Dialogue Between Israelis and Palestinians: Obsolete Approach Or Still Viable Technique in the Middle East Conflict Rt Ansformation Toolkit?
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10Th Anniversary Israel, Chicago
From the Office of For Release: May 12, 1958 Senator Hubert H. Humphrey Monday a.m. 140 Senate Office Building Washington 25, D. c. CApitol 4-3121, Ext. 2424 REGIONAL MIDE.A.sr.r . I OPEN SKIES I INSPEC,TlON PEOPOSED AS I PILOT I DISARMAMENT PROJEC'l' An 'open skies' a ~ial and ground inspection system in the Middle East was urged by Senator Hubert H. Humphrey (D-Minn.) in Chicago last night as "a pilot project· of inestimable value for the cause of world disarmament. " Addressing the Independence Festival in. Chicago Stadium celebrating Israel's lOth Anniversary, Senator Humphrey, chairman of. both the Disarmament and Middle East Subcommittees in the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations, called attention to Prime Minister Ben-Gurion '·s support for a regional dis- armament pact in the Middle East and declared that an adequate inspection system in that area "could allay apprehension over the possibility of a sur- prise attack by one state upon another." "All of the countries of the Middle East should seriously consider this proposal," Senator Humphrey declared. "The United States should take the initiative in calling.' it 1.1P for discus sion before the United Nations. "The people of the Middle East, who have already themselves shown their aspirations for peace by accepting new forms of peacekeeping machinery such as the United Nations Emer gency Force, could make another significant contribution to world peace if they would be the first to adopt, in their own region, the principle of inspection against surprise attack. "That many of the Middle Eastern governments favor this principle was demonstrated in 1955 ~en they supported a United Nations resolution on the open skies plan, and again a week or two ago when they continued their support of the concept in the Artie debate in the United Nations. -
Lunch at the Muqata''a—
Lunch at the Muqata’’a— Part One ON THE THIRD AND FINAL DAY of the Fall 2003 International Solidarity Movement (ISM) non-violence training in the West Bank town of Beit Sahour, news suddenly came over the radio that someone had blown themselves up in a restaurant in Haifa, inside the Green Line. It was October 4, two days before Yom Kippur. The broadcasts were in Hebrew and Arabic and had to be translated by the ISM facilitators into English for the majority of us—the Internationals attending the training. But even before the facilitators explained anything we could tell by their intense concentration as they sat huddled around the radio switching back and forth between stations, and making hushed phone calls, that the news was not good. I don’t recall anyone turning on a tv. Beit Sahour in October, 2003, was like a ghost town. Full of empty hotels and restaurants usually catering to tourists going to nearby Bethlehem, but no one was going to Bethlehem. The year before, in 2002, the siege of the 27 Church of the Nativity had made international headlines as the Israeli military laid siege not only to the Church, and those seeking refuge in it, but to Nablus, Jenin and other cities on the West Bank. This created the ground work for the newly spawned multiple checkpoints and the ever expanding “Security Fence,” or “Separation Barrier,” or “Apartheid Wall,” depending on whom one was talking to. So while Beit Sahour was almost empty, except for the people who actually lived there, the very air seemed charged with the news—the hotel staff visibly distracted; the training organizers speaking worriedly among themselves. -
Irena Dahl Master's Thesis in Middle East Studies
Election Dilemmas: Palestinian Engagement in Jerusalem Municipal Elections Irena Dahl Master’s Thesis in Middle East Studies (MES4590) Department of Culture Studies and Oriental Languages 30 credits UNIVERSITY OF OSLO Spring 2020 i © Irena Dahl 2020 Election Dilemmas: Palestinian Engagement in Jerusalem Mu- nicipal Elections of 2018 Irena Dahl http://www.duo.uio.no/ ii Abstract Since the occupation until the present day, there have been great disparities in service provision be- tween the West and East Jerusalem. Even though East Jerusalemites have the status of permanent residents in Israel and are entitled welfare and municipal services, only as little as 10% of the mu- nicipal budget is allocated to East Jerusalem. There is a shortage of services such as water, sewage, road maintenance and garbage collection. The schools in East Jerusalem are in deplorable condition and there is a lack of classrooms and qualified staff. Some claim that the neglect is caused by Pales- tinians’ non-participation in the municipal elections. Palestinians in East Jerusalem have tradition- ally been boycotting the municipal elections in Jerusalem since the annexation in 1967. The reason for the boycott stems from recognizing the legitimacy of the Jerusalem municipality and Israel’s control over East Jerusalem. Thus, the PLO and religious leaders encourage East Jerusalemites not to vote in the elections. However, in 2018 there was an unprecedented interest in the elections among Palestinians. Two Palestinian candidates intended to enter the electoral race, albeit only one ran for the council seat. This thesis seeks to examine how Palestinian engagement in the elections has changed throughout the years by looking at historical timeline, analyzing Palestinians’ pro and contra elections arguments and discussing Israel’s policies towards East Jerusalem residents. -
Profiles of Peace
Profiles of Peace Forty short biographies of Israeli and Palestinian peace builders who have struggled to end the occupation and build a just future for both Palestinians and Israelis. Haidar Abdel Shafi Palestinian with a long history of working to improve the health and social conditions of Palestinians and the creation of a Palestinian state. Among his many accomplishments, Dr. Abdel Shafi has been the director of the Red Crescent Society of Gaza, was Chairman of the first Palestinian Council in Gaza, and took part in the Madrid Peace Talks in 1991. Dr. Haidar Abdel Shafi is one of the most revered persons in Palestine, whose long life has been devoted to the health and social conditions of his people and to their aspirations for a national state. Born in Gaza in 1919, he has spent most of his life there, except for study in Lebanon and the United States. He has been the director of the Red Crescent Society in Gaza and has served as Commissioner General of the Palestinian Independent Commission for Citizens Rights. His passion for an independent state of Palestine is matched by his dedication to achieve unity among all segments of the Palestinian community. Although Gaza is overwhelmingly religiously observant, he has won and kept the respect and loyalty of the people even though he himself is secular. Though nonparti- san he has often been associated with the Palestinian left, especially with the Palestinian Peoples Party (formerly the Palestinian Communist Party). A mark of his popularity is his service as Chairman of the first Palestinian Council in Gaza (1962-64) and his place on the Executive Committee of “There is no problem of the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO) (1964-65). -
The London School of Economics and Political Science the Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions Movement
The London School of Economics and Political Science The Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions Movement: Activism Across Borders for Palestinian Justice Suzanne Morrison A thesis submitted to the Department of Government of the London School of Economics for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, London, October 2015 1 Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the MPhil/PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of 75,359 words. 2 Abstract On 7 July 2005, a global call for Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions (BDS) was declared to people around the world to enact boycott initiatives and pressure their respective governments to sanction Israel until it complies with international law and respects universal principles of human rights. The call was endorsed by over 170 Palestinian associations, trade unions, non-governmental organizations, charities, and other Palestinian groups. The call mentioned how broad BDS campaigns were utilized in the South African struggle against apartheid, and how these efforts served as an inspiration to those seeking justice for Palestinians. -
Israel's Situation Today Looks Much As Ben-Gurion Envisioned It (Pdf)
8/21/2018 Israel’s Situation Today Looks Much as Ben-Gurion Envisioned It » Mosaic ISRAEL'S SITUATION TODAY LOOKS MUCH AS BEN-GURION ENVISIONED IT https://mosaicmagazine.com/response/2018/04/israels-situation-today-looks-much-as-ben-gurion- envisioned-it/ He wasn’t a prophet, but his strategies for Israel’s survival had a profound influence on leaders who came after him, left and right. April 30, 2018 | Martin Kramer This is a response to The May 1948 Vote that Made the State of Israel, originally published in Mosaic in April 2018 Since publication of my essay, “The May 1948 Vote that Made the State of Israel,” the date (by the Hebrew calendar) of Israel’s 70th anniversary has come and gone. Among the many commemorative events, Israel’s cabinet held a festive session in Independence Hall on Rothschild Boulevard in Tel Aviv, the place where David Ben- Gurion declared the state on May 14, 1948. On display at the center of the cabinet table, David Ben-Gurion with his bodyguard by the Sea courtesy of the state archives, was the of Galilee in 1969. The National Library of Israel, Declaration of Independence itself. The Dan Hadani’s Archive [IPPA Staff]. building will be open through the summer for extended hours and is then slated to close for renovation, after which it will perhaps become the national museum of Israel’s birth—something the country has never had. As I showed in my essay, however, it was not at this building but at the building of the Jewish National Fund, tucked away on a residential Tel Aviv street, that the state was actually born. -
Europe and the Vanishing Two-State Solution
EUROPE AND THE VANISHING TWO-STATE SOLUTION Nick Witney ABOUT ECFR The European Council on Foreign Relations (ECFR) is the first pan-European think-tank. Launched in October 2007, its objective is to conduct research and promote informed debate across Europe on the development of coherent, effective and values-based European foreign policy. ECFR has developed a strategy with three distinctive elements that define its activities: •A pan-European Council. ECFR has brought together a distinguished Council of over two hundred Members – politicians, decision makers, thinkers and business people from the EU’s member states and candidate countries – which meets once a year as a full body. Through geographical and thematic task forces, members provide ECFR staff with advice and feedback on policy ideas and help with ECFR’s activities within their own countries. The Council is chaired by Martti Ahtisaari, Joschka Fischer and Mabel van Oranje. • A physical presence in the main EU member states. ECFR, uniquely among European think-tanks, has offices in Berlin, London, Madrid, Paris, Rome, Sofia and Warsaw. In the future ECFR plans to open an office in Brussels. Our offices are platforms for research, debate, advocacy and communications. • A distinctive research and policy development process. ECFR has brought together a team of distinguished researchers and practitioners from all over Europe to advance its objectives through innovative projects with a pan-European focus. ECFR’s activities include primary research, publication of policy reports, private meetings and public debates, ‘friends of ECFR’ gatherings in EU capitals and outreach to strategic media outlets. ECFR is a registered charity funded by the Open Society Foundations and other generous foundations, individuals and corporate entities. -
Introducing MEPI
MEPI MIDDLE EAST PEACE INITIATIVE UNIVERSAL PEACE FEDERATION Introducing MEPI The Middle East Peace Initiative (MEPI) is a key strategic Those who act according to their conscience and work project of the Universal Peace Federation. It began in for the wellbeing of others are in accordance with 2003 as a Track II diplomacy effort bringing a wide universal spiritual principles. range of religious perspectives into the center of the What will be the impact of our peace programs and search for peace. More than 12,000 people have service projects? The civil rights marches led by Dr. participated in MEPI programs in Israel, the Palestinian Martin Luther King, Jr., raised people’s consciousness Territories, Jordan, and Lebanon. about racism and changed a nation. Mahatma Gandhi MEPI brings compassionate and spiritually-motivated led a movement that accomplished the seemingly impos- people to a shared vision of humanity as “One Family sible task of overcoming an empire. Nelson Mandela Under God.” We seek interreligious cooperation and kept the dream of peaceful reconciliation alive during constructive relationships among religions, governments, twenty-seven years in prison and led his people to a and civil society. Reconciling the family of Abraham is peaceful transition of power. our focus, and we bring that spirit to elected officials and Yes, to make peace in the Middle East takes time. But the other community leaders. This can stimulate new partner- seeds are being sown as people and families change, ships in peacebuilding and better public policies. one at a time. Our concept of spiritual leadership is broad. Everyone has a conscience that guides them to work for peace. -
The National Left (First Draft) by Shmuel Hasfari and Eldad Yaniv
The National Left (First Draft) by Shmu'el Hasfari and Eldad Yaniv Open Source Center OSC Summary: A self-published book by Israeli playwright Shmu'el Hasfari and political activist Eldad Yaniv entitled "The National Left (First Draft)" bemoans the death of Israel's political left. http://www.fas.org/irp/dni/osc/israel-left.pdf Statement by the Authors The contents of this publication are the responsibility of the authors, who also personally bore the modest printing costs. Any part of the material in this book may be photocopied and recorded. It is recommended that it should be kept in a data-storage system, transmitted, or recorded in any form or by any electronic, optical, mechanical means, or otherwise. Any form of commercial use of the material in this book is permitted without the explicit written permission of the authors. 1. The Left The Left died the day the Six-Day War ended. With the dawn of the Israeli empire, the Left's sun sank and the Small [pun on Smol, the Hebrew word for Left] was born. The Small is a mark of Cain, a disparaging term for a collaborator, a lover of Arabs, a hater of Israel, a Jew who turns against his own people, not a patriot. The Small-ists eat pork on Yom Kippur, gobble shrimps during the week, drink espresso whenever possible, and are homos, kapos, artsy-fartsy snobs, and what not. Until 1967, the Left actually managed some impressive deeds -- it took control of the land, ploughed, sowed, harvested, founded the state, built the army, built its industry from scratch, fought Arabs, settled the land, built the nuclear reactor, brought millions of Jews here and absorbed them, and set up kibbutzim, moshavim, and agriculture. -
1948 Arab‒Israeli
1948 Arab–Israeli War 1 1948 Arab–Israeli War מלחמת or מלחמת העצמאות :The 1948 Arab–Israeli War, known to Israelis as the War of Independence (Hebrew ,מלחמת השחרור :, Milkhemet Ha'atzma'ut or Milkhemet HA'sikhror) or War of Liberation (Hebrewהשחרור Milkhemet Hashikhrur) – was the first in a series of wars fought between the State of Israel and its Arab neighbours in the continuing Arab-Israeli conflict. The war commenced upon the termination of the British Mandate of Palestine and the Israeli declaration of independence on 15 May 1948, following a period of civil war in 1947–1948. The fighting took place mostly on the former territory of the British Mandate and for a short time also in the Sinai Peninsula and southern Lebanon.[1] ., al-Nakba) occurred amidst this warﺍﻟﻨﻜﺒﺔ :Much of what Arabs refer to as The Catastrophe (Arabic The war concluded with the 1949 Armistice Agreements. Background Following World War II, on May 14, 1948, the British Mandate of Palestine came to an end. The surrounding Arab nations were also emerging from colonial rule. Transjordan, under the Hashemite ruler Abdullah I, gained independence from Britain in 1946 and was called Jordan, but it remained under heavy British influence. Egypt, while nominally independent, signed the Anglo-Egyptian Treaty of 1936 that included provisions by which Britain would maintain a garrison of troops on the Suez Canal. From 1945 on, Egypt attempted to renegotiate the terms of this treaty, which was viewed as a humiliating vestige of colonialism. Lebanon became an independent state in 1943, but French troops would not withdraw until 1946, the same year that Syria won its independence from France. -
1 UNCORRECTED PROOF Palestinian Political Forgiveness
UNCORRECTED PROOF Palestinian Political Forgiveness: Agency, Permissibility, and Prospects The Israel-Palestine conflict stands at the heart of tensions in the Middle East and, more than that, at the heart of tensions between the West and the Islamic world.1 It is sometimes suggested that the resolution of this conflict will require forgiveness on the part of both Palestine and Israel.2 However, what such forgiveness would involve has not been adequately explored. Our aim is to remedy this gap in the discussion. We shall focus, in particular, on Palestinian political forgiveness. There are several reasons for adopting such a focus. The first concerns the distinctiveness of the Palestinian case. Whereas Israel is a durable law-based polity (at least within its 1967 borders), Palestine is a disag- gregated polity in flux. This difference in the nature of the two polities has significant implications for what forgiveness might involve in the two cases. Second, there is a considerable asymmetry in the scale of for- giveness required. The major concessions with regard to territory and people are Palestinian. Israel was, after all, carved out of Palestine, and will continue to occupy at least 78 percent of the territory that comprised British mandatory Palestine prior to 1948. In human terms, Jews can ex- pect to retain their right of immigration to Israel based on the 1950 Law of Return, whilst Palestinians are a refugee people, many of whom will be required to forgo the right of return in a final settlement. In short, Pal- estinians are being asked to concede that much more, and as a result one 1See James A. -
Purpose-Driven Boundary Maintenance in Palestine, 1967-2016
Cooperating with the Enemy: Purpose-Driven Boundary Maintenance in Palestine, 1967-2016 by Daniel Nerenberg B.A. in and Middle East Studies, May 2004, McGill University M.A. in Political Science, May 2006, McGill University A Dissertation submitted to The Faculty of The Columbian College of Arts and Sciences of The George Washington University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy August 31, 2016 Dissertation directed by Nathan Brown Professor of Political Science and International Affairs The Columbian College of Arts and Sciences of The George Washington University certifies that Daniel Nerenberg has passed the Final Examination for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy as of July 22, 2016. This is the final and approved form of the dissertation. Cooperating with the Enemy: Purpose-Driven Boundary Maintenance in Palestine, 1967-2016 Daniel Nerenberg Dissertation Research Committee: Nathan Brown, Professor of Political Science and International Affairs, Dissertation Director Marc Lynch, Professor of Political Science and International Affairs, Committee Member Henry Hale, Professor of Political Science and International Affairs, Committee Member ii © Copyright 2016 by Daniel Nerenberg All rights reserved iii Acknowledgements After seven years of researching and writing, and a dozen prior to that getting to know the case, the list of good people who have influenced the process and outcome of this dissertation is too long to fit this small space. But some cannot go unmentioned. Ronit Avni, for starting me on this path, sparking my interest with her compassionate but incisive voice on movement building and the struggle for rights in Palestine and Israel.