, 11(3), 353-374. Popkewitz, T. S. (1997). A changing terrain of knowledge and power: A social epistemology of educational research. Educational Researcher, 26(9), 18-29. Pounder, D. G., Galvin, P., & Shepherd, P. (2003). An analysis of the United States educational administrator shortage. Australian Journal of Education, 47(2), 133-145. Purdie-Vaughns, V., Steele, C. M., Davies, P. G., Ditlmann, R., & Crosby, J. R. (2008). Social identity contingencies: how diversity cues signal threat or safety for African Americans in mainstream institutions. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 94(4), 615. Rance, J. (1992). Career aspirations of Black assistant principals in public high schools (Doctoral dissertation). Retrieved from ProQuest Dissertations & Theses Global. (303963714) Reyes, P., & Wagstaff, L. (2005). How does leadership promote successful teaching and learning for diverse students?. In W. A. Firestone & C. Riehl (Eds.),A new agenda for research in educational leadership (pp. 101-118). New York, NY: Teachers College Press. Riehl, C. (2000). The Principal’s role in creating inclusive schools for diverse students: a review of normative, empirical, and critical literature on the practice of educational administration. Review of Educational Research, 70(1), 55-81. Ross, A. (2002). Towards a representative profession: Teachers from the ethnic minorities. London: Institute for Public Policy Research. Rousmaniere, K. (2007) Presidential address - Go to the principal’s office: Toward a social history of the school principal in North America. History of Education Quarterly, 47(1), 1-22. Sekaquaptewa, D., Espinoza, P., Thompson, M., Vargas, P., & von Hippel, W. (2003). Stereotypic explanatory bias: Implicit stereotyping as a predictor of discrimination. Journal of Experimental Social Psychology, 39(1), 75-82. Shapiro , T. M. (2004). The hidden cost of being African American: How wealth perpetuates inequality. New York, NY: Oxford University Press. Solórzano, D. (1997). Images and words that wound: critical race theory, racial stereotyping and teacher education. Teacher Education Quarterly, 24, 5–19. Solórzano, D. & Yosso, T. (2002). Critical race methodology: counter-storytelling as an analytical framework for education research. Qualitative Inquiry, 8(1), 23-43
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Steele, C. M. (2010). Whistling Vivaldi: And other clues to how stereotypes affect us. New York, NY: W.M. Norton & Company Tallerico, M. (2000). Gaining access to the superintendency: Headhunting, gender, and color. Educational Administration Quarterly, 36(1), 18-43. Tate, W.F. (1997). Critical race theory and education: History, theory, and implications. Review of Research in Education, 22, 195-247 Thomson, P. (2009). School leadership: Heads on the block? New York, NY: Routledge Tillman, L. C. (2003). From rhetoric to reality? Educational administration and the lack of racial and ethnic diversity within the profession. University Council for Educational Review, 14(3), 1-4. Tillman, L. (2004). (Un)Intended Consequences?: The impact of Brown v. Board of education decision on the employment status of Black educators. Education and Urban Society, 36(3), 280-303. United States Census Bureau (2013). Table 2. Single grade of enrollment and high school graduation status for people 3 years old and over, by sex, age (single years for 3 to 24 years), race, and Hispanic origin: October 2013. Retrieved from http://www.census.gov/hhes/school/data/cps/2013/tables.html United States Census Bureau. (2014). State and county quickfacts. Retrieved from http://quickfacts.census.gov/qfd/states/00000.html
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SECTION FOUR
Special Education
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African American Resilience: The Need for Policy in Escaping the Trap of Special Education
Farris Muhammad University of Georgia
African American male students are disproportionately displaced in the special educational systems throughout inner-city public schools in America. Throughout the nation, public schools are showing a consistent trend regarding the student population in special education. Three common demographic variables remain salient: race, social class, and gender (Ford, 2011; Kea & Utley, 1998). In looking at the students who are most likely to be positioned in special education, research reveals the students are Black, male, and poverty-stricken (Harry, Klinger, Sturges & Moore, 2002; Holzman, 2006; Noguera, 2003). Through critical analysis of this problem, data indicate a need for additional research on the interconnection of race-conscious educational policy, cultural pedagogy, and special education. Keywords: African American males, special education, resilience
Horace Mann (1848), an American educational reformer, is often acknowledged for arguing education to be the great equalizer as it pertains to the successful conditions of men (para. 9). Throughout history, educational policies have supported this notion. In 1965, the Elementary and Secondary Education Act (ESEA) was signed into law by President Lyndon Johnson who contended that our goal as a nation must be to ensure that everyone is provided with an educational opportunity (U.S Department of Education, 2015). This resulted in the school districts, serving low-income students, receiving more federal funding to enhance the quality of education. A decade later, President Gerald Ford signed into law the Education for All Handicapped Children Act (Public Law 94-142), now known as the Individuals with Disabilities Education Act (IDEA) of 1975. This assured a free and appropriate public education (FAPE) in the least restrictive environment for students that were identified as having a disability. In 2002, the reauthorizing of ESEA (1965) by congress was signed in to law by President George W. Bush as No Child Left Behind (NCLB) after receiving bipartisan support. The overall objective of the NCLB act is to ensure that all students are academically achieving at grade level and not being left academically behind by their peer group. Title I of NCLB focuses on improving the academic achievement of the disadvantaged students to ensure all students have access to high quality education (NCLB, 2002). In spite of the numerous (re)authorizations and implementations of policy designed to improve education for disadvantaged students, African American males are often receiving an inferior education when compared to their female and White counterparts (Ford, 2011; Ladson-Billings, 2006; Lewis, Simon, Uzzell, Horwitz, & Casserly, 2010). This is due in part to their placement in less academically rigorous classrooms for students with disabilities (O’Connor & Fernandez, 2006). Research indicates that African American males are unjustly overrepresented in special education due in large part to cultural bias, resulting in their receiving an inferior education (Holzman, 2006; Noguera, 2003; Ysseldyke & Algozzine, 1983). The impact of unjustly diagnosing African American males for special education is dire consequence on the trajectory of their futures. Students placed in special education who do not belong will over time conform to the behaviors of the students in the class with disabilities and will likely never return to mainstream classrooms (Fine, 2001; Kunjufu, 1995; Serwatka, Dove & Hodge, 1986). A study conducted by The Civil Rights Project at Harvard University (2001) revealed African American students were nearly three times more likely than White students to be diagnosed as mentally
138 African American Resilience! retarded and two times more likely to be diagnosed with an emotional disorder. Kunjufu (2009) asserts that only 27 percent of African American males placed in special education complete high school. To this end, when considering the Black-White achievement gap (Ferguson, 2003; Randle, 2012) and the goal of NCLB (2002) in closing it, attention must be focused on policy addressing African American students being (mis)placed in special education. The purpose of this article was to analyze the scholarly literature revealing the extent to which African American males are disproportionately appointed for and misplaced into special education programs. The investigation suggests the current methods of sentencing African American students to special education are flawed (O’Connor & Fernandez, 2006). Scholars contend the methods being used for referring students of color are resulting in the unjust and disproportionate placement of African American males into special education programs (Ford, 2011; Smith, 2001). These methods need to revamped and new policies must be implemented regarding the referral and placement process.
Theoretical Framework This article uses the ecological theory of human development (Bronfenbrenner, 1979, 2005) as the primary theoretical framework to provide a relevant context for understanding the intersectionality of how race, social class, and gender oppressions contribute to young Black males’ school experiences (Holzman, 2006). More specifically, viewing this educational dilemma through an ecological lens assists in understanding the cultural disconnect that exacerbates school segregation when African American males are being isolated from mainstream classrooms disproportionately (Powell, 2005). The author discusses how the public school’s Eurocentric curriculum that is taught by majority White, middle-class women, is often culturally biased towards Black students, specifically males, of lower socioeconomic status and how this results in their overrepresentation in special education (Kunjufu, 2005; Porter, 1997). To this end, the author argues how special education has been used as a divisive weapon leveraged against Black children to perpetuate a permanent underclass. The ecological model of human development focuses on five systems influencing a student’s educational experience (Bronfenbrenner, 1977, 2005). The five systems and their contextual impacts at each level are noted as the: 1) microsystem- friends, family, peers, school, afterschool programs; 2) mesosystem- home, school, community centers, neighborhood; 3) exosystem- extended family, parental workplace, health and social service agencies; 4) macrosystem- dominant beliefs, cultural values, attitudes, ideologies; and 5) chronosystem – the influence of time both in the individual’s life trajectory (developmental phases) and historical context. The five systems, which result in the ecological model of human development, are not insulated systems, but are interrelated (Ungar, Ghazinour, & Richter, 2012). While visually, the ecological model appears to have each layer isolated by systems, the layers can and do overlap. In his earlier work, Bronfenbrenner (1975) stated, In attempting to define the "ecology" of human development, the term's history and connotations are discussed. The ecological approach requires that the person, the environment, and the relations between them be conceptualized in terms of systems, and subsystems within systems. The experimental situation is not limited to being unidirectional and dyadic, allowing only first-order effects. Two or more environmental settings can and should be included, and these environments should be studied and described along with the subject. (p.1)
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When using the ecological approach, as described above, one must consider the various systems individually and in tandem with others systems in the human development model –as it relates to people and their environments. In examining Black males being placed in special education, it is vital to have awareness of their socio-economic status, culture, school district’s history with Black males, and the intellectual climate of the home. To this end, Ungar (2013) argues that a child’s academic growth and educational resilience must be measured in relation to the challenges faced and the environment in which they are presented. Low-income African American males are being challenged by an educational system that often hinders their academic development. Yet, too often, low-income African American families are oblivious to how the educational system functions (Diamond & Gomez, 2004).
Literature Review Since the conception of education in the U.S., schools have been the battlegrounds for equal opportunities among African American students. While African Americans were not originally allowed to attend the same schools with Whites, over time the passage of laws and judicial decisions such as Brown v. Board of Education (1954) provided an avenue through which African American students could attend integrated public schools. Reactions to the decision were varied and touched a range of emotions among nearly all citizens of the United States. For some, Brown was heralded as the triumph over legal barriers to better educational opportunities for racial/ethnic and minority students. Although ‘separate but equal’ ideologies were overturned by Brown, more than 70 percent of Black students attend majority non-White schools (Clotfelter, 2004). Potentially related to the racial segregation of students is the achievement gap between Black and White students. The Black-White gap in the National Assessment of Education Progress (NAEP) reading scores for 13-year olds in 1971 was 39 points; it declined to an 18-point difference in 1988 and then rose to a 22-point difference in 2004 (Perie, Moran & Lutkus, 2005).
Brief Historical Background of Special Education The intended purpose of special education was for students with disabilities to be able to participate fully in society when they are adults (Smith, 2001). Beginning in 1975, Congress chose to address issues of education for children with disabilities (IDEA, 1975). Due to injustices of education for children with disabilities, a change was needed to provide a more equal educational opportunity for those students identified as having a disability. In 1948, only 12 percent of children with disabilities were able to receive special education (Ballard, Ramirez, & Weintraub, 1982). Students who had such disabilities were not able to attend school. In 1962, only 16 states had laws that allowed for children identified as mildly mentally retarded (MMR) to attend school with the understanding that everyone should be entitled to an education, regardless of any handicap or disability (Ballard et al., 1982). The federal government took an interest in assisting state local school programs to meet educational needs under the equal protection of the law (IDEA, 2004) Children are enrolled into special education due to having some sort of a disability. The Individual with Disabilities Education Act of 1997 (IDEA, 1997) determined the categories of disabilities and whether or not a child needs special services (U.S. Department of Education, 1999). There are 13 different categories of disabilities as defined by the reauthorization of IDEA (1997), commonly referred to as Public Law 105-17 (see Figure 1). The government suggests that if a child in a school is recognized as having one of the disorders mentioned (or a condition that falls under one of the categories), they are acknowledged as a student with a disability (Smith, 2001).
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Autism Deaf-blindness
Deafness Emotional disturbance
Hearing impairment Mental retardation
Multiple disabilities Orthopedica impairment
Other health impairment Specific learning disability
Speech or language impairment Traumatic brain injury
Visual impairment
Figure 1. Categories of Disabilities
Being considered disabled should not hinder people from receiving an education. Certainly, to do so would be considered discrimination. In an effort to reduce discrimination against groups of people, schools are responsible for allocating additional resources for students who need them. If a student in a mainstream classroom is having complications based on a learning condition, that student should be compensated with additional resources in the interest of equity. Allowing all people to receive an education affords them the opportunity to be gainfully employed later in life. For this reason, on July 26, 1990, President Bush signed the Americans with Disabilities Act (ADA) that prevents discrimination in employment, transportation, public accommodations, and telecommunications of individuals with disabilities. Then Iowa Senator, Tom Harkins, considered the act to be the “emancipation proclamation” for disabled people (West, 1994). Special education can also be defined by eight fundamental provisions outlined in IDEA ’97. Smith (2001) lists the eight provisions listed in the IDEA that need to be acknowledged (p.26). (See Table 1)
Table 1. List of Provisions
1. Free appropriate public education (FAPE) 2. Parental rights to notification of evaluation and placement decisions, including the rights to due process hearing in the case of disagreements 3. Individualized education and services to all children with disabilities 4. Provision of necessary related services 5. Individualized assessments 6. Individualized education program (IEP) plans 7. Education provided to the fullest extent possible in the least restrictive environment (LRE) 8. Federal assistance to state and school districts to ease the burden of the excess costs for special education
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Malfunctions with Special Education Many scholars and educators argue that special education is discriminatory in nature and places too many children of color therein (Artiles et al., 1998; Artiles & Trent, 1994; Artiles & Zamora-Duran, 1997; Ford, 2011; Harry, 1994; Kunjufu, 2009; Oswald, Coutinho, Best, & Singh, 1999). There is an overrepresentation of Blacks, specifically Black males, in special education. There are several reasons understood why Black males are placed into special education at such alarming rates. Some of the reasons considered range from poor academic achievement and disorderly behavior on the part of these students, to expected outcomes of poverty and limited access to health care, and institutional racism (MacMillan & Reschly, 1998; Patton, 1998; Reschly, 1997). For some educators, special education is a method of ejecting disruptive students from the mainstream classroom. Some educators see special education as a way to sentence minority students to low achievement and a less rigorous curriculum to ensure poor lifetime opportunities (Smith, 2001). Overall, there are too many ways that special education can be used as a weapon against children when used inappropriately. Cultural misunderstandings of marginalized groups often result in distorted perceptions and projections of the group. Unfortunately, such is the case with some educators regarding students who do not come from middle-class backgrounds (Banks, 1994). Once a teacher is under the impression that a low-income Black student (Bronfenbrener, 2005) is unable to display high levels of achievement, their expectation decreases and their confidence in that student is diminished (Baca & Cervantes, 1998; Gollnick & Chinn, 1998). Likewise, the academic confidence of the student decreases upon discovering the teacher has low expectations of him or her. This can result in the referral of a child to special education prematurely. Once a child is in special education who should not be, their confidence for learning can be negatively impacted. The results of teachers displaying a negative attitude towards a child’s ability to achieve academically at high levels cause a child to internalize the negativity, resulting in reduced motivation. In many cases, this has been noted as the cause of students dropping out of school (Winzer & Mazurek, 1998). Some researchers have taken issue with the unilateral approaches to making decisions on children being sentenced to special education with barely any input from the parents (Harry & Klinger , 2007). During a case study of minority students placed in special education, the researchers noted a school psychologist stating, “We [the psychologist and placement specialist] discuss it prior to the meeting just to make sure we are providing the best for the child. And once we have a unified front for the parents, we can bring them in just so they know what is going on” (Harry et al., 2007, p. 7). This approach is a major problem due to IDEA (1975) requirements that parents and members of the Individualized Education Plan (IEP) team should be actively involved in the placement of the child. Meeting with the parents after a decision has been made by professionals, who might be using legal and professional educational jargon, can be intimidating to the parents; this can cause the parents to just capitulate to the decision of the educational experts despite the decision not being in the best interest of the child. The parents can be oblivious to the impact that special education can have on their child and might not understand their rights to object to such a decision.
Discussion The objective of this study was to investigate why Black children are disproportionately sentenced to special education programs, and educators’ perception of this problem. Surely, this has been a long-standing problem in the field of education (Dunn, 1968). The research has displayed that Black children, compared to their white counterparts, are being pressured into special education programs at disturbing rates. Nevertheless, some educators appear to be
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oblivious as to why Black children are overrepresented in special education classes for students with disabilities. Educators who are aware provide rationales as to why Blacks are diagnosed and sentenced to special education. Some reasoning provided includes low socioeconomic status of students, teacher bias, testing bias, cultural bias, inadequate access to research-validated instruction, and institutional racism (Ferri & Connor, 2005; Hosp & Reschly, 2004; Losen & Orfield, 2002). Many of the reasons are centered on ecological factors (Bronfenbrener, 1977, 2005) and the cultural bias of such factors (Ladson-Billings, 1997). Lee (2003) explicates how Whites provide the standard for which other children are evaluated in America and public schools privilege the culture of the White middle-class and not the culture of African American of lower socioeconomic status (Bronfenbrenner, 2005). To this end, O’Conner and Fernandez (2006) suggest that students who perform noticeably differently from the referent will be considered impaired and in need of special services (p. 8). Such educational practices indicate the immediate need for cultural competence and pedagogy training. In addition, more educators need to undergo professional development as it relates to understanding and executing policy. Better understanding of culture assists in eradicating the ideology that different is synonymous with deficit. Research conducted in the field of education has indicated that children learn best when their culture and language are reflected in the school’s curriculum (Franklin, et al., 2001; Gay, 2000; Ladson-Billings, 1997; Tatum, 2003). Conversely, if teachers are oblivious to the culture of their students, then the children are not learning at their peak. Educators are responsible for ensuring students are receiving the highest quality of education. A New York University study conducted by the Metropolitan Center for Urban Education (2008) revealed that, “In today’s schools, student of color are taught a test-driven, Eurocentric curriculum that does not connect with their historical and sociocultural experiences” (p. 3). African American male students are too often not being effectively educated because they are not fully engaged with the curriculum. Kunjufu (2004) has argued that, “within the school curriculums in schools, African American children are not taught a thorough history of themselves and therefore usually don’t see a lot of good or heroes in their history as a people” (p. 17). Black students’ disengagement towards learning then ignites the process of being referred to special education. Implementing a race-conscious educational policy can serve as a change agent in preventing African American males from dropping out of school and being placed in special education at high rates (Moses, 2002; Porter, 1997). Implications In order to have an educational system achieve its promise of providing equal opportunity to all students, as previous policy has attempted to accomplish, there needs to be educational policies that focus on fostering an environment of social justice (Moses, 2002). It is critical for schools to allow for a learning environment in classrooms that is conducive to encouraging the autonomy of all students from different cultures. A school that discourages the autonomy of some students grounded in the belief that they have an academic inferiority due to their race, social-economic status, or race, should be viewed as educational malpractice. One policy literature supports that should be implemented inside of public schools is multicultural education educational policies. The history of American public schools has revealed that an obvious cultural disconnect exists between students of color and White educators. This cultural disconnect often results in unfavorable treatment of students of color. Black students, especially males, are being overrepresented in special education based on cultural misunderstandings. Race-conscious education policies are indeed essential due to the impact they will likely have on fostering the idea of self-determination (Kymlicka, 1991; Moses,
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2002). Some critics argue that race-conscious educations policies are often discriminatory to Whites, by allocating monies to be spent on things such as bilingual programs or the recruitment of students of color. But, is it really discrimination, or does it bring about equality? If race- conscious educational policies don’t exist to help empower those of underrepresented cultures, are they being discriminated against in the absence of race-conscious educational policies? Underrepresented groups need to feel secure in their identity while learning in school to maximize their academic achievement. During a time where there are multiple policies aimed at improving academic achievement for lower performers, a race-conscious education policy could help to ameliorate the problem of underperformance and achievement gaps. On the basis of evidence currently available, there is a need for additional research on the interconnection of race-conscious educational policy, cultural pedagogy, and special education.
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References Artiles, A. J., & Trent, S.C. (1994). Overrepresentation of minority students in special education: A continuing debate. Journal of Special Education, 27, 410-437 Artiles, A. J. (1998). The dilemma of difference: Enriching disproportionality discourse with theory and context. Journal of Special Education, 31, 32-36. Artiles, A. J., & Zamora-Duran, G. (1997). Reducing disproportionate representation of culturally diverse students in special and gifted education. Reston, VA: Council for Exceptional Children. Baca, L. M., & Cervantes. (1998). The bilingual special education interface. Upper Saddle Riber, NJ: Merrill/Prentice Hall. Ballard, J., Ramirez, B. A., & Weintraub, F. J. (1982). Special education in America: Its legal and government foundations. Reston, VA: Council for Exceptional Children. Banks, J. (1994). Multiethnic education: Theory and practice (3rd ed.). Boston, MA: Allyn & Bacon. Dunn, L. (1968). Special education for the mildly mentally retarded: Is much of it justifiable? Exceptional Children, 35(1), 5-22. Ferguson, A. A. (2000). Bad boys: Public schools in the making of Black masculinity. Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press Ferri, B. A., & Connor, D.J. ( 2005). In the shadow of Brown: Special education and overrepresentation of students of color. Remedial and Special Education, 26(2), 93-100. Gay, G. (2000). Culturally responsive teaching: Theory, research, and practice. New York, NY: Teachers College Press. Gollnick, D.M., & Chinn, P.C. (1998). Multicultural education in a pluralistic society (5th ed.). Columbus,, OH: Merrill. Harry, B., & Klinger, J. (2007). Discarding the deficit model. Educational Leadership, 64(5), 16- 21. Harry, B., Klinger, J., Sturges, K. M., & Moore, R. (2002). Of rocks and soft places: Using qualitative methods to investigate disproportionality. In D. J. Losen & G. Orfield (Eds.), Racial inequality in special education (pp. 71- 92). Cambridge, MA: Harvard Education Press. Holzman, M. (2006). Public education and Black male students: A state report card. Retrieved from the Schott Foundation for Public Education: http://all4ed.org/articles/public- education-and-black-male-students-report-finds-large-graduation-gaps-between-white- and-black-male-students/ Hosp, J. L., & Reschly, D. J. (2004). Disproportionate representation of minority students in special education: Academic, demographic and economic predictors. Exceptional Children, 70, 185-199. Individuals with Disability Education Act-Amendments of 1997 [IDEA]. (1997). Retrieved from http://thomas.loc.gov/home/thomas.php Kea, C. D., & Utley, C. A (1998). To teach me is to know me. Journal of Special Education, 32(1), 44-47. Kunjufu, J. (2004). Countering the conspiracy to destroy Black boys. Chicago, IL: African American Images. Kunjufu, J. (2009). 200+ Educational strategies to teach children of color. Chicago, IL: African American Images. Ladson-Billings, G.J. (1997). The dreamkeepers: Successful teachers of African-American children. San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass.
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Lee, C. D. (2003). Why we need to re-think race and ethnicity in educational research. Educational Research, 32, (5), 3-5 Losen, D. J., & Orfield, G. (2002). Racial inequity in special education. Cambridge, MA: Harvard Education Press. MacMillan, D. L., & Reschly, D. J. (1998). Overrepresentation of minority students: The case for greater specificity or reconsideration of the variables examined. Journal of Special Education, 32(1), 15-24. Mann, H. (1848). Twelfth annual report to the Massachusetts State Board of Education. Retrieved from usinfo.org/docs/democracy/16.htm. No Child Left Behind. Act of 2001, 20 U.S.C.A. §6301 et seq. (West 2003). Noguera, P. A. (2003). The trouble with Black boys: The role and influence of environmental and cultural factors on the academic performance of African-American males. Urban Education, 38(4), 431-459. DOI: 10.1177/0042085903038004005 O’Connor, C., & Fernandez, S. D. (2006). Race, class, and disproportionality: Reevaluating the relationship between poverty and special education placement. Educational Researcher, 35(6), 6-11. Oswald, D. P., Coutinho, M. J., Best, A. M., & Singh, N. N. (1999). Ethnic representation in special education: The influence of school related, economic, and demographic variables. Journal of Special Education, 32(4), 194-206. Patton, J. M. (1998). The disproportionate representation of African Americans in special education: Looking behind the curtain for understanding and solutions. Journal of Special Education, 32(1), 25-31. Peterz, K. S. (1999). The overrepresentation of Black students in special education classrooms. Motion Magazine, 31, 1-3. Perie, M., & Moran, R. (2005). NAEP 2004 trends in academic progress: Three decades of student performance in reading and mathematics. Washington, DC: National Center for Education Statistics. Powell, J, A. (2005). A new theory of integrated education: True integration. In J. C. Boger & G. Orfield (Eds.), School resegregation: Must the South turn back? (pp. 281-304). Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press. Serwatka, T. S., Dove, T., & Hodge, W. (1986). Black students in special education: Issues and implications for community involvement. Negro Education Review, 37(1), 17-26. Smith, D. D. (2001). Introduction to special education: Teaching in the age of opportunity (4th ed.) Boston, MA: Allyn and Bacon. Stewart, D. W., & Shamdasani, P. N. (1990). Focus groups: Theory and practice.Newbury Park, CA: Sage. Tatum, B. D. (2003). Why are all the Black kids sitting together in the cafeteria? A psychologist explains the development of racial identity. New York, NY: Basic Books. The Civil Rights Project. (2001). Discrimination in special education. Cambridge, MA: The Civil Rights Project, Harvard University. U.S. Department of Education. (2015). Elementary and secondary education act. Retrieved from http://www.ed.gov/esea U.S. Department of Education. (2015). IDEA 35 Years Later. Retrieved from http://www2.ed.gov/about/offices/list/osers/idea35/index.html Winzer, M. A., & Mazurek, K. (1998). Special education in multicultural contexts. Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice-Hall. Ysseldyke, J. & Algozzine, B. (1983). Introduction to special education. Boston, MA: Houghton Mifflin Company.
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Triple Identity Theory: A Theoretical Framework for Understanding Gifted Black Males with Dyslexia
Shawn Robinson Cardinal Stritch University
Much of the current scholarship on Black males focuses on the achievement gap; their under- identification as twice-exceptional, underrepresentation in gifted and talented programs, and their overrepresentation in special education programs. Although overrepresented in special education, twice-exceptional Black males are seldom given attention in scholarly literature and there are no current theoretical or conceptual articles that have fully considered their experiences. Further, there has been limited research that examines the intersection of race, disability, and giftedness. Therefore, to address the lack to scholarship focusing on twice- exceptional Black males the article begins with a summary of the academic experiences of gifted and Black males with disabilities followed by the three interwoven perspectives. Next, the description of a proposed theoretical framework for understanding twice-exceptional Black males with dyslexia and its implications will be considered. The article will end with a discussion and conclusion. Keywords: Black males, dyslexia, twice-exceptional students
The demographics of America’s educational institutions are rapidly changing to reflect culturally and linguistically diverse student populations (Johnsen, 2014; Ford, Coleman, & Davis, 2014; Ford, Grantham, & Whiting, 2008). However, what is not changing is the pervasive underrepresentation of Black males being identified as twice exceptional (2E) (Ford & Moore, 2004; Gilman et al., 2013; McCallum et al., 2013; VanTassel-Baska et al., 2009). According to the National Association for Gifted Children (2015), students who are identified as 2E “often have educational journeys that are fraught with challenges, as they do not fit the traditional definitions of either exceptionality” (Reis, Baum, & Burke, 2014; p. 217). Researchers with the National Education Association (2006) described six types of 2E and students with a specific learning disability (i.e., dyslexia) are the largest sub-group as well as students with dyslexia: (1) are frequently under-identified because the characteristics they demonstrate pigeonhole them as average performers and (2) they do not appear to need gifted or special education services. Even with current definition and laws (see Jacob K. Javits Gifted and Talented Students Education Act of 1988; U. S. Department of Education, 1993; Gifted and Talented Act, 1978, PL 95-561, Title IX, sec. 902; P.L. 107-110; Title IX, Part A, Definitions 22, 2002; 20 U.S.C. Sec. 7802, 22, 2004) Black males continue to be underserved in programs serving gifted and talented students (Lohman, Gambrell, & Lakin, 2008; Ford, 2010, 2011, 2013, 2014). The underrepresentation and overrepresentation of Black males is not a new phenomenon. The Office of Civil Rights (OCR) through their data collection effort has analyzed academic disparities and inequities between Black and White students for years in the following categories: disability (e.g., behavioral), discipline, seclusion and restraint, college and career readiness, student retention (Schott Foundation for Public Education, 2012). Despite these data collection efforts, what remains uncertain is the percent of Black males who have been identified as 2E (Karnes, Shaunessy, & Bisland, 2004). Also, there has been very little research from the 2E Black males’ perspective as their voices have been silenced (Ali, Fazil, Bywaters, Wallace, & Singh, 2001).
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Triple Identity Theory ! The lack of literature on the experiences of 2E Black males contributes to educators’ failure to provide families, practitioners, and teachers with the understanding and resources needed to help Black males in gifted and special education classes (Robinson, 2015a). Further, there seems to be a deficit perception about their abilities to achieve at high levels, which limits their identification (Ford, Trenton, Blakeley, & Amos, 2014; Whiting, 2009, 2014). Therefore, the purpose of this article is to call attention to a new proposed theoretical framework for understanding 2E Black males with dyslexia. First, I will examine a conceptual article written by Mayes and Moore (in press) where the authors discuss the intersection of giftedness, Black male identity and disability. Next, I will describe the Triple Identity Theory: A theoretical framework for understanding gifted Black males with dyslexia followed by the implications of the theoretical framework for researchers. The article will end with a discussion and conclusion.
Understanding the Academic Experiences and Needs of 2E Black Students with Disabilities In their analysis, The Intersection of Race, Disability, and Giftedness: Understanding the Education Needs of Twice-Exceptional, African American Students Mayes and Moore (in press) asserted that within the existing scientific literature on 2E, there are limited theoretical or conceptual articles that have fully considered the intersection of race, disability, and giftedness (Blanchett, 2010; Blanchett, Klingner, & Harry, 2009). I find their analysis compelling due to my own experiences as 2E Black male with dyslexia who has navigated multiple identities (i.e., otherness) throughout the educational systems (Delpit, 1995; Tsalach, 2013). First, the existing literature fails to address how 2E Black males are treated based on their prescribed status as “otherness” as well as how they respond to their academic and social environments (Ali et. al., 2001; Barber, & Mueller, 2011; Connor, 2008). Second, knowledge regarding the three interwoven perspectives can help educators and scholars across a wide array of academic disciplines who are interested in meeting the needs of students from culturally and linguistically diverse backgrounds (i.e., Afro-Caribbean, Bangladeshi, Black, Hispanic, Native American, and Pakistani) who are usually academically and socially marginalized (Stambaugh, & Ford, 2014). Third, providing a theoretical or conceptual framework that analyzes students’ experiences could contribute to conversations in education regarding the ways in which identity is a factor among students who are marginalized for their “otherness” and to understand how identity factors intersect during their academic journeys (Banks & Huges, 2013). Mayes and Moore (in press) examined key areas that must be considered by special and gifted education practitioners, which include the intersections: (1) Blackness and disability, (2) Blackness and giftedness, and (3) Blackness, giftedness and disability. Brief Overview of the Intersection of Giftedness, Black Males, and Disability When examining the intersection of giftedness, Black males, and disability (i.e., dyslexia) and the under-identification of 2E, there is a multiplicity of areas that need to be analyzed (Mayes & Moore, in press). First, educators and scholars must continue addressing how racism is engrained within the fabric of America’s educational institutions, policies and procedures (Kozol, 2005; Noguera, 2008; Shannon & Edmondson, 2011). There also needs to be a serious conversation about the over-representation of Black males in special education who exhibit the qualities of 2E, but are overlooked because of teachers’ “negative perceptions” (Albrecht, Skiba, Losen, Chung, & Middelberg, 2011; Ferguson, 2003; Hardman & Dawson, 2008). Scholars need to examine different factors contributing to the over-representation of Black males in special education (Pitre, Lewis, & Hilton-Pitre, 2007; Skiba, Poloni-Staudinger, Gallini, Simmons, & Reffings-Azziz, 2006), which include, but are not limited to: identification and assessment, and cultural mismatch (Ancheta, 2006; Ford, & Helms, 2012; Moore, Ford, & Milner, 2005;
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Orellana, Reynolds, & Martinez, 2011; Proctor, Graves & Esch, 2012; Raines, Dever, Kamphaus, & Roach, 2012). Second, scholars must address dyslexia among Black male populations (Robinson, 2013). Robinson (2013) asserted that Black males with dyslexia are seldom given attention in scholarly research; an extensive review of the literature uncovered a lack of empirical research (Blanchett, 2010; Lindo, 2006). Lindo examined a time period of 10 years of articles from the Reading Research Quarterly (1994-2004), the Journal of Educational Psychology (1994-2004) and all volumes of the Journal of Scientific Study of Reading (1997-2007). She found that no research articles reported race (Black) and suggested that scholars need to increase the quantity of rigorous studies and reading interventions for Black students (Proctor, Graves & Esch, 2012). Further, Robinson (2013, 2014) concluded that the number of studies that examine the intersection of race and dyslexia were nonexistent (Hoyles & Hoyles, 2010). Additionally, studies should more precisely focus on empirical studies on reading interventions, theoretical perspectives on reading, and remediation (Bowman-Perrott & Lewis, 2008; Davis & Palmer, 2010; Flowers, 2007). Finally, with the high percent of under-representation among 2E Black males, educators and scholars need to address the prevailing issues that prevent them from being served in gifted and talented programs, which include, but are not limited to: culturally relevant/responsive pedagogy, referrals, and identification and assessments (Gilman et al., 2013; Grantham, Ford, & Henfield, 2011; Ladson-Billings, 2012; Leggett, Shea, & Wilson, 2010; Lovett & Sparks, 2011; Naglieri & Ford, 2011). Teachers need to be aware of the characteristics that 2E Black males display (Baldwin, Omdal, & Pereles, 2015; Bianco & Leech, 2010; Ruban & Reis, 2005). Teachers overlooking the characteristics that 2E Black males display in the classroom will most likely view their learning from a deficit perspective (Ford, Grantham, & Whiting, 2008), and have lower expectations regarding standards towards their ability, which may result in difficulty building relationships (Tatum, 2011; Tatum & Muhammad, 2012; Valencia, 2010). Overall, when considering the multiple layers limiting Black males from being identified as 2E, teachers must acknowledge their lived experiences and the different forms of literacy and capital they bring in and out of school (Wharton-McDonald & Swiger, 2009).
Triple Identity Theory: A Theoretical Framework for Understanding Gifted Black Males with Dyslexia Mayes and Moore, (in press) posed that within the body of research on 2E, there are no cultural lenses that assess: What does it mean to be African American who is gifted and in need of special services (that is, who has a disability, yet is in need of gifted education services)? (p. 10). I argue that there is a cultural lens that can assess their question, which is called the Triple Identity Theory. This theory may serve as a theoretical framework for understanding 2E Black males with dyslexia or students who feel like the “other” in school contexts. The components of the Triple Identity Theory may be used to investigate the educational experiences of 2E Black males with dyslexia throughout the P-20 academic servespipeline. as The a possible theory instructional model for understanding how students who feel a sense of “otherness” may be navigating multiple factors as they develop their identities. The Venn diagram (see Figure 1) of the theory describes an interconnected relationship in the context of my lived experiences, the capital I exhibited, and the interrelated links that comprised the circumstances associated with the academic factors that influenced my ability to achieve academically.
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Figure 1. Triple Identity Theory
The interconnectivity around the three main constructs of race, dyslexia, and giftedness are the foundation of my proposed framework (McDonald, Keys, & Balcazar, 2007). Figure 1 displays the interrelated link of three theoretical frameworks that address the intersection of giftedness, race and dyslexia, which are factors that I experienced navigating the academic system. Paterson and Hughes (1999) defined the word lebenswelt from a phenomenological approach and disability perspective as the everyday life experiences, and my identity was shaped through my academic and social exchanges while navigating the academic system as an “other” (Robinson, 2015b). In addition, my identity as a 2E Black male with dyslexia was shaped by how society treated me and my response to that treatment. The inner circle represents the intersection of the three predominant aspects of my identity as well as my world of lived experiences. The Triple Identity Theory offers a different viewpoint about how I have constructed my identity and have understood my experiences throughout the academic systems (Humphreys, 2005; Johnson, 2013). Further, the five areas of capital are critical components in understanding how identities are developed as students navigate multiple academic communities.
•! Aspirational capital is viewed as “the ability to maintain hopes and dreams of college for the future, even in the face of real and perceived barriers.” (Yosso, 2005, p. 77) •! Navigational capital refers to “skills of maneuvering through institutions.” (Yosso, 2005, p. 80) •! Resistant capital is “knowledge and skills fostered through oppositional behavior(s) that challenges inequality.” (Yosso, 2005, p. 80) •! Familial capital refers to “those cultural knowledges nurtured among familia (kin) that carry a sense of community history, memory and cultural intuition.” (Yosso, 2005, p. 79) •! Social capital is viewed as understanding the “networks of people and community resources.” (Yosso, 2005, p. 79)
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In conclusion, there are no current cultural lenses, theoretical and conceptual framework models that discuss the interrelationship of all three of these identity categories regarding 2E Black males (Adams, 1990; Mayes & Moore, in press; Renzulli, 2012; & Yosso, 2005). Further, Jones and McEwen (2000) addressed that within the existing body of literature in psychology and student affairs there are no current models that have been developed concerning multiple identities. Therefore, it may be useful for educators, researchers and psychologists to consider the intersection of multiple factors and capitals, which may necessitate bringing multiple theoretical perspectives to bear, particularly with the purpose of reviewing academic programs and barriers hindering their academic success.
Theoretical Framework Implications My analysis used the work of Yosso (2005), Adams (1990), and Renzulli (1986, 2012) as models to help me understand how I constructed my identity as well as the experiences I had navigating the academic systems. My life experiences explored through those lenses helped me to develop a theory that may serve as a cultural lens to examine the educational experiences of 2E Black males and other culturally and linguistically diverse students with dyslexia throughout the P-20 educational pipeline. The Triple Identity Theory serves as a phenomenological approach to help understand: (1) identity formation may impact students’ academic and social experiences, (2) marginalized students who feel a sense of “otherness” may be navigating multiple factors as they develop identities, and (3) do identities (e.g., salience) become activated in situations (Jones & McEwen, 2000; Stets, & Burke, 2000). For instance, how do Black males and other culturally and linguistically diverse students who are 2E self-identify? How high ranking is gifted or dyslexia in how they see themselves as learners and individuals? Does gifted have more salience than dyslexia, or the reverse? Which is their strongest identity of the two? These are important questions to examine in understanding more about multiple/salience identities of a population that has been voiceless within the literature (D. Ford, personal communication, August 21, 2015). Thus, as the demographics of the classrooms are changing to reflect culturally and linguistically diverse students, researchers should test and apply the Triple Identity Theory to find out how generalizable it is across other populations of not only 2E Black males, but also with culturally and linguistically diverse students with dyslexia. Researchers focusing on both familial and aspirational capital (i.e., occupational attainment) might investigate how these capitals differ between culturally and linguistically diverse 2E students, and their White counterparts with dyslexia (Chin, 2013; Harry, 2008; Hogg, 2001; Zell, 2014). Researchers investigating educational outcomes (i.e., degree attainment) should examine the effects that navigational and social capitals have on degree attainment of culturally and linguistically 2E students with dyslexia (Sullivan, 2011; Zell, 2014). For resistant capital, Bonner (2014) and Wayman (2002) discussed that the utilization of an academic resilience framework may increase knowledge about degree attainment, and researchers should study how resistant capital may turn into community and school engagement (Bonner, Lewis, Bowman-Perrott, Hill- Jackson, & James, 2009). Further, researchers should consider how linguistic capital differs between culturally and linguistically diverse students with dyslexia identities (Yosso, 2005). Moreover, it may be valuable to consider the intersection of multiple factors described in the theory, which can necessitate bringing several theoretical viewpoints to bear, particularly for the purpose of reviewing academic programs and barriers hindering the academic success of 2E culturally, and linguistically diverse students (Lovett & Spark, 2011). Thus, the application of the Triple Identity theory serves as a cultural lens for examining the experiences of these students (Ali et. al., 2001; Ford, 2013; Stambaugh & Ford, 2014). Applying the framework to
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Triple Identity Theory ! practice could be key to gaining new knowledge about the following questions: (1) what does it mean to be a gifted Black male (or minority) with dyslexia in need of special services (Mayes & Moore, in press), and (2) how do students construct their identity and understand their experiences while navigating the academic systems as an “other” and multiple identities? (Robinson, 2015b). However, more research and studies should be conducted in the future to examine the practical applications of the Triple Identity Theory.
Discussion Consequently, within the existing scientific literature on 2E, there are no current theoretical or conceptual articles that have fully considered the intersection of race, disability, and giftedness, which made it very difficult to model (Mayes & Moore, in press). My search for a similar theory spurred me to read an array of literature across an array of academic disciplines in order to construct my theoretical framework and advocate for the need for a comprehensive approach while working with 2E Black males with dyslexia who become marginalized and oppressed by the academic system (Johnsen, 2014; Ford, Coleman, & Davis, 2014). Even subsequent to completing my advanced graduate studies I have found constantly seeking to improve my theoretical framework as a possible cultural lens for broadening educators’ knowledge for engaging 2E Black males with dyslexia as well as other minorities with dyslexia. Throughout my analysis, learning that I possessed some of the identity characteristics discussed by Yosso (2005) and Renzulli (1986, 2012) gave me a sense of validation, which suggests alternative ways to view 2E Black males’ experiences from an asset-based perspective. Moreover, my research and lived experiences with dyslexia have caused me to fully explore my particular exceptionality in the area of literacy and language. Thus, a more engaged analysis of Adams’ (1990) research resulted in me learning more about the reading process – how children learn to read. It is hope that my analysis and theory will open up a critical conversation on 2E Black males and other minorities with dyslexia. In summary, the lack of theoretical or conceptual theories that have synthesized a cohesive body of research that focuses on the intersection of race, disability, and giftedness led to develop my theory as well as the need to raise awareness of the experiences of a 2E Black male with dyslexia navigating the educational system as an “other.” My theory has implications for changing not only the ways the learning of 2E Black males with dyslexia are viewed, but also how educators take ownership of examining and changing their practices and perceptions with this population and other culturally, and linguistically diverse students. The information in this theory speaks to educators across all disciplines.
Conclusion Given the state of affairs of the underrepresentation of 2E identification and overrepresentation of special education label for Black males in the academy, it is not surprising that they continue to face both racial and disability problems (Ferri & Connor, 2005; Proctor, Graves, & Esch, 2012). Black males are still subject to institutional racism; and inequalities are still prevalent within the academic system and classrooms. The purpose of this article was to call attention to a new proposed theoretical framework for understanding gifted Black males with dyslexia. Overall, I provided relevant literature that considered the: (1) intersection of giftedness, Black males and disability, (2) Triple Identity Theory: a theoretical framework for understanding gifted Black males with dyslexia, and (3) implications of the theoretical framework. In conclusion, with the demographics of America’s educational institutions changing, the pervasive underrepresentation of Black males being identified as 2E, and the little research from their perspective (Ali et. al., 2001), scholars and educators should investigate how the Triple
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Identity Theory serves a cultural lens to help teachers with the understanding and resources needed to help 2E Black males (Ford, Trenton, Blakeley, & Amos, 2014) and other minority students (Wayman, 2002; Zell, 2014). Furthermore, it is my hope that this article provides the framework for more research on 2E Black males. The Venn diagram of my theory may also describe an interconnected relationship in the context of the lived experiences of minority students, and the interrelated links may consist of circumstances associated with the academic factors that influence their ability to achieve academically.
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Ferguson, R. F. (2003). Teachers’ perceptions and expectations and the Black-White test scoregap. Urban Education, 38, 460-507. Ford, D.Y. (2010). Reversing underachievement among gifted Black students: Theory, Research and Practice (2nd ed.). Waco, TX: Prufrock Press. Ford, D. Y., (2011) Reversing underachievement among gifted Black students 2nd ed. Waco, TX: Prufrock Press. Ford, D.Y. (2013). Recruiting and retaining culturally different students in gifted education. Waco, TX: Prufrock Press. Ford, D. Y., Coleman, M. R., & Davis, J. L. (2014). Racially, ethnically, and linguistically different gifted and talented students. Gifted Child Today, 37(3), 133-134. Ford, D. Y., Grantham, T., & Whiting, G. (2008). Culturally and linguistically diverse students in gifted education: Recruitment and retention issues. Exceptional Children, 74(3), 289-306. Ford, D.Y., & Helms, J. E. (2012). Overview and instruction: Testing and assessing African Americans: “Unbiased” tests are still unfair. The Journal of Negro Education, 81(3), 186- 189. Ford, D. Y., & Moore, J. (2004). The achievement gap and gifted students of color. Understanding Our Gifted, 3-7. Ford, D. Y., Trenton, L., M., Blakeley, J., & Amos, S. O. (2014). Missing in action. In F. A. Bonner (Ed.), Building on Resilience (pp. 62-74). Virginia: Stylus. Gilman, B. J., Lovecky, D. V., Kearney, K., Peters, D. B., Postma, M., Wasserman, J. D., Silverman, L. K., & Rimm, S. B. (2013). Critical issues in the identification of gifted students with co-existing disabilities the twice-exceptional. SAGE Open, 3(3). Gifted and Talented Act. (1978). Education Amendments of 1978, PL 95- 561, Title IX. Grantham, T, Ford, D., & Henfield, M. (2011). Discovering gifted potential in Black students. In T. Grantham, D. Ford, M. Henfield, M. Trotman-Scott, D. Harmon, S. Porcher, & C. Price (Eds.), Gifted & advanced Black students In school (pp. 81-83). Waco, TX: Prufrock Press Inc. Hardman, M. & Dawson, S. (2008). The impact of federal public policy on curriculum and instruction for students with disabilities in the general classroom. Preventing School Failure, 52(2), 5-10. Harry, B. (2008). Collaboration with culturally and linguistically diverse families: Ideal versus reality. Exceptional Children, 74, 372-388. Hogg, M. A. (2001). A social identity theory of leadership. Personality & Social Psychology Review (Lawrence Erlbaum Associates), 5(3), 184-200. Hoyles, A. & Hoyles. M. (2010) Race and dyslexia. Race Ethnicity and Education, 13(2), 209- 223. Humphreys, M. (2005). Getting personal: Reflexivity and autoethnographic vignettes. Qualitative Inquiry 11(X), 840-860. Jacob K. Javits Gifted and Talented Students Education Act of 1988, 20 USC §3065. Johnsen, S. K. (2014). Challenges of increasing diversity for gifted educators. Gifted Child Today, 37(2), 68-69. Johnson, R. M. (2013). Black and male on campus: An autoethnographic account. Journal of African American Males in Education, 4(2) 103-122. Jones, S. R., & McEwen, M. K. (2000). A conceptual model of multiple dimensions of identity. Journal of College Student Development, 41(4), 405-14. Karnes, A. F., Shaunessy, E., & Bisland, A. (2004) Gifted students with disabilities: Are we finding them. Gifted Child Today, 27(4), 16-21.
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Kozol, J. (2005). The shame of the nation: The restoration of apartheid schooling in America. New York, NY: Three Rivers Press. Ladson-Billings, G. (2012). Through a glass darkly: The persistence of race in education research and scholarship. Educational Researcher, 41(4), 115-120. Leggett, D. G., Shea, I., & Wilson, J. A. (2010). Advocating for twice-exceptional students: An ethical obligation. Research in the Schools, 17(2), 1-10. Lindo, E. J. (2006). The African American presence in reading intervention experiments. Remedial and Special Education, 27(3), 148-153. Lohman, D. F., Gambrell, J., & Lakin, J. (2008). The commonality of extreme discrepancies in the ability profiles of academically gifted students. Psychology Science, 50, 269–282. Lovett, B. J., & Sparks, R. L. (2011). The identification and performance of gifted students with learning disability diagnoses: A quantitative synthesis. Journal of Learning Disabilities, 46(4), 304-316. Mayes, R. D., & Moore, J. L., III. (in press). The intersection of race, disability, and giftedness: Understanding the education needs of twice-exceptional, African American students. Gifted Child Today. McCallum, R., Bell, S., Coles, J., Miller, K., Hopkins, M., & Hilton-Prillhart, A. (2013). A model for screening twice-exceptional students (gifted with learning disabilities) within a response to intervention paradigm. Gifted Child Quarterly, 57(4), 209-222. McDonald, K., Keys, E., & Balcazar, C. (2007). Disability, race/ethnicity and gender: Themes of cultural oppression, acts of individual resistance. American Journal of Community Psychology, 39(1), 145-161. Moore, J., Ford, Y., & Milner, R. (2005). Underachievement among gifted students of color: Implications for educators. Theory Into Practices, 44(2), 167-177. National Association for Gifted Children (2015). Position statement. Retrieved from https://www.nagc.org/sites/default/files/Position%20Statement/Ensuring%20Gifted%20C hildren%20with%20Disabilities%20Receive%20Appropriate%20Services.pdf National Education Association of the United States. (2006). The twice-exceptional dilemma. (1st ed.). Washington, D.C.: National Education Association. Naglieri, J. A., & Ford, D. Y. (2011). Addressing underrepresentation of gifted minority children using the Naglieri nonverbal ability test (NNAT). In T. C. Grantham, D. Y. Ford, M. S. Henfield, M. Trotman-Scott, D. A. Harmon, S. Porcher, & C. Price, C. (Eds.), Gifted & advanced Black students in school (pp. 243-253). Waco, TX: Prufrock Press Inc. Noguera, P. A. (2008). The trouble with Black boys. San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass. Orellana, M., Reynolds, J., & Martinez, D. (2011). Cultural modeling: Building on cultural strengths as an alternative to remedial reading approaches. In A. F. McGill-Franzen & R. L. Allington (Eds.), Handbook of reading disability research (pp. 219- 232). New York, NY: Routledge. Paterson, K., & Hughes, B. (1999). Disability studies and phenomenology: The carnal politics of everyday life. Disability & Society, 14(5), 597-610. Pitre, E., Lewis, C. & Hilton-Pitre, T. (2007). The overrepresentation of African American males in special education: A qualitative analysis of the student perspective. Journal of the Alliance of Black School Educators, 6(2), 61-75. Proctor, S. L., Graves, S.L., & Esch, R. C. (2012). Assessing African American students for specific learning disabilities: The promises and perils of response of intervention. Journal of Negro Education, 81(3), 268-282.
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Raines, T. C., Dever, B. V., Kamphaus, R. W., & Roach, A. T. (2012). Universal screening for behavioral and emotional risk: A promising method for reducing disproportionate placement in special education. Journal of Negro Education, 81, 283-296. Reis, S. M., Baum, S. M., & Burke, E. (2014). An operational definition of twice-exceptional learners: Implications and applications. Gifted Child Quarterly, 58(2), 217-230. Renzulli, J. (1986). The three ring conception of giftedness: A development model for creative productivity. In R. J. Sternberg & J. Davidson (Eds.), Conceptions of giftedness (pp. 246-279). New York, NY: Cambridge University Press. Renzulli, J. (2012). Reexamining the role of gifted education and talent development for the 21st century: A four-part theoretical approach. Gifted Child Quarterly, 56(3), 150-159. Robinson, S. A. (2013). Educating Black males with dyslexia. Interdisciplinary Journal of Teaching and Learning, 3(3), 159-174. Robinson, S. A. (2014). Black males with dyslexia in Wisconsin getting left behind: Recommendations for academic attainment. Wisconsin English Journal, 56(2), 55-67. Robinson, S. A. (2015a). Overcoming dyslexia with fortitude: One man’s journey for an education. Wisconsin English Journal, 57(2), 36-48. Robinson, S. A. (2015b). Navigating the academic systems through three erspectives: A twice exceptional Black male with dyslexia. An auto-ethnographic account (Unpublished doctoral dissertation). Cardinal Stritch University, Milwaukee, WI. Ruban, L. M, & Reis. S. M. (2005). Identification and assessment of gifted students with learning disabilities. Theory Into Practice, 44(4), 115-124. Schott Foundation for Public Education. (2012). The urgency of now: The Schott 50 state report on public education and Black males. Retrieved from http://blackboysreport.org/ urgency-of-now.pdf Shannon, P., & Edmondson, J. (2011). The political contexts of reading disabilities. In A. F. McGill-Franzen & R. L. Allington (Eds.), Handbook of reading disability research (pp. 3-12). New York, NY: Routledge. Skiba, P., Poloni-Staudinger, L., Gallini, S., Simmons, A., & Reffings-Azziz, R. (2006). Disparate access: The disproportionality of African American students with disabilities across educational environments. Council for Exceptional Children, Vol.72 (4), 411-424. Stambaugh, T., & Ford, D. Y. (2015). Microaggressions, multiculturalism, and gifted individuals who are Black, Hispanic, or low income. Journal of Counseling & Development, 93(2), 192-201. Stets, J., & Burke, P. (2000). Identity theory and social identity theory. Social Psychology , Quarterly, 63(3), 224-237. Sullivan, A. L. (2011). Disproportionality in special education identification and placement of English Language Learners. Exceptional Children, 77, 317–334. Tatum, A. W. (2011). The legitimacy of culturally relevant pedagogy: Resolved or unresolved. In L. Scherff & K. Spector (Eds.), Culturally relevant pedagogy: Clashes and confrontations. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield. Tatum, A. W., & Muhammad, G. (2012). African American males and literacy development in contexts that are characteristically urban. Urban Education, 47(2), 434-463. Tsalach, C. (2013). Between silence and speech: Autoethnography as an otherness-resisting practice. Qualitative Inquiry, 19(2), 71-80. U.S. Department of Education, Office for Civil Rights. (2012). Civil rights data collection. Retrieved from http://ocrdata.ed.gov/. U. S. Department of Education. (1993): National excellence: A case for developing America's talent. Washington, DC: Author.
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Valencia, R. R. (2010). Dismantling contemporary deficit thinking: Educational thought and practice. New York, NY: Routledge. VanTassel-Baska, J., Feng, A. X., Swanson, J. D., Quek, C., & Chandler, K. (2009). Academic and affective profiles of low-income, minority, and twice-exceptional gifted learners: The role of gifted program membership in enhancing self. Journal of Advanced Academics, 20(4), 702-739. Wayman, J. (2002). The utility of educational resilience for studying degree attainment in school dropouts. The Journal of Educational Research, 95(3), 167-178. Wharton-McDonald, R. & Swiger, S. (2009). Developing higher order comprehension in the middle grades. In S. E. Israel & G. G.Duffy (Eds.), Handbook of research on reading comprehension (pp. 510-530). New York, NY: Routledge. Whiting, G. (2009). Gifted Black males: Understanding and decreasing barriers to achievement and identity. Roeper Review, 31, 224-233. Whiting, G. W. (2014) The scholar identity model: Black male success in the K-12 context. In F. A. Bonner (Ed.), Building on resilience: Models and frameworks of Black males’ success across the p-20 pipeline (pp. 88-108). Sterling, VA: Stylus Press. Yosso, T. (2005). Whose culture has capital? A critical race theory discussion of community cultural wealth. Race, Ethnicity and Education, 81, 69–91. Zell, M. C. (2014). Converting Capital: The experiences of Latinas/os in graduate health care programs. Qualitative Report, 19(43), 1-26.
158 SECTION FIVE
Science, Technology, Engineering & Mathematics (STEM) Education
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Research Environments as Counterspaces? Examining Spaces that Inhibit and Support Science Identity Development for Black Students in STEM
Tonisha B. Lane University of South Florida
Using data generated from semi-structured interviews, the present study explored the experiences of 23 Black collegians and recent baccalaureate recipients who participated in a structured undergraduate research program, as part of a science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM) enrichment program. Specifically, this study investigated how Black collegians described their undergraduate research environments compared to traditional STEM classroom environments. While their research environments were engaging and confirmatory of their decisions to pursue a STEM degree, the STEM classroom environments exposed students to racial microaggressions and a need to prove their intellectual worth. Findings suggest that undergraduate research environments may provide necessary counterspaces for science identity amidst racist and hegemonic academic environments. Keywords: counterspaces, Blacks, STEM
Current changes in undergraduate enrollment depict the growth and shifts in demographics of the U.S. college-age population (National Science Foundation [NSF], 2013). Although underrepresented minorities are less likely to attend college or graduate, they have a steadily increasing presence in higher education (NSF, 2013). Additionally, despite the numerous efforts geared towards addressing STEM degree attainment among Blacks in the United States, their graduation rates have remained stagnant or continue to decline in many disciplines (NAS, 2010). For instance, in 2006, African Americans garnered 5% of engineering degrees while representing 12% of the total U.S. population (NSF, 2008). Throughout the STEM disciplines, Black students graduate in small proportions compared to White and Asian American students. Black students lag behind their White and Asian American counterparts. For example, Pryor and colleagues (2009) reported wide gaps in the four and five year STEM completion rates. Whites and Asian Americans who started as STEM majors have a four-year completion rate of 24.5% and 32.4% respectively and African Americans are 13.2%. Five-year graduation rates of Whites and Asian Americans are 33% and 42% respectively with only 18.4% of African Americans earning degrees within the same time period (Pryor, Hurtado, DeAngelo, Palucki Blake, & Tran, 2010). These trends suggest the need to understand the experiences of Black students in the STEM disciplines, including factors that inhibit or support their retention and persistence. There are a growing number of studies identifying the importance of undergraduate research involvement in strengthening science identities and commitment to and persistence within STEM disciplines for students of color (Carter, Mandell, & Maton, 2009; Jones, Barlow, & Villarejo, 2010). Some researchers suggest establishing a science identity may be more important for students of color than their White and Asian counterparts (Hurtado, Cabrera, Lin, Arellano, & Espinosa, 2009). In a study with urban youth of color who were instructed to draw images of scientists, their pictures often resembled White, nerdy, male caricatures with white lab coats (Shannon, 2010). If students experience incongruence with a certain professional identity, they may be more likely to leave the major (McGee, 2009; Seymour & Hewitt, 1997). In addition to identity complications, attrition rates of Black students are often exacerbated by negative interactions and poor faculty and peer dynamics within classroom settings (Seymour & Hewitt, 1997; Strayhorn, 2012). Thus, exploring the role of various curricular and co-curricular
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spaces within the collegiate environment may provide insight concerning factors that support science identity development and increased retention, persistence, and graduation rates among Black collegians in STEM. Recent scholarship suggests more empirical research is needed in this area (McGhee & Martin, 2013). Further, the purpose of the current study was to understand how classroom and undergraduate research environments influenced science identity development among 23 Black students at a large, public, predominantly White institution (PWI).
Literature Review There are number of context-specific factors that can shape how Black students develop their science identities: teaching and learning practices, faculty and student interactions, peer dynamics, institutional and departmental climate, programs, services, and co-curricular opportunities (e.g., undergraduate research) (Carlone & Johnson, 2007; Eagan et al., 2013; Hurtado, et al., 2011; Ong, Wright, Espinosa, & Orfield, 2011; Strayhorn, 2012). Due to the constraints of this article, two different spaces (and subsequent factors) that can influence identity development will be discussed: (a) STEM classroom environments, and (b) undergraduate research environments. Experiences within STEM Classroom Environments Many Black STEM majors at PWIs must negotiate a disciplinary culture that may be inconsistent with their personal norms and values of collaboration and cooperation (Seymour & Hewitt, 1997). This system is often referred to as the culture of STEM. Many of the elements that contribute to the culture of STEM manifest in academic contexts, namely the classroom setting. Black students often report that classroom spaces are unwelcoming, competitive, and discriminatory against students of color and women (Fries-Britt, Johnson, & Burt, 2013). Regardless of preparation and performance, Black students often have to prove their intellectual prowess to faculty and peers (Fries-Britt & Griffin, 2007; McGee & Martin, 2011; Moore, Madison-Colmore, & Smith, 2003). Such experiences can be emotionally taxing (Fries-Britt & Griffin, 2007; McGee & Martin, 2011) and off-putting to individuals still developing their science identities (Carlone & Johnson, 2007). For instance, Fries-Britt and Griffin (2007) postulated that the amount of effort Black students exerted to disprove racialized stereotypes could have been used for studying. In a study comprised of STEM and non-STEM majors, students shared a variety of tactics they consciously employed to minimize biased perceptions about Blacks (Fries-Britt & Griffin, 2007). Because intelligence (and the ability to demonstrate it) is a valued commodity in STEM environments, misappropriated time and energy—not spent doing academic tasks—does little to earn rewards with peers or faculty. Black students also experience isolation, alienation, and tokenization in STEM classroom contexts. Because there continues to be a lack of critical mass in the STEM disciplines, especially at PWIs where underrepresentation of ethnic minorities is highly evident, Black students often find it difficult to build community in the STEM disciplines (Strayhorn, 2012). For students who do persist, attempts to engage in classroom activities may go unnoticed. In a national study exploring the experiences of Black students in physics, Fries-Britt and colleagues (2010) found that faculty occasionally failed to acknowledge Black students who attempted to respond to questions in class. As will be discussed later in this paper, recognition is an important aspect of science identity development. Thus, the lack of recognition in an academic space can contribute to missed opportunities to positively self-promote or decisions to disengage in class altogether (Carlone & Johnson, 2007; Seymour & Hewitt, 1997). Undergraduate Research Outcomes Students of color face a variety of barriers to persistence in STEM and subsequent opportunities to hone their science identities (Gasiewski, Tran, Herrera, Garcia, & Newman,
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2008). Structured undergraduate research programs have been known to address these barriers and facilitate positive outcomes for underrepresented students (Gasiewski et al., 2008). Students who engage in undergraduate research have benefited from increased persistence (Chang, Cerna, Han, Saenz, 2008), stronger interests in graduate studies (Hurtado et al., 2011), access to supplemental academic resources (Gasiewski et al., 2008), better GPAs and graduation rates than non-participants (Barlow & Villarejo, 2004), expansion of social networks (Gasiewski et al., 2008), and exposure to a variety of STEM career paths (Gasiewski et al., 2008). Despite these contributions, there is a gap in the literature concerning psychosocial benefits (e.g., potential minimization of racism or sexism) of engaging in undergraduate research. Most studies underscore intellectual and other disciplinary-specific gains, but few studies consider the influential role of space to identity development in STEM settings (Hurtado et al., 2011). For example, notions of undergraduate research environments as counterspaces that affirm intellectual abilities for marginalized groups remain an understudied area of research (Carter, 2007). Additionally, many of the aforementioned studies do not center the experiences of Black STEM students. The purpose of this qualitative case study was to examine how classroom and undergraduate research spaces influenced science identity among a sample of Black students at a PWI. The following research questions undergirded this study: (a) how do Black students majoring in STEM describe their classroom setting in comparison to their undergraduate research sites, (b) what factors may be a hindrance to their science identity development, and (c) what factors may be supportive to their science identity development?
Theoretical Framework This study utilized an integrated framework comprised of the science identity model and notions of counterspaces. Carlone and Johnson (2007) first conceptualized science identity from their study investigating successful female undergraduate and graduate students of color. Their study explored how women of color negotiated and made meaning of their experiences in the STEM disciplines with attention to their racial, ethnic, and gender identities. Findings revealed three components that contributed to a salient science identity: performance, recognition, and competence. Performance is the ability to conduct “relevant scientific practices” such that one demonstrates acquisition of academic language (e.g. scientific or professional terminology) and use of tools (e.g., laboratory materials, apparatuses). Recognition entails being acknowledged as a “science person” by oneself and “meaningful others” such as faculty or scholars in the field. Competence consists of knowledge attainment and comprehension of science content (Carlone & Johnson, 2007). Carlone and Johnson (2007) noted “identity arises out of constraints and resources available in a local setting” (p. 1192). This statement illuminates the importance of space in science identity development. Since the framework does not account for the development that takes place in space(s), I used notions of counterspaces to further analyze how the students discussed what was happening to them in various disciplinary-related settings. Counterspaces are environments that facilitate psychological well-being among marginalized individuals (Case & Hunter, 2012). These spaces may exist in physical structures or include the “presence of participants in an organization” that advances the needs of a certain racial or ethnic group (Howard-Hamilton, 2003, p. 23). In contrast to STEM academic environments, which have been known to create “chilly” climates for students of color (Ong, et al., 2011), these spaces provide refuge from pervasively White spaces or microaggressions that subjugate students to harmful interactions (Howard-Hamilton, 2003). Counterspaces allow students to be their whole selves (i.e., intellectual, race, gender) (Carter 2007), feel a sense of
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belonging (Strayhorn, 2012), and lead to an intact psychological self necessary for science identity formation (Carlone & Johnson, 2007). Most importantly, “counterspaces serve as sites where deficit notions of people of color can be challenged and where a positive collegiate racial climate can be established and maintained” (Solorzano, Ceja, & Yosso, 2000, p. 70). In the context of STEM environments at PWIs, I extend this definition to encompass spaces that affirm and validate students as emerging Black scientists and engineers. In these spaces, Black students can experience wholeness and congruence with their Black and disciplinary identities.
Methods Study Design and Context The current study is a part of a larger, holistic case study that investigates the Comprehensive STEM Program (CSP, pseudonym), a STEM enrichment program, at Jefferson State University (JSU, pseudonym). I employed a case study methodological approach in this study for the following reasons: (1) an emphasis on in-depth analysis, (2) context as central to the phenomenon being studied, and (3) usage of multiple sources of data. In case study research, “deep data” and the ability to produce more detailed information than what can be provided through statistical analyses alone are critical to a holistic case development (Merriam, 1985). Also, the context is a salient component of case study research. As Stake (2000) stated, “the case to be studied is a complex entity located in a milieu or situation embedded in a number of contexts or backgrounds” (p. 449). Understanding the case requires that the researcher explore the complexities, contexts, and backgrounds of the unit of analysis. JSU is a predominantly White, large, public research university in the Midwest with nearly 40,000 undergraduate students. CSP contains eight program components: summer bridge program, residential housing, course clustering, weekly recitation sessions, peer mentoring, academic advising, freshman seminar, and an undergraduate research experience. CSP’s capacity is 50 students. I selected CSP due to its considerably higher retention and graduation rates for students of color. For instance, 70% of the first cohort attained a STEM degree, which was 27% higher than non-CSP participants from underrepresented backgrounds in STEM. Interview Protocol Each participant engaged in a 45-to-60 minute semi-structured interview. Participants were given $10 for their participation in the interview. Relevant literature on students of color in the STEM disciplines, undergraduate research programs, and the science identity model informed the interview protocol and questions. Some interview questions are presented here: (1) How do you describe your science identity? (2) What experiences or personal characteristics have contributed to that definition? (3) What changes have you noticed in your science identity over time, and what has contributed to those changes? Data Analysis Semi-structured interviews were recorded, transcribed verbatim, and coded. A systematic coding process of first and second cycle coding was utilized (Saldaña, 2009). The first cycle coding included in vivo coding (Miles, Huberman, & Saldaña, 2013). Because I wanted to center the participants’ voices, I used their words and “short phrases” to create codes (Miles et al., 2013, p. 74). The second cycle of coding entailed reviewing the “first cycle codes to assess their commonality and assess them a pattern code” (Saldaña, 2009, p. 154). Descriptive content about the codes was developed from comparing the codes to the extant literature on undergraduate research programs, the science identity literature and framework, and counterspaces (Yin, 2003).
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Trustworthiness I used peer debriefing to ensure that my codes and themes were what they should be (Miles, et al., 2013). Although I am the primary investigator for this study, I reviewed my findings with two researchers who study the experiences of students of color in STEM to critique my findings and provide alternative perspectives. I also engaged in member checking through reviewing my findings with participants and Black non-participants in the STEM fields. I reached out to participants by phone or email to share my findings. I met with individuals and attended a National Society of Black Engineers (NSBE) meeting to discuss the findings. Both groups (i.e., individual meetings and NSBE participants) confirmed my findings and provided additional perspectives and potential implications for practice. Limitations The qualitative methodology limits the generalizability of this study. While this study closely aligns with literature regarding the experiences and perceptions of people of color in STEM, these findings will need to be confirmed through additional studies. This study took place at one institutional site, and it excluded students who did not participate in CSP. Findings may not reflect the experiences of non-program participants. According to Padilla (2007), students who do not persist may also possess “expert” knowledge on what it takes to be successful. For the proposed study, students who did not persist in the STEM enrichment program and/or STEM major were not included.
Findings Students described their experiences in undergraduate research environments in more positive ways than STEM classroom environments. In the research environments, participants reported feeling they were capable of making contributions to scientific discovery. Students were also more likely to take on leadership roles including coordinating and delegating facets of the research design and implementation. In contrast, the classroom environment produced a variety of struggles for Black students. Participants pointed out group projects as especially difficult to navigate in science and engineering courses. White students were more likely to assign Black students the menial tasks or schedule group meetings without them. Some participants noted being left out of decisions concerning more technical aspects of the group projects. Such experiences may influence identity development because they limit opportunities for performance, recognition, and displaying competencies. How these factors inhibit and support science identity development for Black collegians is discussed below.
Spaces that Inhibit Science Identity Development Black students noted two challenges in their STEM classroom environments. First, they described these environments as overwhelmingly hostile and “weird” due to the underrepresentation of racial and ethnic minorities. Second, they suggested that being a visible minority contributed to the egregious behavior of some White students. For example, participants contended that the lack of critical mass of Black students in STEM courses communicated to non-Blacks an inability to succeed academically. Brittney explained: They just think that we don’t know anything. Like we don’t know what’s going on in the class. [Or], they automatically do not form a conversation or form a group with [you], [because they think] the Black people don’t know what’s going on or they just here… especially with girls. They don’t want you to… see you like doing better. I had five exams last week. And people [were] like, what’d you get on your exam? They’d be like oh, no, you didn’t. Or they might know an equation that you can put on a [formula] sheet. They won’t tell you. They just wanta see you struggle.
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What Brittney described is problematic and counterproductive to her needs as an emerging scientist. Brittney’s sentiments that other students do not want to see her succeed point to her peers’ reluctance to share course materials. Their inaction on the part of her academic needs limits opportunities for performing more confidently on exams. Brittney’s experiences also shed light on the extraordinary measures students of color must undergo in order to be recognized by their peers (Moore et al., 2003). Accusations that she did not earn her test scores are symptomatic of the “prove them wrong” syndrome wherein Black students have to provide substantial evidence of their intellectual prowess (Moore et al., 2003). Much like Brittney’s accounts, participants discussed regularly encountering microaggressions or subtle insults directed towards people of color (Sue et al., 2007). Having peers deliberately avoid conversations or exclude them from groups further exacerbated their minoritized status. Consequently, these experiences may cause Black students to inadvertently question their intelligence, self-worth, and value-added to the STEM disciplines (Chang, Eagan, Lin, & Hurtado, 2011). Such oppressive and hegemonic environments necessitate creation and usage of counterspaces that affirm the intellectual capacity of Black students.
Research Environments as Identity-Affirming Counterspaces Many participants described their undergraduate research environments as spaces that supported their intellectual curiosity and development. For example, Jasmine discussed her research experience in the following way: …I was actually doing something, not just reading things from the book but actually getting engaged with something, having the responsibility of making sure that things came out well. Actually being important to a project. You know, they still use the data that I used from the summer to continue on in their research and for future summer interns. There was one girl in the [MEP Learning Center], and she was like, oh, are you Jasmine and I was like, yeah, and she was like, I was talking to [Dr. Bridges] and she was showing me some of your work from last summer ‘cuz I may work for her. I was like, oh, she remembers me. I was actually important, you know. Developing a project that continued to garner recognition beyond her time in the laboratory validated Jasmine’s work and strengthened her science identity. Being seen as someone who makes a contribution to science is significant especially for female scientists of color who tend to be the most underrepresented population in STEM (Ong et al., 2011). Such experiences may provide an intrinsic rationale to persist in STEM (Hurtado et al., 2011). Other participants expressed appreciation for their growth and improved understanding of science through research. For example, Gary stated, “I had a science-y mind, and I was doing things that would help improve [my faculty mentor’s research] or improve myself. And I learned a lot…I’m a better problem-solver”. Because these environments were more welcoming to Black students they confidently engaged in scientific practices and expanded their knowledge. Unlike the classroom domain, participants were not questioned about their intelligence or what they could contribute to the research environment. In these spaces, students could fully realize their intellectual selves as Black individuals. They did not have to prove themselves to be included and respected for their involvement in the research process. For instance, in other interviews, participants lamented that Black students were often not trusted to conceive and implement strong ideas in the planning of course assignments and projects. Such exclusionary practices may make it difficult to see themselves as scientists, improve in their disciplinary area, and become better problem-solvers as Gary noted about his research experience.
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Discussion Previous studies indicate that STEM environments can be alienating, isolating, and discriminately competitive for Black collegians (Fries-Britt et al., 2013; Hurtado et al., 2009; Ong, 2005). Additionally, their intellectual abilities may be under scrutiny due to their lack of critical mass and representation in the STEM disciplines (McGee & Martin, 2011; Moore et al., 2003). Participants highlighted incidents of subtle and overt forms of racial microaggressions demonstrating that STEM classroom environments may be detrimental to Black students who are still forming their science identities. Exclusionary and dismissive behaviors from Whites may disproportionately hinder Black students from advancing in STEM contexts where camaraderie plays an integral role in completing course projects and information-sharing (Fries-Britt et al., 2013; Strayhorn, 2012). Similar to the findings of Hurtado and colleagues (2011), engagement in undergraduate research facilitated opportunities where Black students could gain confidence as contributors to STEM. For instance, Jasmine emphasized that she was “important” to a project when she discovered the research team continued to build upon her findings after the appointment ended. Carlone and Johnson’s (2007) framework illuminated how research environments can provide access to conditions that are instrumental in helping students develop their science identities. Performance and competencies were realized through scientific discovery and problem-solving, and students were recognized by others and themselves for their contributions. Unlike the classroom environment where Black students had to prove their intelligence, the research environment did not require such demands for participation. The integration of counterspaces as an additional analytical lens centered the importance of space in the conversation of science identity development (McGee & Martin, 2013). Science identity development or stagnation does not occur in a vacuum. As observed in the current study, Black students faced a multitude of challenges in the classroom settings that did not present themselves in the research environment. In these environments, students were able to affirm their identities as Black scientists and engineers. Previous research shows that competence, interest in STEM, and recognition by others are critical to science identity development (Carlone & Johnson, 2007). Not only did these students experience all of these outcomes, but they realized the importance of being Black and having an ability to engage in scientific practice. Societal norms and culture suggest that Blacks are less capable of being scientists and engineers, and these students were defying those notions (Fries-Britt et al., 2013; McGee & Martin, 2013)
Implications for Practice, Policy, and Future Research More students of color should be engaged in undergraduate research in order to strengthen their commitment to the STEM disciplines, expose students to the kinds of work conducted in STEM environments, and involve them in spaces that ignite and affirm their intellectual identities. Because STEM classroom environments may operate more like battlegrounds than spaces for learning and development, college faculty and administrators should seek to capitalize on learning experiences that result in more positive academic outcomes. Regarding institutional and programmatic policies, undergraduate research should be instituted early in a student’s college career. In the present study, undergraduate research opportunities occurred prior to the sophomore year in college. First to second year persistence is a critical juncture in college student retention overall (Tinto, 2012), but it is especially significant in the case of the STEM disciplines, where a net loss of 50% or more is typical. Finally, the current study took place at one, large, public, predominantly White research university, which may have implications for the generalizability of the study’s findings. Future studies should include other institutional types and sizes. For instances, counterspaces may serve different
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purposes for Black women at co-educational, Historically Black Colleges and Universities (HBCUs). Though this article focused on counterspaces that affirm racial and disciplinary identity, future research should examine counterspaces that support identity development among other marginalized groups in STEM and the intersections of various identities such as first-generation and lower-income students. For example, many students expressed concerns about being disenfranchised not only for their race, but also class and/or first-generation college student status that limited access to information, knowledge, and exposure to scientific practices and careers prior to college attendance.
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References Barlow, A.E. L., & Villarejo, M. (2004). Making a difference for minorities: Evaluation of an educational enrichment program. Journal of Research in Science Teaching, 41(9), 861- 881. doi:10.1002/tea.20029 Carlone, H. B., & Johnson, A. (2007). Understanding the science experiences of successful women of color: Science identity as an analytic lens. Journal of Research in Science teaching, 44(8), 1187-1218. doi:10.1002/tea.20237 Carter, D. J. (2007). Why the Black kids sit together at the stairs: The role of identity-affirming counter-spaces in a predominantly White high school. The Journal of Negro Education, 76(4), 542-554. Retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/stable/40037227?seq=1#page_scan_tab_contents Case, A. D., & Hunter, C. D. (2012). Counterspaces: A unit of analysis for understanding the role of settings in marginalized individuals’ adaptive responses to oppression. American Journal of Community Psychology, 50(1-2), 257-270. doi: 10.1007/s10464-012-9497-7 Chang, M. J., Cerna, O., Han, J., & Sàenz, V. (2008). The contradictory roles of institutional status in retaining underrepresented minorities in biomedical and behavioral science majors. Review of Higher Education, 31(4), 433-464. doi:10.1353/rhe.0.0011 Chang, M. J., Eagan, M. K., Lin, M. H., & Hurtado, S. (2011). Considering the impact of racial stigmas and science identity: Persistence among biomedical and behavioral science aspirants. The Journal of Higher Education, 82(5), 564-596. doi:10.1353/jhe.2011.0030 Eagan, M. K., Hurtado, S., Chang, M. J., Garcia, G. A., Herrera, F. A., & Garibay, J. C. (2013). Making a difference in science education the impact of undergraduate research programs. American Educational Research Journal, 50(4), 683-713. doi:10.3102/000283121348203 Fries-Britt, S., & Griffin, K. (2007). The Black box: How high-achieving Blacks resist stereotypes about Black Americans. Journal of College Student Development, 48(5), 509- 524. doi: 10.1353/csd.2007.0048 Fries-Britt, S., Johnson, J., & Burt, B. (2013). Black students in physics: The intersection of academic ability, race, gender, and class. In T. L. Strayhorn (Ed.), Living at the intersections: Social identities and Black collegians (pp. 21-39). Charlotte, NC: Information Age Publishing, Inc. Fries-Britt, S. L., Younger, T. K. & Hall, W. D. (2010), Lessons from high-achieving students of color in physics. New Directions for Institutional Research, 2010(148), 75–83. doi: 10.1002/ir.363 Gasiewski, J., Tran, M. C., Herrera, F. A., Garcia, G. A., & Newman, C. B. (2010). Barricades, bridges, and programmatic adaptation: A multi-campus case study of STEM undergraduate research programs. In Proceedings from the Association for Institutional Research Annual Meeting. Chicago, IL. Retrieved from http://www. heri. ucla. edu/publications-main. php Howard"Hamilton, M. F. (2003). Theoretical frameworks for African American women. New Directions for Student Services, 2003(104), 19-27. doi: 10.1002/ss.104 Hurtado, S., Eagan, M. K., Tran, M. C., Newman, C. B., Chang, M. J., & Velasco, P. (2011). “We do science here”: Underrepresented students’ interactions with faculty in different college contexts. Journal of Social Issues, 67(3), 553-579. doi: 10.1111/j.1540- 4560.2011.01714.x Hurtado, S., Cabrera, N. L., Lin, M. H., Arellano, L., & Espinosa, L. L. (2009). Diversifying science: Underrepresented student experiences in structured research programs. Research in Higher Education, 50(2), 189-214. doi: 10.1007/s11162-008-9114-7
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Jones, M. T., Barlow, A. E., & Villarejo, M. (2010). Importance of undergraduate research for minority persistence and achievement in biology. The Journal of Higher Education, 81(1), 82-115. doi: 10.1353/jhe.0.0082 McGee, E. O., & Martin, D. B. (2011). “You would not believe what I have to go through to prove my intellectual value!” Stereotype management among academically successful Black mathematics and engineering students. American Educational Research Journal, 48(6), 1347-1389. doi:10.3102/0002831211423972 Miles, M. B., Huberman, A. M., & Saldaña, J. (2013). Qualitative data analysis: A methods sourcebook. Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Publications, Incorporated. Moore, J. L., Madison-Colmore, O., & Smith, D. M. (2003). The prove-them-wrong syndrome: Voices from unheard African-American males in engineering disciplines. The Journal of Men's Studies, 12(1), 61-73. Retrieved from http://search.proquest.com/docview/222640734?accountid=14745 Ong, M. (2005). Body projects of young women of color in physics: Intersections of gender, race, and science. Social Problems, 52(4), 593-617. doi:10.1525/sp.2005.52.4.593 Ong, M., Wright, C., Espinosa, L., & Orfield, G. (2011). Inside the double bind: A synthesis of empirical research on undergraduate and graduate women of color in science, technology, engineering, and mathematics. Harvard Educational Review, 81(2), 172-209. Retrieved from http://hepgjournals.org/doi/pdf/10.17763/haer.81.2.t022245n7x4752v2 Padilla, R. V. (2009). Student success modeling: Elementary school to college. Sterling, VA: Stylus Publishing. Pryor, J. H., Hurtado, S., DeAngelo L., Palucki Blake, L., & Tran, S. (2009). The American freshman: National norms Fall 2009. Los Angeles, CA: Higher Education Research Institute, UCLA. Pryor, J. H., Hurtado, S., DeAngelo L., Palucki Blake, L., & Tran, S. (2010). The American freshman: National norms Fall 2010. Los Angeles, CA: Higher Education Research Institute, UCLA. Saldaña, J. (2009). The coding manual for qualitative researchers. Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE. Seymour, E., & Hewitt, N. M. (1997). Talking about leaving: Why undergraduates leave the sciences. Boulder, CO: Westview Press. Shannon, L. (2010). Pre-college program seventh grade students’ drawings of a scientist. North Carolina Middle School Association Journal. Retrieved from http://ncmle.org/journal/PDF/Jan10/Liddell.pdf. Solorzano, D., Ceja, M., & Yosso, T. (2000). Critical race theory, racial microaggressions, and campus racial climate: The experiences of African American college students. Journal of Negro Education, 69(1/2), 60-73. Retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/stable/2696265 Stake, R. E. (2000). Case studies. In N. K. Denzin & Y. S. Lincoln (Eds.), Handbook of qualitative research (pp. 435-454). Thosuand Oaks, CA: Sage. Strayhorn, T. L. (2012). College students' sense of belonging: A key to educational success for all students. New York, NY: Routledge. Sue, D. W., Capodilupo, C. M., Torino, G. C., Bucceri, J. M., Holder, A., Nadal, K. L., & Esquilin, M. (2007). Racial microaggressions in everyday life: implications for clinical practice. American Psychologist, 62(4), 271-286. doi: 10.1037/0003-066X.62.4.271 Tinto, V. (2012). Completing college: Rethinking institutional action. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press. Yin, R.K. (2003). Case study research: Design and methods. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications.
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“I’m Going to Prove Somebody Right”: Deconstructing African American Male Identity in Mathematics and Science
KiMi Wilson California State University, Los Angeles
African American males’ participation in science, technology, engineering and mathematics (STEM) majors and careers is often explained through a deficit lens, focusing on decontextualized academic achievement statistics that suggest persistent underperformance. This article describes how one African American male student at a Research 1 university developed a mathematics and science identity in K-12 schooling and how this formed identity impacted his participation in STEM at the post-secondary level. Evidence from this study suggests when developing African American males’ identities in math and science, policy makers and educators must be aware of inequities embedded in K-12 and postsecondary institutions that encroach upon persistence and achievement. Findings indicate the need for societal and institutional reframing of the culture of math and science in the United States.
Academic [under]achievement frames most research seeking to explain the underrepresentation of African American males in science, technology, engineering and mathematics (STEM) majors and careers. Research highlighting the achievement gap of African American students in math and science in comparison to White and Asian students fails to properly contextualize research within an “education debt” framework (Ladson-Billings, 2006). An “education debt” framework explains the achievement gap by acknowledging the historical, economic, sociopolitical, and moral debt that contributes to the marginalization of African American students in K-12 and postsecondary institutions, thus narrowing their ability to develop positive identities in math and science. Utilizing the “education debt” framework, the conversation can move beyond racial group comparisons and test scores to one that examines the foundation of K-12 and postsecondary institutions. In developing K-12 institutions that support African American males’ participation in STEM, research must prioritize student experiences which address opportunities to learn (Noguera, 2009). The participation of minoritized populations in STEM has gained momentum among policymakers simply as a means to maintain the United States’ global competitiveness (National Science Foundation, 2014); however, policymakers fail to address the culture of K-12 math and science education in the United States that positions African American males at the bottom. Color-blind policies such as No Child Left Behind of 2001, passed during the Bush administration, and Race to the Top during the Obama administration fail to address inferior math and science curriculum and instruction that disproportionately affect minoritized populations (Darling-Hammond, 2007; Oakes & Lipton, 2012). The objective of this research is to give voice to African American males in STEM in understanding how the culture of math and science education in K-12 schooling impacts their math and science identity development. Such inquiry is necessary to prepare future scholars of color in STEM.
Literature Review The cultural discourse of math education in the U.S. is framed as being academically rigorous, only for the highly intelligent, and reserved for White and Asian males (Ladson- Billings, 1997; Noguera, 2009). In the recent past, K-12 federal and state educational policy de- emphasized science instruction and prioritized math instruction, resulting in no accountability
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system for elementary science instruction (Tate, 2001). By de-emphasizing elementary science instruction (Mensah, 2010), this limited the opportunity for students to understand the complementary nature of math and science – the way in which math and science work in tandem in STEM. Therefore, the current culture of K-12 math and science education problematizes African American males’ STEM participation when research explicitly states that African American males must develop math and science identities during the early stages of their K-12 schooling (McGee & Pearman, 2014; Varelas, Kane & Wylie, 2011). Factors contributing to empowering math identities for African American males are computational fluency by third grade, math engagement, extrinsic recognition, and relational connections between teachers, families and out-of school activities (Berry, Thunder, & McClain, 2011). In empowering science identities, Emdin (2011) explains that K-12 institutions must begin to value the human existence of African American males as they exhibit key science skills outside of the classroom that are important in science achievement - such as making observations, critical thinking, and peer dialogue. The development of empowering math and science identities within the current structure of K-12 schooling may prove problematic for African American males because of systemic and institutional racism and discrimination (Boykin & Noguera, 2011; Guiton & Oakes, 1995; McGee & Martin, 2011; Tate, 2001; Warren & Rosebery, 2011). By focusing exclusively on counter-narratives in math and science, the notion of individualism persists which supports the neo-liberal agenda in education – standards-based and color-blind rhetoric (Ravitch, 2013). By focusing only on failures, research will miss the salience of agency used by African American males to achieve empowering math and science identities within an imperfect and often hostile educational system (Jett, 2011; McGee & Martin, 2011). The research presented here adds to this scholarly conversation by exploring the totality (positive and negative experiences) of one African American male undergraduate STEM student’s identity development in math and science in K-12 schooling, and how this formed identity impacted his participation in STEM. Questions that guided the study were: 1.! What were the structures and supports during one African American male student’s K-12 education that helped to guide him into pursuing a STEM major? 2.! What were the student’s experiences in post-secondary education pursuing a STEM major?
Theoretical Framework The theoretical underpinning of this study was informed by the work of McAdams’ (2001) life story model of identity. The life story model of identity explains that individuals make meaning of their lives by constructing internalized and evolving narratives of self that “reflect cultural values and norms, including assumptions about gender, race, and class” (p. 101). An additional assumption is that this internalized and evolving narrative of self for African American males is influenced by and formed in K-12 institutions. In Ethics of Identity, Appiah (2005) explains that labels applied to people can have social and psychological effects. The author makes connections between identification and identity and describes that collective identity follows a certain structure. Collective identity encompasses: 1) terms in public discourse that are used to describe the bearers of the identity, so that some people are recognized as members of a group; 2) the internalization of those labels as parts of the individual identities; and 3) the existence of patterns of behavior toward a group – e.g. discrimination, media imagery, mass incarceration, and poverty. In developing math and science identities, African American males are faced with collective identities that devalue them as human beings through racist labels (Bonilla-Silva, 2014), which has the potential to prevent them from seeing themselves as mathematicians and scientists (Aschbacker, Li, & Roth, 2010).
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To deconstruct the terms used in public discourse which shape collective identity, it is important to use critical race theory (CRT). Critical race theory provides an analytic perspective that examines how inequality embedded in institutional and social structures directly impacts how African American males are viewed, thus impacting their schooling experiences. While the historical foundation of CRT started with the work of Frantz Fanon, W.E.B Dubois (Kumasi, 2011), and Derrick Bell through legal scholarship (Brown & Jackson, 2013), CRT has entered the field of education (Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1995). The positioning of CRT in education is to understand the social construction and context of racial hierarchies in which children learn in K- 12 institutions and how to change them (Ladson-Billings, 2005). To explore African American male identity development in math and science using CRT, this research focuses on the concept of social construction, which purports racism is a product of social thought and relations (Delgado & Stefancic, 2012). The research presents the story of one African American male university student from a larger study on African American male math and science identity development as it relates to STEM education and participation.
Methods Yin (2014) explains a case study as “an empirical inquiry that investigates a contemporary phenomenon (the ‘case’) in depth and within its real world context” (p. 16). A case study approach is traditionally used when the objective of the research is to include different sources of information such as quotes from key participants, anecdotes, narratives composed from original interviews and other literary techniques to create mental images that bring to life the complexity of many variables inherent in the phenomenon being studies (Hancock & Algozzine, 2006; p. 23). The case study methodology is being employed in this study because it provides an opportunity for an intensive description and analysis of African American male students’ math and science identity development within K-12 and postsecondary institutions (Yin, 2014; Merriam, 2002). Setting and Participants The setting for the study was a large, western research university with a student body of more than 40,000. Participating students in the larger study were identified through an engineering outreach center as STEM undergraduate or graduate students. Five participants were undergraduate students and one was a graduate student. The class standing of the participants ranged from sophomore to doctoral students. Three participants identified as Black or African American, one Caribbean, one Biracial (African American and White) and one African. The student, Andrew, the subject/focus of this paper, identified as an African American, senior, mechanical engineering undergraduate student. Andrew’s experience was chosen for n=1 depth study because of his schooling experiences in public, homeschooling, and private K-12 institutions, which is beneficial in understanding the culture of math and science education in the U.S. This differed from other students’ experiences as their schooling experiences were solely in public or private K-12 institutions. The students were a minoritized population within the context of their university and within the broader STEM community. Data Collection and Analysis In the larger study from which Andrew’s experience is drawn, face-to-face semi- structured interviews were conducted with each of the students, building rapport with participants to elicit depth and detail about their K-12 and postsecondary experiences in math and science (Rubin & Rubin, 2012). Utilizing a social constructivist approach, interview questions were open-ended to allow for active listening in what participants say and do in their everyday life settings (Creswell, 2013). Each interview was audio-recorded, transcribed and
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coded for analysis (Creswell, 2013; Wilcott, 1994b). Notes taken during the interview were used to clarify statements or ask follow up questions. The participant Andrew was also observed during a non-participant observation in an undergraduate mechanical engineering course and a course syllabus was obtained for document analysis.
Findings and Discussion
The Role of Agency and Parental Involvement in Math Identity “It didn’t feel like I was great at math. Math was something you had to do, you had to learn.” In the initial stages of Andrew’s math identity formation in the first grade, he recounts: There was a [White] kid in our class and I remember how annoying it was how much the teacher complimented him on his math skills. So I decided I’m going to be good at math. My [White] 1st grade teacher to this day, I think she’s kind of still racist or at the very least she’s not very race conscious. The teacher’s exclusion of positive math experiences for Andrew was in direct conflict with the expectations that his parents had set for him, which encompassed, “If you can do math and science, you will always have a job.” To support Andrew in developing an emerging math identity, Andrew’s parents removed him from the neighborhood school and decided to homeschool him during fifth through eighth grades. Homeschooling offered a unique experience for Andrew as it provided an opportunity to develop his math identity through intrinsic motivation: You have to get it. The work must be done and you must understand it. If that means going to the library looking at textbooks, using the Internet and Google searching how to do a quadratic equation, if that means talking to your parents, you must understand it. Teaching math to yourself is hard. Not only was intrinsic motivation impacting Andrew’s learning, but he was also developing an emerging math identity through inquiry learning and communicating with his parents. These skills would prove to be useful as Andrew re-entered the traditional school environment. Andrew returned to a private high school in 9th grade but attributes the evolution of his math identity to the homeschooling experience which strengthened his confidence and success in math. When I went back to high school with other students and started geometry, at that point I realized I was good at math. I was so used to staring at textbooks to figure out how to solve equations that it felt natural to me. Since his first encounter with an unsupportive teacher in first grade, Andrew felt that while high school teachers were “somewhat supportive and encouraging”, he did not consider teachers a factor in his academic performance. In fact, incorrect advice from a teacher caused Andrew to enroll in an advanced placement physics course that he was unprepared for: I actually didn’t pass. I had never taken physics before and [a teacher] told me you’re smart, you’ll do fine. Everyone else in the class was a senior who had taken physics before. Physics was rough; it was not pleasant. There were pacing issues and certain topics we didn’t get to cover. Feeling a lot of times unsupported and looking up [content] on the Internet can only get you so far. I pulled a two on the AP exam, which means I wouldn’t have passed a college level course with my then current level of knowledge. While Andrew’s emerging math and science identity could have been impacted by this experience, he continued to persist and enrolled in an R1 university as a mechanical engineering major.
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The Impact of K-12 Math Identity Within Postsecondary Institutions “You get a sense that you don’t belong here, and so some of us have to put a chip on our shoulder to remind the world everyday that, yes, I do.” This quote sums up the trajectory of Andrew’s K-12 and postsecondary experiences. Andrew was made to feel that he didn’t belong in first grade, and now he is made to feel that he doesn’t belong in his postsecondary institution. Andrew recalled his first experience as an undergraduate mechanical engineering student: In my incoming freshman class, I was one of two Black mechanical engineering students. The other person who started with me switched to math and graduated early. I’m used to being the only Black student [in my courses], it’s entirely disagreeable and I wish it wasn’t so. This is one of the reasons why I tutor [Black] kids so frequently.” Even though Andrew is faced with another oppressive learning environment, he remains committed to his major (through agency and parental support) and inspiring other Black youth to pursue STEM majors. The complexity of his experience reveals systematic and structural racism within STEM majors, which explains why African American students may not participate and also explains the strong sense of self needed to continue to persist. Andrew attributes color-blind policies as the reason for the lack of Black students in his courses and at the university at large which has a major impact on college experiences for not only him, but all races of people. “I’m used to walking into a room and having to prove I belong here, or walk through the engineering halls and have people ask me if I am lost.” Andrew also stated language barriers between faculty and students impact social interactions, as well as the lack of Black faculty to counteract negative stereotypes and images of African Americans in STEM. There is no full-time Black engineering faculty member. I think it would make a difference because it would prove there are people who look like you in this field, it proves you wouldn’t necessarily be the first, and it is a tacit reminder that, hey, this is your space; no one can take this away from you because you obviously belong here. But when you’re constantly reminded that all the equations you’re using have names from Europeans or East Asians, you’re reminded this isn’t your space, and it never will be. Andrew explains his perseverance in postsecondary education as a STEM major is because of his intrinsic motivation, parental support, peers and a campus minority-engineering program. Andrew stated, “I’m going to prove somebody right, I’m either going to prove the people that said I couldn’t do it right, or I’m going to prove the people who believed in me right. I know which crowd I’m eager to please.” Andrew’s math and science identity in K-12 and postsecondary institutions has been positioned within the current context of math and science education within the U.S, which subscribes to the collective narrative that African Americans are not mathematicians or scientists (Ladson-Billings, 1997).
Implications In reshaping the culture of math and science education in the U.S., it becomes evident based on Andrew’s K-12 and postsecondary experiences that pre-service teacher training must be established to dismantle preconceived notions, stereotypes and the deficit lens regarding African American achievement in mathematics and science. In Andrew’s K-12 educational experiences, he had to negotiate two competing realities – his parents’ encouragement for him to do well in math and science, and a hostile K-12 environment and non-supportive teachers. In his first grade experience where the teacher was praising the White student, the teacher implicitly established a racial hierarchy in the classroom by failing to disrupt an assumption of African American students and math by privileging White students’ math identity and marginalizing students of color, in this case Andrew, which enables the deficit view of African Americans in math and science to continue through Andrew’s peers.
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In developing his math and science identity, Andrew relied on a combination of intrinsic motivation and parental support. The culture of math teaching and learning in K-12 institutions does not provide African American students with the opportunity to see themselves as “doers” of math or expose them to other successful African American men in math (Jett, 2011). If the culture of math and science education in the U.S. is to change, math and science education must move beyond the walls of K-12 institutions and include African American families and communities. In transitioning Andrew to homeschooling, his parents were seeking to eliminate the injustice faced through an unsupportive environment and lack of academic rigor in math – which is common in urban schools (Fisher 2015; Huseman, 2015).
Conclusion The implication of this research suggest that policy makers and educators must address the culture of math and science in K-12 institutions that impact math and science identities for African Americans. K-12 educational policy must include an institutional reframing of collective identities in math and science within teaching and learning that benefits all students. Andrew was adamant in his statement, “I’m going to prove somebody right.” The unfortunate reality is that far too often, African Americans have to navigate an educational system that does not support them in developing positive academic and disciplinary identities. In reframing the collective identity in math and science in K-12 institutions, Andrew would not have to prove anybody right because his academic and disciplinary success would be supported, encouraged and welcomed.
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References Appiah, K. A. (2007). The ethics of identity. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Aschbacher, P. R., Li, E., & Roth, E. J. (2010). Is science me? High school students' identities, participation and aspirations in science, engineering, and medicine. Journal of Research in Science Teaching, 47(5), 564-582. Berry III, Robert Q., Thunder, K., & McClain, O. L. (2011). Counter narratives: Examining the mathematics and racial identities of black boys who are successful with school mathematics. Journal of African American Males in Education, 2(1), 10-23. Bonilla-Silva, E. (2014). Racism without racists: Color-blind racism and the persistence of racial inequality in the United States. Lanham, MDL Rowman & Littlefield Publishers. Boykin, A. & Noguera, P. (2011). Creating the opportunity to learn, moving from research to practice to close the achievement gap. Alexandria, VA: Association for Supervision and Curriculum Development. Creswell, J. W. (2013). Qualitative inquiry and research design: Choosing among five approaches. Los Angeles, CA: SAGE Publications. Darling-Hammond, L. (2007). Third annual Brown lecture in education research—The flat Earth and education: How America’s commitment to equity will determine our future. Educational Researcher, 36(6), 318-334. Delgado, R. & Stefancic, J. (2012). Critical race theory: An introduction (2nd ed). New York, NY: NYU Press. Emdin, C. (2011). Droppin' science and dropping science: African American males and urban science education. Journal of African American Males in Education, 2(1), 66-80. Fisher, E. (2015). Educating the urban race: The evolution of an American high school. Lanham, MD: Lexington Books. Guiton, G., & Oakes, J. (1995). Opportunity to learn and conceptions of educational equality. Educational Evaluation & Policy Analysis, 17, 323-336. Huseman, J. (2015, February). The Rise of Homeschooling Among Black Families. The Atlantic. Retrieved from http://www.theatlantic.com/education/archive/2015/02/the-rise-of- homeschooling-among-black-families/385543/ Jett, C. C. (2011). “I once was lost, but now am found”: The mathematics journey of an African American male mathematics doctoral student. Journal of Black Studies, 42(7), 1125- 1147. Kumasi, K. (2011). Critical race theory and education: Mapping a legacy of activism and scholarship. In B. Levinson (Ed.), Beyond critique: Exploring critical social theories and education (pp. 196-219). Boulder, CO: Paradigm. Ladson-Billings, G. (1997). It doesn't add up: African American students' mathematicsachievement. Journal for Research in Mathematics education, 697-708. Ladson-Billings, G. (2006). From the achievement gap to the education debt: Understanding achievement in U.S. schools. Educational researcher, 35(7), 3-12. Ladson-Billings, G., & Tate IV, W. (1995). Toward a critical race theory of education. Teachers College Record, 97(1), 47-68 McAdams, D. P. (2001). The psychology of life stories. Review of General Psychology, 5(2), 100. McGee, E., & Martin, D. B. (2011). From the hood to being hooded: A case study of a Black male. Journal of African American Males in Education, 2(1), 46-65. National Science Foundation. (2014). Science and engineering indicators 2014. Retrieved from http://www.nsf.gov/statistics/seind14/
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Noguera, P. A. (2009). The trouble with black boys, and other reflections on race, equity, and the future of public education. San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass. Oakes, J. & Lipton, (2012). School structure: Sorting students and opportunities to learn. In J. Oakes, M. Lipton, L. Anderson, & J. Stillman. Teaching to change the world (pp. 293- 322). Boulder, CO. Paradigm Publishers, 293-323. Ravitch, D. (2013). Reign of error: The hoax of the privatization movement and the danger to America's public schools. New York, NY: Knopf. Rubin, H., Rubin, I. (2012). Qualitative interviewing, the art of hearing data (3rd ed.). Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Publications. Tate, W. F. (2001). Science education as a civil right: Urban schools and opportunity-to-learn considerations. Journal of Research in Science Teaching, 38(9), 1015-1028. Warren, B., & Rosebery, A. S. (2011). Navigating interculturality: African American male students and the science classroom. Journal of African American Males in Education, 2(1), 98-115. Yin, R. K. (2013). Case study research: Design and methods. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
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An Investigation of Mathematics Performance of High School Students in Lagos state, Nigeria: External Factors
Olalekan O. Idowu University of Wyoming
The study was conducted to investigate the external factors affecting the performance of high school students in Lagos state, Nigeria in mathematics taking the views of senior high school students. A total of 276 students (13 – 20 years old) out of the initial 287 that were randomly selected from two rural secondary schools completed the survey. Using a descriptive survey designed questionnaire, data collected were analyzed using both general linear model and Pearson correlation analysis. Findings from the study indicated among others that inappropriate spending by government, teachers’ qualification, and overpopulated schools, among other factors, contributed to the poor performance of the students to a large extent. From the findings, the role of government is key to better performance of the students, it is recommended therefore that funds should be made available to create more schools and to improve teachers’ productivity. Keywords: mathematics, high school students
Mathematics according to Maliki, Ngban, and Ibu (2009) is described as a subject that “affects all aspects of human life at different degrees” (p. 131). According to The National Mathematics Advisory Panel (2008), mathematics is used throughout our daily lives. The importance of mathematics in day-to-day activities is no longer news. However, what remains news is the fact that students’ performance in mathematics has not improved significantly despite its importance, not even with the introduction and use of technology in mathematics, as confirmed by Chang and colleagues (2006) when they stated that, nowadays, students make use of computer-assisted problem-solving systems to better learn and understand mathematics. In civilized and developed countries, schooling resources which cost money, including class size reduction, higher teacher salaries, modern school buildings and equipment, are positively associated with student outcomes. Although money alone may not be the only solution, the more equitable and adequate allocation of financial inputs to schooling do provide opportunities for improving the equity and adequacy of outcomes. This notion was confirmed by Wenglinsky (1997), when he stated among other reasons, that economic resources that are spent judiciously are always associated with academic achievement. He further added that per-pupil expenditures on both instruction and administration of the school are positively related to class size, which in turn relates to student achievement. In Nigeria, despite the fact that the government has clearly confirmed the importance of mathematics by making it a core and compulsory subject at both junior and senior secondary levels (Federal Republic of Nigeria [FRN], 2004), the invested billions of Naira in the teaching and learning of mathematics has not yielded any significant improvement due to wasteful and inadequate spending of the required resources. Numerous factors were identified by some researchers for the inconsequential performance by students, some of which included: shortage of qualified mathematics teachers, poor facilities, equipment and instructional materials for effective teaching (Odogwu, 1994; Yemi & Adeshina, 2013), and large pupil-to-teacher ratios (Alele-Williams, 1988). Another major hindrance to better improvement of government spending, is the continued use of traditional chalk and talk methods which are yet to give way to the multimedia teaching methods presently in use in schools in developing nations.
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Students’ performance in mathematics at both internal and external examinations has remained considerably poor (Ale, 1989). To buttress this fact, The Sun News reported that Nigeria recorded its worst results in mathematics in the last three years. According to The Sun News (“Outrage trails students’ poor performance,” 2014), out of 1.6 million students that took the 2014 May/June West Africa Senior School Certificate Examination (WASSCE), only a little more than half a million (31.28%) passed with the minimum requirement for admission into tertiary institutions. Based on such facts, the purpose of this study is to explore the various external factors affecting high school mathematics performance in Lagos, Nigeria. Mathematics teachers had on several accounts been judged as the main determinant in the success or failure of students in the subject. This is true for many reasons; according to Idowu (2015), “they are the main custodians of students, the way and manner they perform this role is important” (p. 4). Because of this, mathematics teachers are expected to have the required knowledge necessary for teaching as well as the ablility to disseminate such knowledge appropriately that will result in learning. Mathematics teachers, according to Soer (2009), should be able to communicate the required knowledge in a clear, informative and precise manner to their students. This, unfortunately, according to Okafor and Anaduaka (2013), is not being done by the mathematics teachers. According to both researchers, most teachers are not ready to go the extra length in their teaching. In a study conducted by Avong (2013), shortage of qualified mathematics was judged to be the most contributing factor to poor performance by her participants in a study conducted in a remote in Kaduna state. Teachers’ attitudes had also been linked to students’ poor performance in a study conducted by Osunde and Izevbigie (2006). In this study, 400 Nigerian post primary school teachers’ attitudes toward the teaching profession were sorted. They discovered that issues like delay in payment of salaries and poor financial remuneration contributed to a low attitude of teachers in the teaching profession. The school population, according to Korau (2006), today, is in the thousands compared to mere hundreds many years ago. Consequently, schools are now overcrowded with some classrooms having too large a size that may seriously compromise mathematics teaching and learning. A student-teacher ratio of 40:1 may be considered adequate, but according to Umameh (2011) some schools in Nigeria are noted to have a 100:1 ratio, a situation that will never lead to any meaningful learning of mathematics no matter how capable the mathematics teacher may be. According to Asikhai (2010), the government recommendation for student-teacher ratio was 50:1, but it is obvious that this ratio can never be met with the astronomical increase in population experiencing currently. Also, another issue raised that equally affect students’ performance is the distance from most students’ homes to their schools. This adversely affects not just fatigue, but sometimes absenteeism, which, according to Duze (2005), could lead to truancy and eventual dropout by some students. Evidence from research has also showed that long distances travelled to school are among the major reasons why students performed poorly and eventually dropped out of schools (Arubayi, 2005; Onakpoma, 2008).
Rationale The frequent drop in the performance of students in mathematics in Nigeria, as reported by The Sun News (“Outrage trails students’ poor performance,” 2014), where only 31.28% of the 1.6 million students that took the 2014 May/June WASSCE passed with the minimum requirement for admission into tertiary institutions informed the rationale for this study. This sad pronouncement has triggered various reactions as to what could be the reason behind the drop in performance in the Lagos state, Nigeria
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Purpose The purpose of this study is to investigate the various roles played by the external factors in the current position and offer solutions that will lead to improvement in mathematics in Lagos state, Nigeria. In so doing, a self-reported performance of high school students from Lagos state, Nigeria was collected.
Research Questions Based on the background of the study and the various concerns that were identified in the gap in the literature, the following research questions were formulated to guide the study: 1. Does inappropriate spending by government as a factor affecting students’ performance differ across respondents’ gender? 2. Do teachers’ qualifications and methods as factors affecting students’ performance differ across respondents’ educational status? 3. Is there a correlation between distance from home to school/ school population and students’ performance in mathematics?
Method For the purpose of data collection, the researcher employed the use of questionnaire for two major reasons. These are: (1) Due to time constraint, and little financial resources available for the study; and (2) for a study of this nature that required the collection and analysis of data from a substantial student size, the use of questionnaire seem to be the most appropriate technique to use.
Participants Before the distribution of the questionnaire to the students, the researcher explained why he was conducting the research and also explained every detail of the questionnaire to the students. He equally gave the students the opportunities to ask any questions that are not clear to them either before or during the administration of the questionnaire. A total of 287 senior high school students from two selected rural schools from Lagos state, Nigeria participated in the study, out of which only 276 participants completed the survey and were included in the analysis. School A had a total of 143 participants (85 males and 59 females) while school B had a total number of 133 participants (56 males and 77 females). The participants’ ages ranged from 13 to 20 years and their educational status is SS 1and SS 2 (10th and11th grades). The two selected schools were randomly picked from a total of twelve schools through a draw from a hat, with all schools having equal chances of being picked. The overall distribution of the participants’ educational status of their gender is represented in Table 1, while the distribution of participants by school is represented in Figures 1 and 2 respectively. The age distribution of the participants is represented by Table 2.
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Table 1.
Distribution of Participants’ Educational Status by Gender
Edu. Status Male % Female % Total Total %
SSS1 (10th ) 56 42.11 77 57.89 133 100
SSS2( 11th) 85 59.44 58 40.56 143 100
TOTAL 141 51.11 135 48.91 276 100
Figure 1.
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Figure 2.
Table 2.
Age Distribution
Male % Female % Total Total %
13—14 22 62.86 13 37.14 35 12.68
15—16 83 49.70 84 50.30 167 60.50
17—18 30 44.88 37 55.22 67 24.28
19—20 4 57.14 3 42.86 7 2.54
Total 139 50.36 137 49.64 276 100.00
Instrumentation For the researcher was more interested in the views of the students with reference to issues affecting their performance in mathematics, this survey was designed as such, to gather responses from the students that can be analyzed to better understand their position with regards to factors affecting their performance in mathematics.
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The survey, originally developed by the researcher, was a two-page instrument containing two sections. The first section consisted of 27 easy-to-answer questions on various factors affecting performance in mathematics at the high school level. Some of the questions presented in the survey included: (1) Inappropriate textbooks provided by government are not stimulating learning; (2) Delay in teachers’ salaries is affecting students’ performance in mathematics; (3) The majority of our teachers does not have the necessary qualification to teach the subject; (4) Teaching methods used by mathematics teachers do not encourage easy learning; (5) Distance from my home to school is affecting my learning; and (6) Over population of students in mathematics class is affecting students’ learning. Using a 4-Likert-type scale ranging from Strongly Disagree to Strongly Agree, the participants were expected to respond by selecting any of the four options as appropriate to each question asked. The second section consisted of three demographic questions about their gender, age and educational status. Procedures For necessary revisions, the survey instrument was first pilot-tested using peer review, after which the necessary changes were made. The two school principals were notified in advance and appropriate dates were agreed upon for the administration of the questionnaires. At each of the schools, the purpose of the study was explained to the participants. All students present participated in the survey and the entire procedure took about 15 minutes.
Data Analysis In answering the research questions (RQ), general linear model (univariate) and Pearson correlation analysis were used to analyze and examine the effect of multiple variables (inappropriate government spending, teachers’ qualifications/methods of teaching, school distance and overpopulation). For the first two research questions, a two-way analysis of variance (ANOVA) was employed for the data analysis. For RQ 1, ANOVA was used to determine if respondents differed by gender on inappropriate spending by government as a factor affecting students’ performance in mathematics. The mean scores of all the identified questions in the survey were used as the dependent variable, while the gender of the students was used as the fixed factor. For RQ 2, ANOVA was also used to determine if respondents differed by their educational status on teachers’ qualifications/methods as factors affecting students’ performance in mathematics. Finally, in order to determine if there was a correlation between distance from home to school/school population and students’ performance in mathematics (RQ 3), a Pearson correlation analysis was computed.
Results In this section, results from the data analysis are presented. 1. Inappropriate government spending and students’ performance. Inappropriate government spending like buying unattractive textbooks, not paying teachers good salaries, and delay in payments are presumed to have an effect on students’ performance in mathematics, but the type of effect might differ across respondents’ gender. A two-way analysis of variance was used to examine whether inappropriate government spending had an effect on student performance in mathematics. Data indicate that government procurement of unattractive textbooks, bad and inappropriate teaching aids, and delay in teachers’ salaries, among others, affect students’ performance and do not have an appreciable difference across gender (F (1, 259) = 2.93, p = .088, η2 = .008) with observed power to be .293 even though it shows a trivial effect size.
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As can be seen in Table 3, the mean and the standard deviation for both male and female participants’ responses were almost the same, meaning that there is no significant difference between their responses, which also confirmed with result above.
Table 3.
Calculated Mean and Standard Deviation Results for both Policies and School Issues
Sex Mean Standard Deviation
Male 2.43 .358
Female 2.36 .350
2.! Teachers’ qualification/methods and students’ performance. Both teacher’s qualifications and their teaching methods were also examined to measure the effect on students’ performance in mathematics in relation to respondents’ educational status. In order to determine this effect, a two-way analysis of variance was also used to test the presumed performance of the students with respect to their teachers’ qualification/ methods. It was discovered that the effect of teachers’ qualifications, style, approach, experience and methods used by mathematics teachers were not statistically significant across respondents’ educational status, (F (1, 267) = 1.144, p = .286, η2 = .005) with the observed power of .183. The effect size is also trivial. From this result, it can be seen that the responses of the participants in terms of whether the teacher’s qualification/ methods affect students’ performance are almost the same across their educational status. These results can also be seen in Table 4, in which both the mean difference and standard deviations between SS 1 and SS 2 students are almost equal.
Table 4.
Calculated Mean and Standard Deviation Results for Teachers’ Related Issues
Educational Status Mean Standard Deviation
SS 1 2.39 .450
SS 2 2.32 .424
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3.! School distance/population and students’ performance In order to determine if there is a correlation the between distances from students’ home to school / school populations and students’ performance, mean of the identified questions (e.g. distance from my home to school is affecting my learning, over population of students in mathematics class is affecting student’ learning) were used as variables against students’ mean in a Pearson correlation analysis. As expected, it was discovered that there was a positive correlation between distance from students’ home to the school/ overpopulation of school with students’ performance in mathematics. r = .504, n = 241, p ≤ 0.0001. This result clearly indicates that there is a significant effect on students’ having to travel a long distance to school as well as overpopulated classes in terms of their performance in mathematics.
Discussion This study was conducted to investigate students’ performance in mathematics at the high school level in Lagos state, Nigeria. External factors and beneficial results were identified and reported from the analysis of the collected data. Given the results, the following conclusions were reached. Firstly, results may suggest that the effect of inappropriate or wasteful spending by government does not differ across participants’ gender. An indication that both male and female participants agreed that improper spending by government significantly affects students’ performance in some ways, though no statistically significant difference existed between genders. These facts seem to be in agreement with Odogwu, (1994), Osunde and Izevbigie (2006), and Yemi and Adeshina (2013). While Odogwu, and Yemi and Adeshina, all identified to a large extent lack of supplied of qualified and experienced mathematics teachers to the schools, Osunde and Izevbigie identified the delay in paying teachers’ salaries as well as the poor remuneration as the main reasons for poor performance in mathematics by students. Secondly, results may suggest that the teacher’s qualifications and methods or ill- prepared teachers, teachers’ poor attitudes, and/or their lack of readiness to teach appropriately might affect students’ performance in mathematics. This is an indication that the participants’ responses do not differ by their educational status as both (SS 1 and SS 2) classes agreed. This is also in agreement with Avong (2013), Okafor and Anaduaka (2013), and Osunde and Izeubugie (2006). Lastly, the results may indicate that distance from home to school as well as the over populated classes/school sizes can greatly affect students’ performance in mathematics. From the results, it was discovered that there was a correlation between these two variables and students’ performance. This seems to be in agreement with previous results from other researchers (Alele- Williams, 1988; Arubayi; 2005, Duze, 2005; Korau, 2006; Umameh, 2011), as all the researchers identified large pupil-to-teacher ratios (Alele-Williams, 1998; Umameh, 2011), school population (Korau, 2006), and distance from home to school (Arubayi, 2005; Duze, 2005).
Recommendations Since improving mathematics performance at the high school level is an ongoing process, the findings in this study on mathematics performance at the high school level in Lagos state, Nigeria have identified some external factors that are affecting students’ performance. In view of all these, it is recommended that: 1.! Government should as a first step ensure that provisions are made to fund schools appropriately and also ensured that proper measures are put in place to reduce to a mere minimum, if not completely eliminate, wasteful and unnecessary spending. This, also, includes prompt payment of their remuneration.
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2.! Greater effort should be made to improve the quality of teachers at the high school level, this also includes more professional development programs for the teachers so as to ensure they are up-to-date in their profession. 3.! Government should also ensure that more schools are built to reduce the distance students has to travel to get to school as well as reducing class sizes. 4.! Lastly, it will not be out of place to suggest that the government should start considering providing school buses for the students.
Limitations This research was only conducted in only two rural senior secondary schools in one local government area in Lagos state. However, since almost all senior high schools in the rural areas in the state shared almost, if not all issues identified in this study (e.g. No school buses, inadequate textbooks, lack quality teachers, over populated schools, among others), therefore, it is possible for the generalization of this study to cover all rural senior high schools in Lagos state as well as in other states in the country. The principal limitation of this study, however, was that it was only conducted in schools located in the rural area of one state in Nigeria, which may imply that the generalization of this study’s findings to urban schools might not be appropriate. In addition to this, since this study only focuses entirely on the perceptions of students, more study of this nature can also be carried out to include the teachers as well as the parents. An ancillary limitation was that the instrument used did not have established reliability or validity coefficients. Consequently, further research is needed to investigate more senior high schools in urban areas of the state. Moreover, in future studies, the instrumentation could be improved.
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References Ale, S. O. (1989). Combating poor achievement in mathematics ABACUS. The Journal of the Mathematics Association of Nigeria, 19(1), 11-23. Alele – Williams, G. (1988). Keynote address delivered at the silver Jubilee meeting of mathematics Association of Nigeria (MAN). Abacus, 18(1). Arubayi, E. A. (2005). Comparing average distance travelled to schools by students in primary and secondary schools in Delta and Edo States and its effect on attendance. Delsu Journal of Educational Research and Development, 4(1), 1-9. Asikhia, O. A. (2010). Students and teachers’ perception of the causes of poor academic performance in Ogun state secondary schools (Nigeria): Implications for counselling for National development. European Journal of Social Sciences, 13(2), 229-242. Avong, H. N. (2013). Poor performance in mathematics among senior secondary school students in Kaduna state: What’s to blame? Journal of Research in National Development, 11(2), 319-324. Duze, C. O. (2005). Attrition rates in primary schools in Anambra State. Unpublished Monograph. Outrage trails students’ poor performance in 2014 WASSCE. (2014, September 2.) [Editorial] The Sun News. Retrieved from http://sunnewsonline.com/new/?p=79949 Federal Republic of Nigeria. (2004). National policy on education (4th ed.). Lagos: Federal Government Press. Idowu, O. O. (2015). Pre-service teachers’ perceptions on poor performance of elementary school students in mathematics. Unpublished Manuscript, College of Education, University of Wyoming. U.S.A. Korau, Y. K. (2006, July). Educational crises facing Nigerian secondary schools and possible solutions. Paper presented at Faculty of Education National Conference, Ibadan, Oyo State, Nigeria. Maliki, A. E., Ngban, A. N., & Ibu, J. E. (2009). Analysis of students’ performance in junior secondary school mathematics examination in Bayelsa State of Nigeria. Student Communication Science, 3(2), 131-134. National Mathematics Advisory Panel. (2008). The final report of the National Mathematics Advisory Panel. Retrieved from http://www.ed.gov/about/bdscomm/list/mathpanel/report.pdf. Odogwu, H. N. (1994). Primary secondary teachers and the teaching of time concept in schools. Education Today, 7(2), 54-61. Onakpoma, V. O. (2008). Attrition rates in primary schools in Delta State. Unpublished master's thesis, Delta State University, Abraka. Okafor, C. F. & Anaduaka, U. S. (2013). Nigerian school children and mathematics phobia: How the mathematics teacher can help. American Journal of Educational Research, 1(7), 247- 251. Osunde A. U, & Izevbigie, T. I. (2006). An assessment of teachers' attitude towards teaching profession in Midwestern Nigeria. Education, 126(3), 462-467. Soer, W. A. (2009). Distribution of professional educators in Transvaal. Durban: Butterworths. Umameh, M. A. (2011). A survey of factors responsible for students’ poor performance in mathematics in senior secondary school certificate examination (SSCE) in Idah local government area of Kogi state, Nigeria. Retrieved from https://www.academia.edu/7671293/A_SURVEY_OF_FACTORS_RESPONSIBLE_FO R_STUDENTS_POOR_PERFORMANCE_IN_MATHEMATICS_IN_SENIOR_SECO
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NDARY_SCHOOL_CERTIFICATE_EXAMINATION_SSCE_IN_IDAH_LOCAL_GO VERNMENT_AREA_OF_KOGI_STATE_NIGERIA Wenglinsky, H. (1997). How money matters: The effect of school district spending on academic achievement. Sociology of Education, 70, 221-237. Yemi, T. M. & Adeshina, A. N. G. (2013). Factors influencing effective learning of mathematics at senior secondary schools within Gombe Metropolis, Gombe State Nigeria. International Institute for Science, Technology and Education, 4(21), 61-66.
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Urban Education Research and Policy Annuals Vol. 4(1) ! Voices of Black Women as Directors of Informal STEM Programs
Jessica Alyce Wilson Natalie S. King University of South Florida University of Florida
This autoethnographic study highlights the personal experiences of two African American women graduate students who direct summer STEM programs designed to engage and mentor students who are underrepresented in the STEM disciplines. They share reflections and personal accounts of how they position themselves in their directorship roles and provide insights into their struggles and successes. The programs take place in different cities with unique program structures, but are united in their goal of providing 5 weeks of culturally-relevant STEM learning experiences for Black and Latino/a middle school students. Both researchers self- reflected and shared narratives expressing how the intersections of their race, class, and gender have interacted in complex ways to shape their identities as Black working class women in positions of power empowering the next generation of Black and Latino/a students to pursue careers in STEM. Keywords: African American graduate students, STEM, autoethnography
The future of our society depends on our children’s ability to problem solve, work collaboratively, and be responsible and productive citizens in a rapidly progressing global society (Langdon, McKittrick, Beede, Khan, & Doms, 2011;Vilorio, 2014). In order for the United States to maintain its national security in the 21st century global market, all students, including underrepresented minorities in Science, Technology, Engineering, and Math (STEM), need to develop scientific literacy. Policymakers, educators, and those in industry are all recommending that STEM education become a national priority due to the need to train, attract, and retain STEM-literate professionals to serve in these fields (Chang, 2002; Farrell, 2002; Geisinger & Raman, 2013). There is an even greater need to retain students of marginalized ethnic groups and women in the STEM fields as a result of the diverse population in the United States and the growing economical need for more STEM career professionals to enter the workforce (Hill, Corbett, & St Rose, 2010; Langdon, McKittrick, Beede, Khan, & Doms, 2011; Litow, 2008). As a result, potential actions have been presented within the STEM disciplines to recruit and retain all populations of students (Chang, 2002; Geisinger & Raman, 2013; Wilson et al., 2012). Research supports that informal STEM programs are an effective approach in exposing underrepresented students to the possibilities and careers within the STEM disciplines (Leslie, 1997). In education, participation in mentoring programs has been shown to sustain and increase motivation to pursue STEM careers for all students, including those who have historically been marginalized (Hernandez, Schultz, Estrada, Woodcock & Chance, 2013; Wilson et al., 2012). Research suggests that middle school is a critical time for students to develop an appreciation for science if there is any hope of them persisting in the STEM pipeline (Mesa, Pringle, & King, 2014). Many organizations and universities have risen to the challenge and developed programs to engage underrepresented populations in STEM during out-of-school time (Barton, 2007; Jones, 1997; Simpson & Parsons, 2008). These studies have addressed the program’s structures, students’ experiences, parents’ roles and involvement, and even teachers’ and mentors’ experiences. What the literature has not unearthed is how directors of programs designed to engage Black and Latino/a middle school students in STEM disciplines position themselves in
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their directorship roles and how they approach designing programs that meet the sociocultural needs of the participants. This study provides insight into the struggles and successes of two African American women who serve as directors of programs designed to provide STEM mentoring experiences to middle school Black and Latino/a students through community-based STEM programs. The paper is structured to first share their unique stories regarding how they began the journey into directorship roles and their struggles and successes. This study does not describe the programs’ designs and activities because the purpose of this particular paper is to share the cultural experiences of both directors and how the intersections of their race, class, and gender have interacted in complex ways to shape their identities as Black working class women in positions of power as they empower and prepare the next generation of Black and Latino/a students to pursue STEM careers. Their narratives serve as a form of resistance to women of color historically being silenced, ignored, and isolated. Both researchers have undergone the self- reflection process and co-constructed overall themes from narratives, which are shared in the discussion. Specifically, we ask the following research question: How do Black women as directors of informal STEM programs position themselves to design and implement effective and culturally relevant programs for Black and Latino middle school students?
Black Feminist Thought The conceptual framework for this inquiry pulls from Black Feminist Thought in order to inform the findings of this research, which seeks to address some of these challenges. Black Feminist Thought (BFT), introduced by Patricia Hill-Collins (1989, 1998, 2002), is “a critical social theory committed to justice for the collective population of Black women and other oppressed groups. The premise of BFT centers on the empowerment of Black women and the assertion of their voices as central to their experiences” (Patton, 2009, p. 516). In the work of Patton (2009), she devises Black Feminist Thought into six distinguishing factors developed by Hill-Collins (2002), including: 1.! “Dialectical relationship” among African American women as a collective linking their intersecting oppressions with activism. Countering these oppressions broadly embraces social justice drawing on Black women’s consciousness and experiences, collectively and individually. 2.! Challenges faced by Black women might be similar, however, how these challenges are experienced by Black women may be noticeably different. 3.! “Dialectical relationship” connecting Black women’s experiences with the emergence of a group standpoint...This feature focuses on the autonomy of Black women to produce Black feminist thought and action. 4.! Black women intellectuals come from all walks of life and offer unique contributions to the creation of BFT by bringing a distinctive perspective on Black womanhood that enables them to introspectively examine multiple oppressions better than those beyond the collective group. 5.! Acknowledge that change is inevitable. Black women’s methods of resistance must change. 6.! The struggles of Black women are unique, but not isolated from other social justice projects. This humanist approach succinctly identifies difference, yet is simultaneously committed to advancing oneness among all peoples (Patton, 2009, pp. 516-517). The themes of Black Feminist Thought provide greater insight into the paradigm and how the concepts were formed. “The experiences and life history of Black women project a different
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Urban Education Research and Policy Annuals Vol. 4(1) ! perspective. This is coupled with the fact that literature does not fully address the needs, concerns, and achievements of Black women, the stereotypical images and expectations of these women are still held by many” (Bova, 2000, p. 6). It is crucial that “self-valuation, self- definition, and knowledge validation replace the negative images of self in the minds of these women” (Howard-Hamilton, 2003, p. 22). Race, gender, and class are identities that interlock the components of African American women’s identity (Howard-Hamilton, 2003). Furthermore, the intersectionality of these identities is immersed in oppression and lessens their “status in an array of either/or dualities” (Collins, 2002, p. 472). Collins’ perspectives provide a rich context and meaning for African American women whose voice must be heard from within rather than heard from outside of their own perspectives and experiences.
Conceptual Framework The conceptual framework for this research is developed through implementation of components of Black Feminist Thought. This conceptual framework entails one major theme which is “dialectical relationships” (Hill-Collins, 2002). In order to inform this theme, we have identified components in other bodies of research, specifically Critical Race Theory, that embody the same initiative. Therefore, four components to this “dialectical relationships” are used in this inquiry (Figure 1) which include: intersectionality (Delgado & Stefancic, 2012), counterstory (Solorzano & Yosso, 2002), counterspaces (Howard-Hamilton, 2003), and oppression meets activism (Hill-Collins, 2002). In this inquiry, intersectionality will be used to highlight the notion that lived experiences are frequently a result of race, gender, religious perspective, age, etc. It is not one aspect alone that makes our identity, but rather the unique ways in which our different identities intersect to shape who we are. Counterspaces provide shelter from the “daily torrent of microaggressions” and can be fostered through positive support systems, which include family, friends, community members, organizations, etc. (Howard-Hamilton, 2003, p. 23). These spaces typically operate as counterspaces because the people within the spaces share lived experiences as a result of the intersectionality that develops their position in society. Since the intersectionality of Black women's identities is immersed in oppression, it is important to link this oppression to activism. The Informal STEM programs develop opportunities for counterspaces and activism to exist.
Figure 1. Conceptual Framework
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Methodology Resources for this body of research include autoethnography and counternarratives. These resources intersect different boundaries of culture and identity. This is necessary because we are Black women as program directors to a diverse population of students. Understanding these resources makes it easier to understand why and how they are integrated for the framework, and methods of this research. The research question for this inquiry is as follows: •! How do Black women as directors of informal STEM programs position themselves to design and implement effective and culturally relevant programs for Black and Latino/a middle school students? An overview of autoethnography and counternarratives follows and this section concludes with the methods for this inquiry. Autoethnography Autoethnography is a reflexive and reflective process of autobiographical genres of writing and research that exhibits multiple layers of consciousness that connect the cultural and personal (Ellis & Bochner, 2000). The process begins with an outward, ethnographic lens that focuses on social and cultural aspects of one's personal experience, and the process proceeds with an inward, autoethnographic lens that exposes a “vulnerable self that is moved by and may move through, refract, and resist cultural interpretations” (Ellis & Bochner, 2000, p. 739). Autoethnographic accounts take a variety of forms, which include short stories, novels, poetry, journals, fragmented and layered writing, social science prose, etc. (Ellis & Bochner, 2000). Autoethnography challenges our “assumptions of normalcy, instructs us about forms of socialization, explores our participation in school socialization, and in turn, teaches one about the self. Second, it may teach one to write to practice and share emotions with audiences and to improve the craft for its own sake” (Hernandez, 2013, p. 106). Third, autoethnography teaches one to instill in and model through the exploration of self-critical attitudes, which offer self- disclosure in the facilitation and learning, and to investigate inequity and oppression in educational settings (Denzin, 2003). Adams-Wiggan (2010) and Hernandez (2013) implement counterstory and autoethnography to research the experiences of Black professional women and Latina/o educators. Collective autoethnography enables collaboration among researchers to analyze and interpret one another’s work, simultaneously developing a space for members of the group to respond to that work (Hernandez, 2013). Individual narratives are developed by participants based upon critical moments that entail responses from all contributors’ members of the group (Lapadat, 2009). Counternarrative Counterstory-telling includes the reproduction and production of individual narratives that counter the evident and accepted knowledge of master- or meta-narratives, frequently referenced as majoritarian stories (Terry, 2011). In counterstory-telling a dialectical relationship exists between African American narratives (a implicit African American philosophy, liberation as education) and dominant narratives (indications of White supremacist ideology) (Terry, 2011). Although, not all narratives intend to challenge or counter majoritarian narrative (Terry, 2011). Solorzano and Yosso (2001) assert, “a story becomes a counter-story when it begins to incorporate the...elements of critical race theory” (p. 39). Terry (2011) claims a narrative constitutes a counterstory when it fulfills three key criteria: 1.! contains a kernel or representation of the dominant narrative such that it communicates a clear understanding of that dominant narrative and its implications to the communicant;
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Urban Education Research and Policy Annuals Vol. 4(1) ! 2.! provides the communicant (in the form of a competing narrative that is grounded in a “freedom reality”) reasonable and sufficient grounds for contradicting the dominant narrative; and 3.! allows the communicant to access the larger freedom reality toward which the competing narrative pushes (Terry, 2011, p. 30) The fictitious work of Derrick Bell’s (1992) “Space Traders” story, for example, grappled with the idea of Blacks in America being traded to aliens by political leaders. The story provided a truth to the political value of Black people in America (Bell, 1992). Counternarratives can develop empathic communities among those at society’s margin by humanizing educational theory and practice; unveiling opportunities; challenging conventional ideologies from society’s center; using narratives to provide a space to challenge existing ideological systems (Delgado, 1989). Methods This inquiry began as a discussion of our experiences as program developers within these Informal STEM programs. During our discussion, we established central themes. Following the discussion, we agreed to reflect on each theme and compose an autoethnographic account of our experience in our programs. This study implements a content analysis as a method of open coding. The researchers developed and sampled their own work and experiences to create their autoethnography and counternarratives. The data collection process was completed through personal and program reflections, allowing the researchers to recall our experiences and personal accounts. The resulting ethnographies have been categorized by the thematic categories developed in the conceptual framework, which is rooted in Black Feminist Thought. The analysis of this research is facilitated with examples in the data analysis and findings.
Findings
Reflections from Director Ariya of the Engineering Mentoring Program (EMP) When I was first introduced to the Engineering Mentoring Program (EMP), I was completing the second year of my PhD program in the College of Education. The program had just received grant funding in order to host a pilot program, which included a Robotics Summer Academy. Mentally, at the time I was in a space where things were looking up for me, the chance to work for this program was an outstanding opportunity. The previous two years were some of the lowest moments of my life as I endured the day-to-day life of a low-income, young Black woman of size, in a STEM discipline in pursuit of an advanced degree while trying to my maintain my Christian faith. I had become an outsider within every environment that I knew, and in turn was faced with feelings of incompetency, self-doubt and feelings of rejection. I reached a point where I was forced to conform in every space in my life, which meant I was consistently wearing a mask, and in some cases multiple masks in order to please others and be accepted, when all I wanted and needed to be was me. In an attempt to seek allies to support me during this complex experience, I found that my definition of support and mentorship was very different from what I was being provided and that my understanding of support translated in this new environment (research one institution) was viewed as a negative outcome of my experience at a Historically Black College and University (HBCU). Things began to get better when I began taking courses that discussed topics that critically analyzed race, gender, classism and social justice in education. I began to see myself in
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my coursework and I began to understand what was happening in the world around me. It was a reassuring experience because for the first time in years I realized that I was not crazy or simply playing the victim, but instead that I was having real and valid experiences. These experiences were occurring because I was an outsider within so many spaces in my life that my perspective was silenced because it was not a dominant perspective. As I learned about the operation of privilege and oppression I began to understand the world so much better. Things in life began to look up and I wanted to return to what I knew I loved, helping people and doing outreach to support my community. EMP was the beginning of the process of reclaiming my joy. Before directing the EMP, I was working with a program that provides local Black and Latino/a PhD students with support and networking opportunities within academia to share our research and interests. A professor in the College of Engineering received a grant that aligned with my research interests of providing STEM mentoring opportunities for Black and Latino/a students to enter STEM disciplines. I was the first to join the EMP team and was asked to take the lead on program assessment and to begin my journey by reviewing literature on service learning programs. The proposal for the EMP described a program that served underrepresented and underserved populations including middle school children from low-income families and undergraduate engineering students with similar demographics in a robotics context. Additionally, this program would provide opportunities to build life and technical skills within the context of a culturally relevant curriculum. It was a dream come true for me. I would have the opportunity to develop something great that I was passionate about, while simultaneously contributing to my own professional development goals. During the EMP Robotics Summer Academy undergraduate engineering and mathematics students were hired to serve as mentors to middle school students (mentees). The EMP mentors were truly an asset to the program. The mentors had expertise and experiences as young adults, college students, and engineering or mathematics majors that the mentees did not have. The mentees on the other hand had young and creative ideas and were open to the trial and error process. This made for an excellent team and the mentors and mentees were both empowered from the experience of working together. One of the most impactful experiences in the program was when African and Bomba dance instructors and drummers facilitated an activity to connect culture, family, language and STEM education. It was an excellent experience and the mentors and mentees enjoyed it. However, one particular student stands out who struggled with her identity as Latina and refused to share information about her family. When the Bomba dance instructor introduced herself as a Latina from Puerto Rico, the student immediately identified herself as being Latina from Puerto Rico, started speaking in Spanish and gave praises to all of Latino/a descent. Three of the other participants in the EMP were Latinos from Puerto Rico as well, and the instructor asked them to come up front. In that moment, the mentees were so proud of their culture and shared stories about their families. From that day forward, they were open and proud of their identity as Latino/a students and opened up to their peers and mentors in the program. A key component of developing mentoring programs for Black and Latino/a students is providing opportunities for creativity that supports their psychosocial and cultural development. Since I am a part of an African dance group in the local community, I wanted to implement this component into the program and add Bomba for the Latino/a students. My contributions were treated as frivolous and the project team was not interested. However, I continued to push for the event, understanding the kind of impact that it would have for the mentees. Not only did the mentees and mentors state it as their most memorable experience, but the project team enjoyed it
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Urban Education Research and Policy Annuals Vol. 4(1) ! as well. The Principal Investigator thanked me in private for my resilience and reassured me of the good work. However, I received no public recognition for my ideas or the struggles that I endured. I had to understand that although I played a major role in the development of this program, at the end of the day, it was not my own. Receiving grant funding puts constraints and guidelines on what the program is able to offer. I was troubled most by my perspectives and ideas not being held to the same level of respect as my Black male counterparts. No matter how much I learned and contributed through the development process of the EMP, I still had to prove myself each and every day. Serving as the director requires many sacrifices and selfless acts. Prior to starting the EMP, we hosted an induction ceremony for the mentees. One parent approached me because her work schedule conflicted with the timeframe for the program and she would be unable to transport her children to and from the program. This mother was interested in having her children participate and receive these STEM experiences. Immediately, I volunteered to pick them up each day to ensure that they made it to the program. She looked relieved and was uncertain of how to respond. I believe she was in shock because I did not hesitate to offer my assistance. For the entire program I picked up and dropped off three children each day from two different households. I did not mind doing it and truly defined it as a rewarding experience. Although I offered a helping hand asking nothing in return, I was financially unstable and struggled to pay my rent and bills and keep gas in the car because the pay was so low. I could barely make ends meet and had to take out a student loan and beg my parents for extra money just to get by. I did not have health insurance and can also recall agreeing to apply for a graduate student grant just to reimburse the PI since he was coming out of pocket in order to pay for supplies for the program. Not to mention at the end of the program I spent over $100 out of my personal funds to make small gifts to present to the mentors, mentees, and staff members for the program. I was willing to help in any way that I could especially if it meant positive outcomes for the students involved in EMP. I believed that if I gave, then I would receive and so I just could not understand how I poured so much into the program and yet struggled so much with little to no recognition for my efforts.
Reflections from Director Nicole of STAR Summer Program First day back to school, August 22nd, 2011. I was a high school science teacher with two distinct groups of students: those in the highly esteemed International Baccalaureate (IB) Program and those considered mainstream in the major program courses. Not only was this day spent learning about my students, but hearing the stories about their summer adventures. As I listened to their stories, I noticed that the major program students spent the past two and a half months watching television, hanging out with friends, and maybe attending a family reunion in a neighboring town. However, my IB students traveled and visited different countries, enrolled in educational summer camps that strengthened their learning, and were not just academically ready, but ahead. I also observed that most of the children in my major program classes were minorities from low-income households while my IB classes consisted of majority White and Asian students from middle to high-income households. Perplexed and frustrated with the reality of these disparities, I knew it was time to act! I rallied together a few of my colleagues who taught in local schools that shared similar laments of the African American and Latino/a children in their classes being idle during the summer months. This is how the concept of the STAR Summer Program was conceived and has evolved tremendously over the past four years to meet the specific needs of children in our community and the demands society has placed on them to
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compete in the global market. The mission of the STAR Program is to provide the most underserved children with the resources, skills, knowledge, and training to be well-rounded, productive, responsible, and engaged citizens. We accomplish this through a comprehensive program that prepares underrepresented populations in kindergarten through the twelfth grade to pursue careers in STEM and to be college ready upon completing high school through continued participation in the program and sustained mentoring. As a Black woman of color, graduate student at the local university, and executive director of this program, I always found myself shifting between my roles and figuring out how I could build bridges to make connections between the university with plenteous resources and the east side of town with people just trying to get by. I positioned myself as a member of the east side community because I lived where the families lived, attended church in the same neighborhood, and taught at the local high school for three years. However, it took time, hard work, and dedication to build meaningful relationships with members of the community because although I lived there, I had a master’s degree and social and cultural capital that they lacked. I realized that they were not looking for a savior, just a partner and someone who cared enough to listen to their concerns and provide access to basic resources and services that our lighter brothers and sisters were given without asking. They also wanted to ensure that I was in for the long run and not just offering a program one year and gone the next year. As director of the STAR Summer Program, I served as a counselor, mother, and friend – offered advice when solicited, networks when needed, or just a listening ear. My role was much deeper than the day-to-day interactions and planning activities for students, I was a part of the community and rejoiced with the families when they rejoiced and wept when they wept. It was of utmost importance that all parents bought into the program and they contributed whatever they could afford. I built relationships with the families and learned their strengths so that they felt a sense of belonging and inclusion in the community-based program. What I appreciated the most was that parents were not embarrassed to ask for help and entrusted me with very personal information. This was important to me because many of the children that we serve struggle in school for reasons beyond the child’s control and parents do not feel comfortable speaking with the school/teachers about such personal matters. I depended on my parents/guardians to remain actively involved and sought opportunities for them to share their personal experiences and showcase their strengths. For example, one grandmother was one of the first students to integrate our local high school. She sat the students down and shared her story about what it was like growing up in our city during the segregation/desegregation era. Parents whose schedules did not allow for them to physically come in found other ways to contribute. One mother used her “food stamps” to purchase snacks for the children as her means of contributing to the program. Local churches, businesses, non-profit organizations and community members sponsored children to attend or co-sponsored aspects of our program to ensure that it would be a success. Our story is that it truly takes a village and when I opened the door for families and the community to be an integral part of the program, they embraced the opportunity with pride and dignity. Because the STAR Summer Program was a grassroots movement, we did not have an account or any money at the beginning the program. Teachers brought in some of their lessons and activities and we used what we had. I wrote sponsorship letters and presented at various meetings (Black sororities/fraternities, local churches, and other non-profit organizations). I also wrote small grants, created crowdfunding accounts, and begged friends and family to support. Everywhere I went, I talked about the program and solicited supporters. This experience allowed me to put aside my pride and work unselfishly and advocate on behalf of the community to build
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Urban Education Research and Policy Annuals Vol. 4(1) ! relationships with the College of Engineering and College of Education for the STEM components of the program. Some days, I was so discouraged because having the basic funding and resources to implement STEM activities became a chore. Even though the work was so draining, the rewards far outweighed my sacrifices. One parent sent a message after this year’s program saying “Thank you so much for the STAR Program!!! Lisa really enjoyed herself this summer! As a parent, I observed Lisa’s continued growth spiritually, academically, socially, and emotionally! Kudos to you and staff for a job well done! Forever grateful” (personal communication, August 2015). Simple words like these make directing the program worth all of the sweat, tears, and disappointments! My story is that there was a negotiation process of power and certain barriers to break through in order to provide a holistic STEM program for Black and Latino/a students that embraced their lived experiences and cultures.
Discussion These autoethnographic accounts of two Black women serving as program directors in informal STEM programs provide a new lens to understand how their identities have intersected in complex ways to position them to successfully run informal STEM programs for Black and Latino/a students. They defined their directorship roles based on their previous experiences as Black women in STEM disciplines and produced a greater consciousness of the expectations and perspectives of Informal STEM Programs for Black/Latino/a students. They were committed to uplifting and supporting families even when they were not provided with the support and resources. Being a program director is a vital component of Black PhD women’s academic experiences and professional development. This is supported by the first feature of Black Feminist Thought because Black women program directors are able to offer observations and share advice from their own lived experiences. There is a strong family connection and linkage to “mothering” as a Black woman director of mentoring programs for minority students. It is important for the STEM program to be “contextual in nature” and a “counterspace” for mentees and mentors to deal with daily challenges that they face. Trust issues are most intense in Black women program directors’ discussion about Black male directors. Many times, there is a feeling of isolation as Black women in the directorship role because very few people may share those same passions. Within the STEM program, it is important to have familial and community support for a successful program.
Implications These reflections document the personal accounts of two Black women directors of STEM programs for students who are underrepresented in STEM careers. Current efforts from both researchers and practitioners seek to broaden the participation in STEM learning by diversifying the students included as well as the educators and designers facilitating these programs. Their efforts seek to provide a safe space where children’s prior knowledge, experiences, and social and historical contexts are valued and included in the lessons/activities. These informal institutions embrace the participants’ cultural practice and develop programs that meet the needs of the community and interests of the students. It is essential to engage the community and build networks that foster sustained support and participation. Informal science institutions can partner with the local community to collaboratively set goals and structure a program that provides meaningful science experiences appropriate for their specific contexts. This autoethnographic study showed how two directors positioned themselves to provide effective STEM programs for Black and Latino students and how they fostered a supportive and
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low-stakes environment for students to develop as STEM learners and project themselves into that image. Students’ prior experiences, lived experiences, cultures, knowledge, and families are resources that must be harnessed for meaningful learning to take place.
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References Adams-Wiggan, T. K. (2010). Realities, risks, and responsibilities: A critical narrative inquiry and autoethnographic exploration of biculturality among black professional women. (Unpublished doctoral dissertation). Appalachian State University, Boone, NC. Barton, A. C. (2007). Science learning in urban settings. In S. K. Abell & N. G. Lederman (Eds.), Handbook of research on science education (pp. 319-343). New York, NY: Routledge. Bell, D. A. (1992). Faces at the bottom of the well. New York, NY: Basic Books. Bova, B. (2000). Mentoring revisited: The Black woman's experience. Mentoring and Tutoring, 8(1), 5-16. Chang, J. C. (2002). Women and minorities in the science, mathematics and engineering pipeline. Retrieved from ERIC: http://files.eric.ed.gov/fulltext/ED467855.pdf Closson, R. B. (2010). Critical race theory and adult education. Adult Education Quarterly, 60(3), 261-283. Delgado, R. (1989). Storytelling for oppositionists and others: A plea for narrative. Michigan Law Review, 87, 2411-2441. Delgado, R., & Stefancic, J. (2012). Critical race theory: An introduction. New York, NY: NYU Press. Ellis, C., & Bochner, A. P. (2000). Autoethnography, personal narrative, reflexivity: Researcher as subject. In N. K. Denzin & Y. S. Lincoln (Eds.), Handbook of qualitative research (pp. 733-768). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Denzin, N. K. (2003). Performance ethnography: Critical pedagogy and the politics of culture. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Farrell, E. F. (2002). Engineering a warmer welcome for female students. The Chronicle of Higher Education, 48, A31. Gallagher, S. A. (1994). Middle school classroom predictors of science persistence. Journal of Research in Science Teaching, 31, 721–734. Geisinger, B. N., & Raman, D. R. (2013). Why they leave: Understanding student attrition from engineering majors. International Journal of Engineering Education, 29(4), 914. Hernandez, E. (2013). Using LatCrit, autoethnography, and counterstory to teach about and resist Latina/o nihilism. In M. S. Plakhotnik & S. M. Nielsen (Eds.), Proceedings of the 12th Annual South Florida Education Research Conference (pp. 102-109). Retrieved from International University. Retrieved from http://education.fiu.edu/research_conference/ Hill, C., Corbett, C., & St. Rose, A. (2010). Why so few? Women in science, technology, engineering, and mathematics. Washington, DC: American Association of University Women. Retrieved from http://files.eric.ed.gov/fulltext/ED509653.pdf Hill-Collins, P. (1989). The social construction of Black feminist thought. Signs, 14(4), 745-773. Hill-Collins, P. (1998). Fighting words: Black women and the search for justice. Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press. Hill-Collins, P. H. (2002). Black feminist thought: Knowledge, consciousness, and the politics of empowerment. New York, NY: Routledge. Howard"Hamilton, M. F. (2003). Theoretical frameworks for African American women. New Directions for Student Services, 2003(104), 19-27. Jones, L. S. (1997). Opening doors with informal science: Exposure and access for our underserved students. Science Education, 81(6), 663-677. Langdon, D., McKittrick, G., Beede, D., Khan, B., & Doms, M. (2011). STEM: Good jobs bow and for the future (ESA Issue Brief# 03-11). Retrieved from ERIC: http://files.eric.ed.gov/fulltext/ED522129.pdf ! 199 !
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Lapadat, J. (2009). Writing our way into shared understanding. Qualitative Inquiry, 15(6), 955- 979. Mesa, J. C., Pringle, R. M., & King, N. (2014). Surfacing students' prior knowledge in middle school science classrooms: Exception or the rule?. Middle Grades Research Journal, 9(3), 61. Parker, L. (2004). Commentary: Can critical theories of or on race be used in evaluation research in education. New Directions for Evaluation, 101, 85-93. Simpson, J. S., & Parsons, E. C. (2009). African American perspectives and informal science educational experiences. Science Education, 93(2), 293-321. Solórzano, D., & Yosso, T. (2001). Critical race and LatCrit theory and method: Counter- storytelling. International Journal of Qualitative Studies in Education, 14, 471–495. Solórzano, D., & Yosso, T. (2002). A critical race counterstory of race, racism, and affirmative action. Equity & Excellence in Education, 35, 155–168. Terry, C. L. (2011). Mathematical counterstory and African American male students: Urban mathematics education from a critical race theory perspective. Journal of Urban Mathematics Education, 4(1), 23-49. Vilorio, D. (2014). STEM 101: Intro to tomorrow’s jobs. Occupational Outlook Quarterly, 58(1), 2-12. Wilson, Z. S., Holmes, L., Sylvain, M. R., Batiste, L., Johnson, M., McGuire, S. Y., ... & Warner, I. M. (2012). Hierarchical mentoring: A transformative strategy for improving diversity and retention in undergraduate STEM disciplines. Journal of Science Education and Technology, 21(1), 148-156.
! 200 Urban Education Research and Policy Annuals Call for Manuscripts
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g. Journal submissions for review and publication should be submitted online. Submission of a manuscript is a representation that the paper has not been previously submitted in any publication elsewhere or published in any open literature. It also represents that the author/s have not assigned or transferred copyright for the material. ALL SUBMISSIONS DUE BY SEPTEMBER 30, 2016 For more information, visit: journals.uncc.edu/urbaned Urban Educa tion Research and Policy Annuals About the Journal and Editors
About the Journal
The Urban Education Research & Policy Annuals (UERPA) is a graduate student journal that is published annually by the Urban Education Collaborative at the University of North Carolina at Charlotte. This double- blind peer reviewed journal will consist of empirical and theoretical research written by masters and doctoral- level students in the areas related to urban education. The UERPA includes original articles, brief reports, and book reviews in the areas of educational reform, educational equity for underrepresented groups, racially diverse perspectives, multiculturalism, teacher education models, student achievement, urban school populations, and academic and social needs for urban students. Articles on other topics will be accepted if they have a clear relationship to research, policy, or practice in urban education. Graduate students in education and public policy programs in the United States and abroad are invited to submit articles for review to the UERPA. Submissions will be reviewed by doctoral students under the guidance of full- time faculty in the Urban Education Program at the College of Education at University of North Carolina at Charlotte. Consistent with the policies of most journals in the field, articles submitted will either be "accepted," "recommended for revision and resubmission," or "not accepted." Information about the Editors
Chance W. Lewis, Ph.D. is the Carolyn Grotnes Belk Distinguished Professor of Urban Education in the College of Education at the University of North Carolina at Charlotte. Additionally, he is the Founding Executive Director of the UNCC Urban Education Collaborative which is dedicated to disseminating the next generation of research on the improvement of teaching and learning in urban schools. Dr. Lewis formerly served on the faculty at Texas A&M University and Colorado State University. Katie E. Brown is currently a doctoral candidate at the University of North Carolina at Charlotte in the department of Middle, Secondary, and K-12 Education. She holds both a B.A. in Literatures in English and an MAEd. in secondary education. She also serves as a Doctoral Fellow with the Urban Education Collaborative at UNCC. Katie is currently pursuing a Ph.D. in the field of Curriculum and Instruction - Urban Education. Her research interests include Montessori programs in public schools, school experiences of LGBTQ youth, and charter schools. Katie can be reached at [email protected]. Tempestt R. Adams is a doctoral candidate in the Curriculum & Instruction, Urban Education program at the University of North Carolina at Charlotte (UNCC). She is the Giles Dissertation Fellow for the 2015-2016 school year. Tempestt serves as a Graduate Research Assistant with the Urban Education Collaborative at UNCC. Her research interests include early college high schools, teacher preparation, and STEM Education. Tempestt can be reached at [email protected].
ALL SUBMISSIONS DUE BY SEPTEMBER 30, 2016 For more information, visit: journals.uncc.edu/urbaned Copyright of Urban Education Research and Policy Annuals is the property of the Urban Education Collaborative at the University of North Carolina at Charlotte and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder’s express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use.