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Download File Chaillot Paper September 2005 n°82 EU-US burdensharing: who does what? Gustav Lindstrom cc 82-cover.qxp 03/10/2005 16:46 Page 2 Chaillot Paper Paper Chaillot n° 82 In January 2002 the Institute for Security Studies (ISS) beca- EU-US burdensharing: who does what? me an autonomous Paris-based agency of the European Union. Following an EU Council Joint Action of 20 July 2001, it is now an integral part of the new structures that will support the further development of the CFSP/ESDP. The Institute’s core mission is to provide analyses and recommendations that can be of use and relevance to the formulation of the European security and defence policy. In carrying out that mission, it also acts as an interface between European experts and decision-makers at all levels. Chaillot Papers are monographs on topical questions written either by a member of the ISS research team or by outside authors chosen and commissioned by the Institute. Early drafts are normally discussed at a semi- nar or study group of experts convened by the Institute and publication indicates that the paper is considered by the ISS as a useful and authoritative contribution to the debate on CFSP/ESDP. Responsibility for the views expressed in them lies exclusively with authors. Chaillot Papers are also accessible via the Institute’s Website: Gustav Lindstrom www.iss-eu.org CP82-text.qxp 03/10/2005 16:26 Page 1 Chaillot Paper September 2005 n°82 EU–US burdensharing: who does what? Gustav Lindstrom Institute for Security Studies European Union Paris CP82-text.qxp 03/10/2005 16:26 Page 2 The author Gustav Lindstrom is a Senior Research Fellow at the EU Institute for Security Studies. Institute for Security Studies European Union 43 avenue du Président Wilson 75775 Paris cedex 16 tel.: +33 (0)1 56 89 19 30 fax: +33 (0)1 56 89 19 31 e-mail: [email protected] www.iss-eu.org Director: Nicole Gnesotto © EU Institute for Security Studies 2005. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise without the prior permission of the EU Institute for Security Studies. ISSN 1017-7566 ISBN 92-9198-078-1 Published by the EU Institute for Security Studies and printed in Condé-sur-Noireau (France) by Corlet Imprimeur. Graphic design by Claire Mabille (Paris). CP82-text.qxp 03/10/2005 16:26 Page 3 Contents n°82 September 2005 Préface Nicole Gnesotto 5 Introduction 9 1 The evolution of burdensharing 13 • Burdensharing during the Cold War 13 • Burdensharing after the Cold War 14 • Factors impacting on burdensharing 20 • Summary 25 2 Burdensharing in the defence field 27 • Financial burdensharing indicators 27 • Operational burdensharing indicators 39 • Summary 57 3 Civilian burdensharing 61 • Defining civilian burdensharing 61 • Burdensharing targeting regional stability and state failure 62 • Burdensharing in the fight against WMD and counter-terrorism 73 • Burdensharing in other priority fields – combating international disease 76 • Summary 77 Conclusion 79 Annexes 83 • Brief overview of the US and EU external budgets 83 • Supporting tables for Chapter 2 89 • Supporting tables for Chapter 3 105 • Commitments to the Global Partnership 112 • Abbreviations 116 CP82-text.qxp 03/10/2005 16:26 Page 4 CP82-text.qxp 03/10/2005 16:26 Page 5 Préface Nicole Gnesotto es Etats-Unis et de l’Union, qui fait quoi en matière de stabilisa- tion internationale ? Quelles sont les contributions concrètes de D chacun à la pacification de la planète ? Sur quelles bases fonder un partenariat politique adapté aux exigences d’une sécurité largement mondialisée ? Vieille question transatlantique s’il en est, la notion de partage du fardeau, entre Américains et Européens, méritait en effet d’être reconsidérée à la lumière des bouleversements politico-stratégiques intervenus depuis plus d’une décennie. Question éminemment difficile toutefois, ne serait-ce que sur le plan de la méthode, du choix ou de la lec- ture comparée des données disponibles de part et d’autre de l’Atlantique. C’est pourtant ce défi que Gustav Lindstrom, chargé de recherche à l’Institut, a décidé de relever. Ce Cahier de Chaillot est le fruit d’un très long et patient travail de collecte d’informations, d’établissement de critères comparatifs, de recherche pluridisciplinaire, avec comme objectif premier de pouvoir fonder sur les données les plus précises possibles les élé- ments traditionnels du débat politique entre Américains et Européens. Non que les chiffres permettent d’éliminer toute conviction, toute approche politique, voire toute idéologie dans le dialogue transatlantique. Mais au moins permettent-ils de cadrer le débat à l’intérieur de faits con- crets et de comparaisons relativement homogènes. De cette étude extrême- ment précise et la plus complète possible, je retiens pour ma part trois conclusions : Z La complexité de la question est l’une des caractéristiques majeures de la modernité internationale. Le critère des dépenses militaires est en effet nettement moins pertinent qu’il ne l’était durant la guerre froide, lorsque l’affrontement des deux superpuissances résumait le système international. Même s’il occupe encore très souvent le devant de la scène, le débat sur les dépenses de défense est un débat daté, insuffisam- ment révélateur de la contribution réelle des acteurs à la stabilisation internationale. Leur capacité d’influence se mesure en effet de plus en plus en termes de contributions globales aux politiques de préven- tion/stabilisation/reconstruction, lesquelles ne sont que marginale- 5 CP82-text.qxp 03/10/2005 16:26 Page 6 Préface ment fondées sur des aspects militaires. A ce titre, c’est moins l’OTAN que la relation bilatérale Union/USA qui sert de vecteur principal à la complémentarité transatlantique. L’Union européenne présente ainsi un bilan d’influence nettement plus proche de l’équilibre que celui de la puissance américaine : les Etats-Unis dépensent en effet plus de 450 milliards de dollars pour leur défense et 19 milliards pour l’aide au développement. L’Union européenne consacre de son côté 186 mil- liards de dollars aux dépenses militaires et 43 milliards pour l’aide au développement. En dépit de leurs différences, les deux acteurs restent toutefois dans un paradigme de puissance à dominante militaire : très nettement pour les Etats-Unis qui n’affectent à l’aide au développe- ment que 4% de ce qu’ils dépensent pour leur défense ; de façon moins abrupte pour l’Union dont les dépenses d’aide au développement représentent 23% des sommes affectées à la défense. Z La contribution collective des 25 Etats membres de l’Union à la paix et à la sécurité internationale est colossale. Pris isolément, aucun pays européen n’est certes capable d’atteindre les chiffres américains, qu’il s’agisse de dépenses militaires, d’aide au développement ou d’aide humanitaire. Mais, collectivement, l’Union européenne est le premier contributeur au budget de maintien de la paix des Nations unies (40% du budget contre 25% pour les USA), premier donneur d’aide inter- nationale pour le développement, en volume (55% du total de l’aide) comme en pourcentage du PNB (0,36% contre 0,16% pour les USA) ; sa contribution au Fonds mondial de lutte contre le sida, la tuberculose et la malaria est le double de la contribution américaine ; elle fournit 10 fois plus de personnel aux opérations des Nations unies que les USA, et contribue pour près de 90% des forces de stabilisation déployées dans l’ensemble des Balkans. Si le partage du fardeau fonde le partage des responsabilités politiques, l’Union européenne est donc sans conteste un acteur international majeur. Or elle ne le sait pas. L’absence de source européenne unique, con- densant selon des critères identiques et donc comparables, l’ensemble des contributions, militaires, financières, civiles, humaines des Etats 6 CP82-text.qxp 03/10/2005 16:26 Page 7 Nicole Gnesotto membres et de l’Union au bénéfice de la sécurité internationale est en effet patente. En termes de transparence et de communication sur le rôle de l’Union dans le monde, ce déficit, doublement dommageable à la crédibilité de l’action européenne, mériterait d’urgence d’être comblé. Z Aussi éclairante soit-elle, la comparaison brute de chiffres absolus ou de pourcentages est toutefois un critère insuffisant pour évaluer la contri- bution réelle de l’Amérique et de l’Union à la gestion du monde. Aucun chiffre ne permet en effet de mesurer la responsabilité politique de chacun dans les décisions qui affectent directement l’évolution de la sécurité internationale. Et complexes sont les critères qui permet- traient d’évaluer, ex-post, l’efficacité réelle des contributions, mili- taires, financières et civiles, des deux acteurs dans la pacification de la planète. A quoi servent des dépenses militaires américaines de près de 500 milliards de dollars par an ? Quel est l’impact des 43 milliards de dollars que l’Union dépense chaque année pour l’aide au développe- ment ? Considérée de façon technique, la question du burdensharing est donc incomplète. Abordée sous l’angle politique, elle devient sou- vent insaisissable, ou dévolue aux jugements futurs de l’Histoire. Paris, septembre 2005 7 CP82-text.qxp 03/10/2005 16:26 Page 8 CP82-text.qxp 03/10/2005 16:26 Page 9 EU-US burdensharing: Introduction who does what? This Chaillot Paper examines burdensharing patterns between the United States and Europe, focusing in particular on the time period since the 9/11 attacks. It does so by analysing military and civilian burdensharing activities undertaken to address the high- priority challenges identified in the 2002 US National Security Strategy (NSS) and the 2003 European Security Strategy (ESS).
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