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ALONSO, P. Satiric Infotainment in

CUADERNOS.INFO Nº 37 ISSN 0719-3661 Versión electrónica: ISSN 0719-367x http://www.cuadernos.info doi: 10.7764/cdi.37.820

Received: 09-10-2015 / Accepted: 11-07-2015

Satiric Infotainment in Mexico: The case of Brozo, el Payaso Tenebroso Infoentretenimiento satírico en México: el caso de Brozo, el Payaso Tenebroso Infoentretenimento Satírico no México: o caso de Brozo, el Payaso Tenebroso

PAUL ALONSO, Georgia Tech, Atlanta, EE.UU ([email protected])

ABSTRACT ABSTRACT RESUMO Brozo, the Shady Clown, is considered one Brozo, el Payaso Tenebroso, es considerado Brozo, el Payaso Tenebroso, é considerado of the most popular TV “” uno de los “periodistas” televisivos más um dos “jornalistas” televisivos mais in Mexico. This article analyzes the populares de México. Este artículo analiza populares do México. Este artigo analisa carnivalesque role of Brozo as an el rol carnavalesco de Brozo como influyente o papel carnavalesco de Brozo como influential and critical voice in Mexican voz crítica en los medios mexicanos: es el influente voz crítica na mídia mexicana: media: he is the court jester who, through bufón que, a través de un humor ácido y ele é o bobo da corte que, através de vulgar and harsh humor, is able to say vulgar, puede decir verdades impunemente um humor ácido e vulgar, pode dizer “truths” with impunity, in a country with en un país con uno de los más altos índices de verdades impunemente em um país com widespread violence against journalists violencia contra periodistas y una tradición um dos mais altos índices de violência and a tradition of institutionalized de corrupción institucionalizada en el oficio. contra jornalistas e uma tradição de corruption in the profession. At the same Al mismo tiempo, este artículo examina corrupção institucionalizada no ofício. time, this article examines Brozo as an a Brozo como influyente comunicador Ao mesmo tempo, este artigo examina influential political from his TV político en el contexto mediático mexicano, a Brozo como influente comunicador show El Mañanero in , one the desde su tribuna en Televisa, uno de los político no contexto midiático mexicano, most powerful media conglomerates of conglomerados de medios más poderosos a partir de sua tribuna na Televisa, um dos the world, with historic adhesions to del mundo, con una cuestionable tradición conglomerados de mídia mais poderosos the Mexican political elites. Finally, the de adhesión al poder. Finalmente, Brozo do mundo, com uma questionável case of Brozo is interpreted in relation es relacionado con la emergente tendencia tradição de adesão ao poder. Finalmente, to the emergent trend towards global hacia el infoentretenimiento global en los Brozo é relacionado com a emergente infotainment. medios televisivos. tendência ao infoentretenimento global na mídia televisiva.

Keywords: Infotainment, satire, Mexico, Palabras clave: Infoentretenimiento, sátira, Palavras-chave: Infoentretenimento, political communication, spectacle, México, comunicación política, espectáculo, sátira, comunciação política, espetáculo, . periodismo. jornalismo.

•How to cite: Alonso,CUADERNOS.INFO P. (2015). Infoentretenimiento Nº 37 / DECEMBER satírico 2015 /en ISSN México: 0719-3661 el caso / E-VERSION:de Brozo, elWWW.CUADERNOS.INFO Payaso Tenebroso. Cuadernos.info / ISSN 0719-367X, (37), 77-90. doi: 10.7764/cdi.37.820

77 ALONSO, P. Satiric Infotainment in Mexico

INTRODUCTION Potter, 1996). For this study, the material available In November 2014, the wax figure of Brozo, the online related to Brozo was reviewed, with a special Scary Clown [Brozo, el Payaso Tenebroso], began to focus on the El Mañanero videos available on YouTube, be part of the pantheon of the Museum of Wax of which were selected according to what seemed to be the the City of Mexico, which pays tribute to 230 of the most representative of the relationship of Brozo with most prominent historical personalities of the political, power (his interviews with presidential candidates, for artistic and sporting environment in the country. The example). Descriptive notes on the dynamics, aesthetics tribute was fourteen years after the first transmission and organization of the program were taken, journalistic of El Mañanero [The morning], the program with material available was collected digitally, and during which Brozo burst into political communication in several months of 2015 Brozo’s and Mexico. Created by Víctor Trujillo, Brozo were monitored for updates, which were quite active. As is considered today one of the best known television more material was collected, interpretations of the texts “journalists” of the country (“Micha, Alatorre, Doriga, already made were reviewed and connecting them with Aristegui and Rocha, communicators with the best other thematic aspects. In other words, Brozo videos image in Mexico: Parametría”, 2015). And, according were linked with the angles of interpretation of this to Forbes magazine (2015), this clown is the most research and the context of the case study. According to influential Mexican on Twitter. Van Dijk (1991), much of the information of a text is not In times in which infotainment and entertainment expressed explicitly, but it is implied. This information have colonized much of the public discourse, this may involve concepts or ideas that must be inferred article analyses the character Brozo as a symbol of the from other knowledge, context or background, and has carnival tradition: he is the jester who, through a critical important ideological dimensions. “The analysis of the and vulgar humor, can tell truths with impunity in a “unsaid” is sometimes more revealing than the study country with one of the highest rates of violence against of what is actually expressed in the text” (Van Dijk, journalists and a tradition of corruption institutionalized 1991, p. 114). Thus, the analysis of the case of Brozo in the profession. At the same time, this article examines included bibliographical research on issues related to Brozo as an influential political communicator in the the situation of journalism and the media in Mexico, the context of Mexican media, from his rostrum at Televisa, story of humor and Mexican satire, and about the global one of the world most powerful media conglomerates, trend towards Infotainment in political communication. with a questionable tradition of adherence to power. Finally, Brozo is related to the emerging trend towards global Infotainment in the television media. CORRUPTION, CONCENTRATION OF MEDIA AND VIOLENCE AGAINST JOURNALISTS IN MEXICO For more than seven decades (1929-2000), METHODOLOGY the Institutional Revolutionary Party [Partido This work is based on textual and discursive analysis Revolucionario Institucional] (PRI) held in Mexico of the television performance of Brozo, the fictional an authoritarian regime disguised as democracy. The character created by the comedian Víctor Trujillo. writer Mario Vargas Llosa referred to this system of Textual analysis is a methodology that focuses on the a single party as “a perfect dictatorship”, which was interpretation of texts from a literary perspective (Jensen sustained by political repression, institutionalized & Jankowski, 1991), to understand how these texts corruption, electoral fraud, control over worker’s unions define general culture and how they work as part of and a corrupt press control. During the regime of the communicative and ideological practices. In this way, PRI it was common that reporters received payments the main axioms of textual analysis are hermeneutics (called “embutes”, “chayos” or “chayotes”) or bribes and interpretation (Potter, 1996). Textual analysis aims from officials or politicians to cover their version of to immerse in the study material, find recurring patterns the news, while the owners of media received money and review the interpretations as more material on disguised as State , subsidies and other fiscal the topic are being gathered (Lindlof & Taylor, 2002; benefits (Alves, 2005).

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Over that period, moreover, in Mexico media years. This war resulted in a blood bath - more than concentration was encouraged through a tacit 121,000 people were killed during the administration of alliance between the PRI and Televisa, the biggest Calderón (“More than 121 thousand dead, the balance media conglomerate of the country and one of the of Calderón’s drug war” [Más de 121 mil muertos, el main participants in the business of entertainment saldo de la narcoguerra de Calderón]: Inegi, 2013) – worldwide (Calleja, 2012; Fernández, 1982; Mancino, without practical results. 2007; Mejía, 1998; Sosa & Gómez, 2013; Trejo, 1985; In this scenario of violence, journalism has been Villamil, 2010). Thanks to this relationship, Televisa has one of the visible victims of the drug war. According to operated almost in a monopolistic way in Mexico, and the Committee to Protect Journalists (Witchel, 2014), even its owner (the “Tiger” Emilio Azcárraga Milmo) Mexico has become one of the most dangerous countries was considered “a PRI soldier”. After the end of the cold for journalists. Between 2000 and 2014, the National war, the installation of neo-liberal economic policies Human Rights Commission [Comisión Nacional de and the wave of democratization of in Derechos Humanos] (CNDH) was informed of the death the , the regime of the PRI was broken in the of 88 journalists or media workers, allegedly murdered midst of corruption, which showed the deterioration for their work, while 89% of attacks against journalists of the political system. The continuous pressures from remain unpunished, according to the Knight Center for the right (National Action Party [Partido de Acción Journalism in the (Badgen, 2014). Nacional], PAN), left (Party of the Democratic Revolution During Calderón’s government, the 2007 electoral [Partido de la Revolución Democrática], PRD), and civil reform limited the times of political , society added to the tensions between reformists and entailing reduction of revenue for television stations. traditionalists inside the PRI. Also, an independent The media reacted with fury and called it an attack press slowly emerged (Alves, 2005; Hughes, 2008) on freedom of expression. Although Televisa was which played an important neutral role in the federal still receiving privileges from the State, many of its elections of 1997, when, for the first time, the PRI lost journalists attacked this measure. In the midst of a its majority in the Chamber of Deputies. By then, and crisis of legitimacy, a questionable and ineffective drug after the electoral reform of 1997, which gave political war, Calderón had to yield, because he needed favors parties access to buy space in the media for their electoral from : campaigns, Emilio Azcárraga Jean (son of the “Tiger”) [The Calderon Administration] countersigned hundreds of already affirmed that democracy was “a good business”. concessions violating the criteria of the Court, becoming a The momentum of political opposition was lobbyist for broadcasters before Congress for tax exemption, consolidated with the victory of PAN in the 2000 breaching its word against the PRI and the PRD to promote a presidential election, which led to power new media law, deferring until the last of its mandate the third and marked the end of 71 years of PRI government. national network television and inappropriately interfering During Fox’s administration a law began to be discuss in regulatory bodies so that their acts were in the interests of and worked to put media at the service of democracy; the television stations. The cherry on top of the cake was the however, these efforts culminated with the scandalous approval of the concentration lusacell-Televisa, which meant Televisa Law of 2006 (approved stealthily in less than the largest concentration of communication resources like two weeks, in the dead of night), favoring the media never before in the history of this country. (Calleja, 2012) giant (Esteinou Madrid & Alva de la Selva, 2009; Gaytan & Fregoso, 2006). Following a polarized election with Calderon’s prostration to private media contrasted a virtual tie, Felipe Calderón (from PAN) took power with the support that Televisa gave the PRI in presidential in 2006 facing of thousands of followers of elections in 2012. Having turned into “factual power” Andrés Manuel López Obrador (PRD’s candidate), who (Lay, 2013) due to their influence on the public agenda questioned the outcome of the election. In the midst of and political decisions, the biased coverage of Televisa this political crisis, Calderón’s administration decided was, for many, a decisive element in the election of to embark on an unprecedented war against drug PRI’s Enrique Peña Nieto (former Governor of the State trafficking, which had grown exponentially in recent of Mexico). This result prompted a wave of criticism

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and protests against the media (especially Televisa) merged into formerly unthinkable combinations. for misinforming and not playing a democratic role In general, the infotainment and entertainment have in elections (Parish, 2012). One of the consequences been interpreted negatively in relation to democracy was the creation of the citizen movement YoSoy132 and political communication (Bourdieu, 1998; García [IAm132], formed initially by Mexican students who Canclini, 2001; Postman, 1985). However, in times called for the democratization of the media and the when American () rejection of the media imposition of Peña Nieto as and Stephen Colbert (The Colbert Report) are considered . After taking over the Government, two of the most influential “journalists” of the United however, Peña Nieto passed a controversial reform to the States (“Today’s Journalists Less Prominent”, 2007), a Telecommunications Act, which – according to El País large wave of academic work explores these new types (Calderón, 2013; Martínez, 2015) - supposedly severed of satirical Infotainment as critical voices that challenge the duopoly of Televisa and TV Azteca. Nevertheless, the authority of traditional journalism and which have some critics have described it as a political instrument proven to be effective in political communication (Baym that finally benefits Televisa and is detrimental to 2005, 2007, 2010; Borden & Tew, 2007; J. Jones, Baym América Movil, of the billionaire businessman Carlos & Day, 2012; J. P. Jones, 2010; Painter & Hodges, 2010; Slim, according to the Knight Center for Journalism Smolkin, & Groves, 2007; Warner, 2007). Some critics in the Americas (Martínez, 2013). In this political and have called these programs “neo-modern journalism” media context, Brozo, the Scary Clown, became one of (Baym, 2005) or new types of “public journalism” (Faina, the most influential “journalists” of Mexico, first from 2012), while others accuse it of promoting cynicism rather an independent channel and, starting from 2002, from than civic engagement (Hart & Hartelius, 2007). Beyond Televisa, the heart of Mexican media and factual power. the intense debate about the real effects in the audience (Amarasingam, 2011; Baumgartner & Morris, 2006; Feldman, 2013; Holbert, Lambe, Dudo & Carlton, 2007; JOURNALISM VERSUS GLOBAL INFOTAINMENT Cao, 2010; Young, 2013), the existence and success of In today’s society of the spectacle, there is a global international cases of satirical Infotainment in countries trend towards infotainment in the media. According as diverse as Australia (Harrington, 2012), Romania to Baym (2008), infotainment refers to a certain group (Bardan, 2012), Germany (Kleinen - von Königslöw & of programs that erase traditional distinctions between Keel, 2012), Italy (Cosentino, 2012), India (Kumar, 2012) informative genres and television entertainment (Baym, or Iran (Semati, 2012) give an account that this hybrid 2008, p. 2276). It also refers to the globalization of genre is globally consolidated as one of the main ways a type of commercial television journalism, guided of political communication. Despite the importance of by rating, which favors flighty news - on celebrities, the global phenomenon of satirical Infotainment (Baym crimes, corruption and violence – and presents them & Jones, 2012), works on Latin American cases are still in the form of a spectacle, thus replacing the news on emerging. With this academic framework, the case of political, civic and public interest issues (Thussu, 2007, Brozo is symptomatic to understanding the relationship p. 8). Delli Carpini and Williams (1994, 2001) suggest between satire, journalism, popular culture and power that infotainment is a phenomenon that crosses generic in the Mexican context. boundaries, problematizing the common idea that news are necessarily serious and that entertainment contains little socio-political significance. In reality, BROZO AS A MARGINAL AND JOURNALIST media content and public discourses are increasingly Brozo, the Scary Clown, is the decadent contrast marked by hybridization: the mixture of genres in a of the stereotypical child clown embodied by the media stage marked by streaming content in porous remembered Bozo, the Friendly Clown [Bozo, el Payaso forms. Baym (2005) calls this process “discursive Amistoso], who entertained children on television integration”, characterizing it where news, politics, during the 1970s. While Bozo had innocent stories entertainment and languages have developed to tell and used “white” humor, Brozo is a libidinous inseparably. These speeches, which once could be clown, misogynous, politically incorrect, a drunk and differentiated, have lost their distinctive ability and with a raspy voice from tobacco. With his green hair

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and decadent appearance, Brozo is a bitter, indignant premise, Brozo has commented the news, interviewing personage, who speaks with resentment and cynicism. personalities of the political, social, and cultural elite He uses a sharp and biting humor, as well as vulgar and in many cases marked the national agenda. A note expressions to criticize the social and political reality on Brozo in The New York Times (2002), Trujillo explains with a special focus on elites in Mexico. Unlike Brozo, his approach to journalism from comedy: Víctor Trujillo, its creator, is a comedian and an educated Comedy has always seemed the best way to deliver hard journalist, who has worked as an announcer, Mexican news. And within the realm of comedy, the best personality voice actor, musician, and television presenter. is one who is not vulnerable to attack. Brozo is misogynous. Besides the contrast to the stereotypical Bozo, the He is an alcoholic, a drug addict, irresponsible and dirty. clown created by Trujillo also plays with the word There’s nothing anyone can call him that he has not called “broza”, Mexican slang that refers to “common people” himself. (Thompson, 2002)2 and that, according to the Real Academia Española [Royal Spanish Academy], alludes to “waste or scrap”. Already in 2001, Brozo’s influence as a television These two meanings reinforce its link with the popular commentator was evident: his coverage of the terrorist classes and marginality. At the same time, the narrative attacks on the Twin Towers on September 11 was the of the character alludes to its marginal settings: Brozo first and most viewed in local programming (Gaytan was born in the Santa Martha Acatitla prison, where & Fregoso, 2002)3 . After conducting programs at his mother (Brozamaría) was imprisoned for attempted Imevision (later converted into TV Azteca) and CNI murder. When she was released, she left him abandoned Channel 40, Brozo was acquired since 2002 by Televisa, in the cell. Brozo went out to the world as an adolescent, Mexico’s most powerful media group and one of the he traveled to Tijuana, where he learned that his mother main television conglomerates in Spanish. Although had died at the hands of drug traffickers. He met the Trujillo had been consistently critical of this television hardness of the streets and won his daily bread telling station and had suggested that he would never work in stories. This is how he publicly debuted in 1988 in a that media giant, the new phase of El Mañanero began bar in . With a raspy voice he announced at Televisa in 2002. For many critics, Brozo was a sell to the attendees: “Things are a bitch and it’s going to out. However, Trujillo has rejected repeatedly to have get worse”. Then he insulted the audience, mocked the suffered any type of and has ensured that his President and joked about the recent electoral fraud. program maintains his critical stance towards power. That same year, Brozo also debuted on television in the One of the most controversial unveilings of Brozo program La Caravana [The caravan], where he adapted was the scoop of March 2004, the video scandal of classic works of children’s literature, such as “The Pint René Bejarano, Deputy Coordinator of the PRD in Soldier” [El Soldadito de Pomo] (“The tin soldier” [El the Legislative Assembly of the Federal District and Soldadito de Plomo]), “Peter Pants” (“Peter Pan”), “Don functions. After receiving a video from a federal deputy Cogito de La Mancha” (“Don Quixote de La Mancha”), of PAN in which Bejarano is shown receiving money “El Priscilito” (“The little Prince” [El Principito]) and from a businessman as part of an act of corruption, Brozo “King HIV” [Rey Sidas] (“King Midas” [Rey Midas]). showed the images in his program. Coincidentally, Many of these stories were then compiled in the book Bejarano was giving an interview in another study of Cuentos tenebrosos [Dark Tales]. the same channel. Not knowing of the existence of the The preamble of his stories was: “Children, do you video, Bejarano agreed to appear in El Mañanero, where want me to tell you a story? No? Well, screw you, I will he was confronted by the clown and was exposed to tell it anyway”. In this way perhaps he was announcing the public. Thus, Brozo consolidated himself as one his destiny to be a presenter of, often, negative news. of the most incisive journalists on television. “Brozo The most recognized and influential facet of Brozo was on top. We wanted to get into the news but we is precisely as a conductor of the popular news El did not plan to have the media attentive of what we Mañanero (whose different versions have been issued did or have them interview us or talk about us in a both on the radio as well as on Mexican television German (Spiegel), or a French one (Le Monde since the year 20001), whose name alludes, in slang, Diplomatique), the Yankees (Seattle Times), or Spanish to a fleeting sex encounter after waking up. Under this ones (La Voz de Galicia)”, said Trujillo over that period

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to Chilango magazine (Vallejo, 2009, p. 2). After the Finally, “La Vaya Informativa” [The informative go] Bejarano case, Trujillo received death threats and, is the international segment, in which several fictitious according to his close collaborators, there were even correspondents report real news from sets that simulate attempts to link him to drug trafficking to discredit him. different parts of the world. For example, John Lemon By then, Brozo was an influential voice in public debate reports about the drastic reduction of fines and arrests and interviewed the most influential political leaders. made by the police in New York6, Juan Naranjo, the “If Superman bends rods with a look, well, Brozo can re-poet of news, reports from about an art exhibition eat up whatever politician you put next to him”, Trujillo in Madrid focused on the issue of corruption7, or Jean told the newspaper El Universal (Alessandrini, 2005). Piña reports from South Carolina on immigration law8. In its most recent version, El Mañanero airs Monday One of the controversial aspects of the program is the through Friday on Foro TV (Televisa’s channel) at 6:30 character of the Brozo’s secretariat, a woman dressed in a.m. for two hours. With a backdrop that represents a bikini with blindfolds that he calls his “Reata”9. The a solemn building of classical columns, as if it were treatment that he gives to this character has provoked a temple or institutional building, various images of criticism, and he was even accused to the Gender Brozo are shown (illustrations, paintings, cartoons) as a Equality Commission of the Chamber of Senators for popular culture icon. A trumpet sounds and a voice in off possible violations to human rights and the dignity of announces - “Arranca” [Start] – the beginning of the show. women (“Comisión del Senado verificará El‘ Mañanero’ Brozo introduces the program saying the date of the day de Brozo, por considerarlo ‘sexista y discriminatorio’” and then adds: “Kids, we are alive, only for today”. Thus [Commision of the Senate will verify Brozo’s ‘El Mañanero’ begins the first segment of the program, where Brozo after accusations of ‘sexism and discrimination’], 2012). comments on the most important issue on the political Similarly, the renowned writer Carlos Monsiváis agenda and the day’s news headlines are broadcasted. criticized Brozo’s humor as “inconsistent and shamefully For example, a few days after the forced disappearance homophobic” (Thompson, 2002). These critics, however, of the 43 normalistas of Ayotzinapa in Iguala, Guerrero, also understood the transgressor facet of the clown on September 26, 2014, Brozo editorialized about the who ridicules the powerful: its vulgarity connects to a national tragedy: he accused the degree of symbiosis popular audience that feels represented (and avenged) between Government and organized crime, before in the criticisms the clown performs against the ruling satirically criticizing the procurator in charge of the case4. classes. Or in the words of journalist Álvaro Cueva: The following main segment is called “Debatitlán, the “Brozo represents the dreams and vices of Mexican Knights of the Polish Table”. This segment is usually starts society” (Thompson, 2002). with images of Brozo’s “reata” - a woman in a thong with her eyes covered by a mask - sensually dancing a bolero or another musical genre at a bar. After this Carnival SATIRE AND CARNIVAL nod, the environment becomes serious. In “Debatitlán”, Satire is originally a literary genre that attacks and Brozo appears together with four other commentators and ridicules vices and human stupidity through caustic analysts, dressed in formal wear as in any political analysis and corrosive humor. It uses parody, irony, farce and television program. The commentators, mediated by the grotesque to criticize what it considers “dangerous Brozo, discuss issues on the agenda. For example, on the religious, political, moral or social standards” (Cuddon, program of January 23, 20155, one of the commentators 1991, p. 202). While comedy seeks for laughter as an presented to Brozo how the session would be organized: end in itself, satire uses humor as a weapon to attack first, discuss the country’s political and administrative something it deems reprehensible (Abrams, 1985). The problems (beginning with the “wreck of the figure of a function of satire implies saying what is being silenced Commissioner from Michoacán”); Secondly, talk about or has not yet been enunciated within a particular issues related to the political violence in Mexico; and socio-political climate, often combining the impression finally, review the internal movements of the main of a social sector of not being heard (Colletta, 2009). political parties. On the table there is a sign that says Similarly, the satirical tradition is connected to the idea “days”, a reminder of the time that has passed since the of Carnival - a state of fun mixed with social criticism. tragedy of Ayotzinapa in Iguala. The Russian theorist Mikail Bakhtin (1984) developed

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pioneer notions on the Carnival of the Middle Ages It started as an intervention at the International Book based on the analysis of French popular culture of Fair in which Peña Nieto presented a work, and Brozo the 16th century, that led him to locate the satirical satirically deconstructed the improvised and superficial and grotesque literature of Rabelais in a context of speech of the politician. In the show, not only did fun, rituals and spectacle. According to Bakhtin, the he expose the inconsistencies in literary themes, but Carnival captures and reinterprets the sharp humor of also revealed how these public demonstrations as a ordinary people expressed in unofficial areas of popular cultured authority were propaganda farces. Finally, culture, where it can mock the authority. Thus, he says, after mocking the public appearance of Peña Nieto, the Carnival is marked by a suspension of hierarchies, Brozo incorporated his audience in his criticism on social barriers, rules and prohibitions of everyday life. power: he read the hilarious and irreverent messages In the context of the aforementioned, Bakhtin that his audience posted on Twitter. In this way, he emphasizes the Dialogic nature of the Carnival, directs a Carnivalesque collective space from where which becomes a second universe organized around to “throw stones at power”. critical laughter over the institutional power. In this The function of Brozo, however, is not limited to Dialogic discourse, our “first world” is suspended in the commentary and analysis, but it also comes to direct “second world” of the Carnival through the denial of confrontation. In an interview with Peña Nieto in their social rules (for example, the explicit impropriety 201211 , shortly before his election, Brozo reviewed or the references to bodily functions, as copulation the highlights of the national agenda, embodying at and defecation). Carnival culture emphasizes the various times the outraged voice of the common citizen worldliness and the body through the use of grotesque (for example, in regards to the widespread violence and imagery and language. By demoting a privileged subject, the corruption of institutions). With similar authority grotesque realism lowers it to the shared condition of a and in the middle of a circus atmosphere, he also human being, of flesh and blood. And this brings people interviewed lengthily Andrés Manuel López Obrador, together: no matter the power that one holds, we are all the candidate of the Party of the Democratic Revolution united by our physical and mortal condition. At the same (PRD) in the 2006 presidential campaign12. Amid a time, the Carnival language regenerates and reproduces humorous environment and excessive comments from new ways of thinking, by making fun of the conventions Brozo, his questions (and cross-examination) were of the “first world”. It is a playful discursive space whose incisive and in depth (for example, he questioned the rhetorical posture shows that nothing is sacred and that electoral adherence of Sub-commander Marcos to the the world may have different interpretations. Thus, candidacy of Lopez Obrador, his relationship with the “carnivalesque” behavior is transgressive and its most enterprise-class, tax matters, among others). Similarly, representative figure is a jester or “buffoon”, perhaps in 2006 the then National Action Party (PAN) candidate the only one who can tell the rawest truths in front of Felipe Calderón13 was interviewed, when he was first in the King without getting beheaded. the polls, finally being elected President of the country. In that interview, in addition to the political topics of the agenda, Brozo even managed confidences of BROZO, AS A CARNIVAL JESTER the intimate life of the candidate. Three years later, Following the tradition of the jester, Brozo adopts however, Brozo used his program to confront the the vulgar humor of “the commoners” to give voice Calderón Government with the promises (or lies)14 of to the dissatisfaction of ordinary people. It also the campaign. These interviews to the most exclusive criticizes, parodies and ridicules leaders, authorities Mexican political elite are good examples of how Brozo and powerful figures of the country without suffering is positioned as the influential jester who confronts major consequences. Ruggiero (2007) discusses the power. Even the interviews begin with a recount and character of Brozo as a jester’s subversive humor, which acknowledgement of the history and relationship portrays the Mexican elite as stupid, immoral, and between interviewer and interviewee, securing the prone to illegal conduct. For example, it attacked and figure of the clown as one of the political elite. Through ridiculed Enrique Peña Nieto, then candidate of the PRI, his grotesque costume and marginal settings, this rude, for his bookish ignorance and political opportunism10. boisterous and vulgar character is positioned immune

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and critical in a privileged place from Televisa, the Royal 2001; Stavans, 1995). became a symbol of Court of the structure of Mexican power in a democratic Mexican national identity, and its creator was deemed transition after 71 years of authoritarian rule: Mexico’s Charles Chaplin, acquiring great political Whatever Brozo says is news in this country. Because he influence17. One of the most remembered aspects of is not a man, because he is a character, he can have total Cantinflas is his particular manner of speaking, which and absolute freedom of expression without suffering any incorporated puns, slang and word plays. Like this consequences. He represents the opening of Mexico, the character, Brozo incorporates the popular oral tradition opening of the government of Fox and the opening of and has a particular vocabulary. For example, one of Televisa. He is a symbol of the new era we are living in this his famous phrases is “prau, prau”, to allude mainly country. (Quoted in Ruggiero, 2007, p. 9)15 to sexual intercourse. Trujillo coined this phrase in an era in which you could not speak directly of sex There is a long Mexican tradition of subversive and in Mexican television on primetime: he used verbal transgressive humor. Since colonial times, literature - experimentation, combined with popular complicity, as the poetry of Sor Juana Inés de la Cruz (Jhonson, as a way to avoid censorship. 2000) or the narrative of Fernández de Lizardi (Ozuna, Although Brozo shares important characteristics 2004) - already had a critical streak towards social with Carnival characters of Mexican audiovisual and political elites. This is a tradition that has been culture (such as Cantinflas or the Chavo del Ocho), enriched by writers such as Jorge Ibargüengoitia, it is essential to remember his particular distinctive Augusto Monterroso and Carlos Monsiváis. From characteristic: Brozo is a journalist, he comments the the press, El Hijo del Ahuizote [The son of el Ahuizote] news, interviews and criticizes real characters of the was a satirical magazine of cartoons founded in 1885, political elites, and influences the public agenda of which held a lone critical position against the repressive the media. Brozo’s shows are broadcasted from news dictatorship of Porfirio Díaz (Diaz-Duhalde, 2010; studios, which acquire a Carnivalesque shade through Escamilla Gil, 1982)16. In the Twentieth Century, the combination of serious or traditional elements critical humor also found spaces in the theatre and with other extravagant or absurd ones. His programs the modern audiovisual media. From 1911 until the end have included traditional commentators of news and of the 1960’s, the “carpas” [tents or “marquees”] were a parody characters that embody correspondents, traffic kind of popular itinerant theatre in Mexico (Granados, reporters or other related roles to journalistic work. In 1984; Merlín, 1995). Unlike the classical circus, this way, he reaffirms the global trend towards satirical theatrical, representations of the carpas were simple infotainment, while modern traditional journalism, and without greater scenic production. It combined largely financed by the State in Mexico (“El gobierno: satirical, musical representations and other genres Gran financiador de la prensa en México”, 2015” [The close to popular magazines. Combining the Spanish government: Grand sponsor of the press in Mexico], medieval tradition of public theatre with the Aztec one, 2015), faces an economic and legitimacy crisis. the carpas developed, first in the city of Mexico, and then in the rest of the country, in contrast to the “theatre of the rich” and their functions were accessibly priced CONCLUSIONS to the economy of the village. With a sense of anarchic Several critics argue that the Carnival is not really comedy, it also offered a space for social criticism and effective as a tool for change and that it can even dissenting humor (Alzate, 2010; Pilcher, 2001). The serve to the purposes of power - people are amused, characters included were marginalized stereotypes, hierarchies inverted, power is mocked; then it returns such as of the “pelado” [baldie], the type of characters to a thoughtless life, and hence end the transgression that were later immortalized in Cantinflas by actor (Eco, 1984). In modern times, the Carnival spirit has Mario Moreno (Esterrich & -Reyes, 1998). been degraded and its utopian character reduced to Emerging from the slums, Cantinflas, mestizo and a harmless and conservative humor (Bakhtin, 1984, proletarian, with the aspect of a tramp, uses popular p. 33). According to Glynn (2000), it was tabloid jargon and makes a mockery of the middle classes and media who appropriated the characteristics of the elites, questioning the social differences (Pilcher, 2000, Carnival culture to connect with popular audiences,

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and gave it a melodramatic approach, with scandal television show broadcasted independently via YouTube and sexual intrigue (p. 115). Convoy (2002) says that from 2013, which has become quickly one of the most the journalistic tabloid media often adopts a Carnival influential and popular new mediums. In the manner tone to cling to its authority as the voice of the people, of Jon Stewart and Stephen Colbert, Chumel Torres (the doing mimicry of transgression. These media say they creator and host of El Pulso de la República) critically are on the side of the common man against power, but parodies the news agenda. Following the success of the in reality, as media institutions, they belong to the program on Youtube, Televisa attempted to hire Torres, structure of the capitalist elite. Thus, media tabloids as it did with Trujillo. But, unlike Brozo (at least until commercialize Carnival impulses by transforming them this article was finished being written), Torres had into consumerism. The case of Brozo exists within this not accepted and answered to the media giant: “You’re tension. On the one hand, it has been an influential agent the enemy” (Breiner, 2014). It is likely that the new of criticism against social and political elites during the landscape of digital media will open avenues for greater democratic transition after 71 years of censorship and independence within the emerging phenomenon of control of the monolithic and authoritarian PRI system. satirical infotainment. However, in countries where In the midst of an institutionalized corruption, in television and radio are still the leading mass media, which journalists have served to power, Brozo has been pressures from the Government or efforts of co-opting part of the democratic anxiety to manifest criticism from large conglomerates are still recurring strategies. to power in the public discourse. Operating in the In times in which spectacle and entertainment tradition of the Carnival jester, this clown has also have colonized much of the news agenda and public achieved critical impunity in an environment ruled debate, the satirical infotainment (and its subgenre by violence against journalists (whether by public of “false news”) and media satire have gained great officials or organized crime). On the other hand, Brozo’s global importance. In Latin America there are Carnivalesque impunity exists within the limits of the revealing examples in various media platforms, such Televisa media hegemony. Although it would be useful as magazines (The Clinic from , Barcelona from to have an analysis of detailed content to evaluate if or Dedomedio from ), television (Diego there are substantial changes or not in its coverage Capussoto and his videos from Argentina or Jaime Bayly before and after joining Televisa, it is evident that its from Peru) and numerous examples in digital media. critical discourse operates within commercial capitalist The rise and critical potential of this phenomenon structure frames from the media giant. How much in Latin America demands a comparative analysis of does this affect or not his specific treatment of political representative cases in the region. Some outstanding power is also a pertinent question to illuminate the questions for future research on satire media in Latin borders of freedom of expression in the media and America are: how does satire negotiate its critical space democracy in Mexico. within a commercial media system? What are the global The influence and celebrity of Brozo not only evidences aspects of the genre that are kept in different contexts the deterioration of the authority of modern journalism, and how is it adapted to local realities? What is its but also the consolidation of a tabloid mentality and real impact beyond entertainment and how do the the circus show of political communication. With the audiences interpret it? What are the special features of self-referential humor (and meta-references as well) the contemporary Latin American satire? What is the associated with the postmodern media, the tradition of importance of the national context for interpreting the satirical infotainment to which Brozo belongs to grows discursive strategies of a satirical product? Has social and evolves in Mexico. For example, the case of El Pulso criticism in the media become a meta-joke or does it de la República [The pulse of the Republic], a satirical online have a real potential for political action?

FOOTNOTES

1. His most memorable infotainment programs are different versions of El Mañanero, El Circo de Brozo [The Circus of Brozo] and El NotiFiero [The NotiFier]. El Mañanero currently airs on the channel Foro TV (Televisa) Monday through Friday at 6:30 a.m.

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2. “Comedy has always seemed the best way to deliver hard news. And within the realm of comedy, the best personality is one who is not vulnerable to attack. Brozo is misogynous. He is an alcoholic, a drug addict, irresponsible and dirty. There’s nothing anyone can call him that he has not called himself”. (Thompson, 2002) 3. Part of the program aired on 9/11 can be seen here: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qGk2TIJvOp0 4. You can see Bronzo’s monologue on the subject here: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=EXl9cDibbtg 5. This episode can be seen on https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Jv8N_-xeDi8 Other segments of “Debatitlán” can be seen on https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=P56oSyoST-M ; https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=puhUfbLvhiA 6. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Y89Af5VzcRY 7. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ki59Yuab-ro 8. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=n09DuXTqYx8 9. An appearance of the “Reata” can be seen at https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=tLGygyl27ZY 10. The online video can be seen at https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=xAafGUVDyvk 11. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TSGh28BdxeA 12. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vZm2UEcFPlY, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=jA1ZaDnyQq4 13. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SaM3l91Wigo 14. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=kYYru_cM8YM 15. “Whatever Brozo says is news in this country. Because he is not a man, because he is a character, he can have total and absolute freedom of expression without suffering any consequences. He represents the opening of Mexico, the opening of the government of Fox and the opening of Televisa. He is a symbol of the new era we are living in this country. (Quoted from “Nobody’s fool: Brozo shakes up the status quo in Mexico” (2002). Retrieved Nov. 15, 2004 from online San Diego Union Tribune. http://foros.enlaweb.com.mx/viewtopic.php?t=1427&sid 16. There is a long tradition of satirical magazines and political caricature in Mexico. Two current examples are El Chamuco y los Hijos del Averno [The Chamuco and the children of the underworld] and the online animated charicature Mario Netas, posted on the web site of the newspaper Reforma which was later co-opted by Televisa under the name of Terapia Intensiva [Intensive therapy]. The column Política Cero [Zero Politic], by Jairo Calixto Albarrán, is also a satirical referent from the written press, while the radio program El Weso (broadcasted by W Radio of Televisa) also uses sociopollitical humor. 17. The success of Cantinflas in the Mexican Twentieth Century is only comparable perhaps to the one of the Chavo del Ocho, created by the comedian Roberto Gómez Bolaño (or “”), another marginal character who questions the injustices and social differences.

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ABOUT THE AUTHOR

Paul Alonso, is a professor in the School of Modern Languages at the University Georgia Tech in Atlanta. He holds a PhD in journalism graduate of the University of at Austin, where he also completed a Master’s Degree in Journalism and Latin American Studies. He studied literature at the Catholic University of Peru. His academic work on satire and infotainment will be published between 2015 and 2016 in Bulletin of Latin American Research, The Journal of Popular Culture, and the Journal of Iberian and Latin American Studies. He has published three books of fiction and collaborates with international media.

CUADERNOS.INFO Nº 37 / DECEMBER 2015 / ISSN 0719-3661 / E-VERSION: WWW.CUADERNOS.INFO / ISSN 0719-367X

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