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Moralities of Warfare and Religion Jg. 04 Heft 01 Interdisciplinary Journal for Religion and Transformation (2018), Heft 6, doi.org/10.14220/jrat.2018.4.issue-1 Inhalt AngelaKallhoff /Thomas Schulte-Umberg Introduction:Moralities of Warfare and Religion................... 1 AngelaKallhoff Justifiable Killing in War? ForTaking the SoldiersStance Seriously in WarEthics .................................................... 6 Andreas Holzem Theological WarTheories....................................... 21 Franziska Quabeck Thatsmore than we know:The PrincipleofResponsibility and the Common Soldier in William ShakespearesPlays ................... 38 Sabine A. Haring Wir-Gefühle,Feindbilder und Feindseligkeitbei deutschsprachigen k.u.k. Soldaten im Ersten Weltkrieg.Eine emotionssoziologische Per- spektive ...................................................... 53 AndreaHofmann „Kämpfetrecht!“ Themen einer evangelischen „Soldatenethik“ im Deutschen Reich während des Ersten Weltkriegs ................... 88 Thomas Schulte-Umberg Kriegsmoral und Konfession. Perspektiven auf die katholische Feldpas- toral Österreich-Ungarns im ErstenWeltkrieg im internationalen Kon- text .......................................................... 106 Michael Snape Faith and Killing in the US Army in the Second World War: SomePer- spectives from the EuropeanTheatreofOperations ................. 146 Daniel Gerster How to Bring About “Peace on Earth”? Catholic Moralities of Warfare and Their Shifts after 1945 ....................................... 164 Raphael Döhn Krieg,Frieden und Religion(en) –Hans Jonas Reflections on Religious Aspects of Warlessness .......................................... 189 Open-Access-Publikation im Sinne der CC-Lizenz BY-NC-ND 4.0 (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/) Interdisciplinary Journal for Religion and Transformation (2018), Heft 6, doi.org/10.14220/jrat.2018.4.issue-1 Inhalt Birgit Rath Bellum Iustum–Eine moraltheologische Auseinandersetzung bei Karl Hörmann ..................................................... 207 Maria Neumann Der Nächste ist ein Anderer. Grenzübergreifende Gemeindepartner- schaften in Berlin und Brandenburg während des Kalten Kriegs...... 224 Sektion: Freie Beiträge Sara Kuehn Wild Social Transcendence and the Antinomian Dervish ............. 254 Open-Access-Publikation im Sinne der CC-Lizenz BY-NC-ND 4.0 (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/) Interdisciplinary Journal for Religion and Transformation (2018), Heft 6, doi.org/10.14220/jrat.2018.4.issue-1 Introduction:Moralities of Warfare and Religion* AngelaKallhoff /Thomas Schulte-Umberg Since antiquity,war has been at the center of moral reasoning.The moralques- tions involved can eitherbeconsidered as part of the law of nations or as “just war theory”. Thelatter can be traced backtothe ancient Greeks,Cicero,and Au- gustine,the former to the Early ModernAge.Francisco Suµrez and Hugo Grotius are regarded as first seminal proponents of alaw of nations that includes war activities.Inall these discussions,war was sometimes seen as anecessary political instrument, yet even more so as amalady. Albeit deeply rooted in human nature and the state of human society,ithad to be justified and, if it proved to be inevitable,tobeordered and its consequences needed to be restricted. But the proposal that the use of force in interstate relations shouldbestrictly prohibited was not discussed in terms of public policybefore the end of World WarI(WWI). In the Kellogg-BriandPact of 1928 (officially:Generally Treaty of Renunci- ation of WarasanInstrument of National Policy), the signatory states promised not to use war to resolve “disputes or conflicts of whatever nature or of whatever origin they may be,which may arise among them”.1 By 1929, 54 states had signed the Pact, among them the majorbelligerent nations of WWI with the notable exception of Japan. Even with due regard being given to the ineffectiveness of the pact in the following decades,the central ideas renouncing the use of war, the promotion of peaceful settlements of disputes,and the use of collective force to *The first seven papers collectedinthis volume were delivered at two conferencesin Vienna in spring 2014 andspring 2016. Theconferences were thankfully fundedbythe Institutefor Philosophy and the Faculty of Catholic Theologyofthe University of Vienna, furthermore by “Wien Kultur”, aDepartment of the City of Vienna. An addi- tional paper was invited,three more go back to acall for papers in early 2017. Our thanks go to all contributors,their readiness to participate and their endurance.Wewould also like to thank the anonymous reviewers which contributed in essential ways to the content of this volume.Aspecial thanks goes to the main editors of the journal and their will- ingness to dedicate one volume to the “Moralities of Warfare”. Finally we would like to thank the staff of the journal, Jakob Deibland especially DanielKuran, for all their work and diligence. 1For the text of the pact, also called Paris-Pact, see:history.ubc.ca/sites/default/files/ courses/documents/[realname]/kellogg-briand_pact_1928_0.pdfaccessed March122018. See also Oona A. Hathaway /Scott J. Shapiro, The Internationalists:How aRadical Plan to OutlawWar Remade the World,New York 2017. 1 Open-Access-Publikation im Sinne der CC-Lizenz BY-NC-ND 4.0 (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/) Interdisciplinary Journal for Religion and Transformation (2018), Heft 6, doi.org/10.14220/jrat.2018.4.issue-1 Angela Kallhoff /ThomasSchulte-Umberg preventaggression proved to be alegal and moral basis to outlaw war. Most prominently,they were incorporated in the United NationsCharter (1945). From that perspective,war,and also peace,were not only interpreted as in- terstateconflicts,but they were alsointerpretedasanintensely hierarchicalac- tivity;namely,war is reasoned and organized from above,while simultaneously being executed from below.Formulationsofthe theory of war, be they religious or secular, have maintained and even reinforced that interpretation until today.The ways in which agiven authority applied its power to declare and wage war are a unilateral exercise of powerfrom above.Even the ideals of individual citizenship and popular sovereignty didntchange that. An example in case is the political writing of Rousseau. He tried to reconcile obedience and freedom by making each citizen the author as wellasthe subjectofpolitical power:“each, joining together with all, may nevertheless obey himself,and remain as free as before.”2 Defending la patrie during the French Revolution was considered to be the citizenssuperior duty to the collective.Concepts of class,manifest destiny,race or Volk even provided astimulatingpower for the mobilization of people as never seen before. In that framework,combatants and noncombatants are pure instruments of warfare.Obeying war-waging authorities,sopeople were told,was in asense the same as to obey oneself,since citizens made up the collectivetowhich they belonged and whose destiny they had to share. Theideal of ahigher entitydemanding absolute obediencehas never been considered justifiedfrom the perspective of amoral theoryofwar during the 20th- century.Even the Nazi war of exterminationwas somewhatwaged assuming that it was necessary to override somebasic elements of the just conduct of war. From a historical perspective, it also still needs to be explained in which ways the pre- sumption of the moral responsibility of individual combatants gained ground after 1945. Thecrimescommitted during World WarIIplayed arole.And laterde- velopments such as the cultural, political, and socialupheavals of the 1960s appear to have been an important ingredient in that development as well. Since then, soldiers could, to acertain extent, be held responsible for their deeds in legal and moralways.Yet, historicalevidence also contributes to the insight that its ac- ceptance and its implementation are far from completed. To give an example,the US soldiers perpetrating the massacre of My Lai in March 1968 brokeand dis- regarded rules of conduct that each American soldier serving in Vietnam received on pocket cards in 1967.3 Themassacre becamepublicly knownin1969 and increased the publicsoppositiontothe war.Nevertheless,only some of the of- ficers who committed war crimes were charged, and only one of them was con- 2Jean Jacques Rousseau, The Social Contract, and the First and Second Discourses, ed. by SusanDunn, with essays by GitaMay et. Al.,New Haven 2002, p. 163. 3See the “Nine Rules [of Conduct]” Card.Source:http://amhistory.si.edu/military history/collection/object.asp?ID=126&ImageID=744&printable=0&back=1(accessed March 10 2018). 2 Open-Access-Publikation im Sinne der CC-Lizenz BY-NC-ND 4.0 (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/) Interdisciplinary Journal for Religion and Transformation (2018), Heft 6, doi.org/10.14220/jrat.2018.4.issue-1 Introduction: Moralities of Warfare and Religion victed.Anotherexampleofthe still problematic nature of moral judgment on fulfilling onesduty in wartime is astatement given by aMilitary Chaplain with regard to the Upper-Austrian conscientious objector, Franz Jägerstätter. The latter refused to serve in the German Wehrmacht on religious and moralgrounds. He was sentenced to death in 1943. In 2007, the year of Jägerstättersbeatification, the chaplain called him in asomewhat self-defeating statement “a pitiable victim of hiserring conscience,which today–in someembarrassingly touchingways –is politically instrumentalized”.4 These examples demonstrate the existing gap be- tween atentativemoral
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