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Published in The Encyclopedia of Global Human Migration, 2013 1 which should be used for any reference to this work

Albanian-speaking migration, mid-19th century to present

Janine Dahinden

In the past two decades and the former Balkan states, that political and cultural moves have become associated with some peaked in consolidating an Albanian national of ’s most dramatic emigration move- consciousness among people highly divided ments. During the four decades of the com- by class, strong language dialects, and religion munist regime, the Republic of Albania was a (Catholic, Greek Orthodox, Muslim) later blind spot in the imagination of Europe and demanding their own independent state the world. It was brought back into the collec- (Vickers 2011). However, historical sources tive consciousness in 1991 when media all over depict early migration movements of people the world showed dramatic pictures of impov- considering themselves to be from erished and desperate men arriving in over- as early as the 15th century. An important crowded ships in southern : Albania had mass departure that still plays a prominent its “boat people.” In addition, Albanian popula- role in the collective memory of Albanians tions living in the former Yugoslavia, particularly took place after the death of Gjergi Kastrioti – -Albanians, gained a world audience in the late Albanian national hero known as 1998 when tens of thousands of refugees arrived – who fought for 25 years against not only in Europe, but also in Albania and the Ottoman occupation. other neighboring countries, after the outbreak After his death in 1468, Albanian lands fell of open war in Kosovo. However, migration in to the Ottomans, resulting in significant depar- this world region cannot be reduced simply tures of the inhabitants, reaching a climax in to such key moments; a historical perspective 1480 (Barjaba et al. 1992). Most of these emi- reveals that migration has been a constitutional grants headed to regions that were not occu- aspect of the for a long time. pied by the Ottomans, particularly to Dalmatia and ; however, the greater part of the refugees settled in southern Italy, in Calabria and Sicily, where they became known as Historical perspective Arbëreshs. While in other places Albanians Writing the history of Albanian migration assimilated, the Arbëresh in southern Italy requires a narrative from the perspective of the maintained their group boundaries over a long 21st century – after history has been inter- time, even to the present day, to some extent preted by a diverse range of actors and after (Hall 1994). Many of them immigrated later to political nationalism took hold. What today is the as part of the large-scale understood as “being Albanian” has changed transatlantic emigration from Italy during the throughout the centuries, and research tells us years 1880–1914 (Pollo et al. 1974). that the idea of “Albanians” with their own During the five centuries of Ottoman rule culture and tradition is not something already other types of migration took place, often existing a priori, but is the result of social proc- within the empire: farmers migrated seasonally esses linked to ethnonational boundary- in order to cope with economic shortages; making. It was only in the second half of the insurgent Albanians were deported, often to 19th century, in the context of the disintegrat- Istanbul, while others rose to occupy key posi- ing and in parallel with other tions in the Ottoman empire’s military and 2 administrative ranks (Barjaba et al. 1992). One and incorporated the of the direct outcomes of these movements was regions of Kosovo and , where a steady increase of the Albanian population in important populations of Albanians lived. Kosovo and Macedonia up to the end of the After the Italian invasion of Albania in 1939 Ottoman empire (Bartl 1995). From the second (which lasted until 1943), the Italian dictator half of the 19th century onward, emigration occupied Kosovo and Mace- movements started to diversify in terms of des- donia, creating for the first and only time a tination. While Greece remained a preferred “.” However, this did not hold, destination, other places also appealed, par- and after World War II the Republic of Albania ticularly Serbia, , , Siberia, and Yugoslavia went different paths with their , but also Australia, Latin America, and Albanian-speaking populations. the United States. For the latter, it was mainly Beginning in 1944, after the communists Orthodox young men, often from the southern seized power and was installed as town of Korçe, who settled in Boston and New the country’s new leader, Albania’s borders York, beginning in the late 18th and early 19th were sealed. During the early years of the century (Nagi 1989). regime, members and adherents of the major These Albanian settlements developed a anti-communist parties fled in their thousands profound transnational character with far- toward Yugoslavia or Italy; some also went to reaching consequences. Patriotic and cultural the UK, others to the USA (Vickers 2011). Just associations and societies were created wher- a small number of Albania’s citizens were able ever people settled – in , Sofia, Istan- to leave during the next 45 years, and it was bul, Egypt, Athens, Bucharest, to name just a only at the beginning of 1990 that Albania few – which contributed to the development of experienced significant new emigration. their home villages and cities investing in edu- cation, building schools, bridges, roads, and so on. Moreover, the émigrés played a decisive role Migration of Albanian speakers from in the awakening and creation of an Albanian Yugoslavia after World War II national consciousness by developing a wide range of cultural activities and journalistic Albanian populations living in Yugoslavia – publications, thereby propagating the idea mainly in Kosovo, but also in Macedonia, of an independent Albanian state (Vickers Montenegro, and Serbia – have been involved 2011). Most important in this regard were the in emigration movements since 1945. During activities of the Arbëresh in Italy, but the Albani- 1945 and 1966, many Albanians left Kosovo ans in Boston also voiced a strong national and fled to Turkey as a result of the repressive sentiment. politics of the Serbian security chief Aleksandar It was in Boston – and not in Albania – that Ranković, who signed an agreement with the first Albanian Orthodox Church was Turkey in 1956 that established the deportation founded in 1908 (Nagi 1989). After the estab- of “Turks,” among them many Albanians lishment of the Republic of Albania in 1912, (Petrisch et al. 1999). From the 1960s, because many of those American-Albanians returned of the low level of industrial development and to Albania. However, they were quickly disil- high unemployment rate, an important labor lusioned and returned to the United States, migration took place. Albanians were directed bringing their wives, children, and family with toward other, more developed republics within them, resulting in a second large-scale immi- Yugoslavia as well as to Western countries, gration to the USA (Nagi 1989). mainly to Switzerland and . In the ruins of the Ottoman empire, the After World War II, European countries 1923 , while recognizing for needed foreign labor and Yugoslavia became, the first time an independent Albanian state, after Italy and Spain, as of the 1960s, a central also ceded Turkish territory to other countries. recruitment region for Germany and Switzer- 3 land. Until the 1980s, Albanian working shape: a temporary migration of highly skilled migrants were mostly young men without Kosovo-Albanians going abroad to accomplish families. They arrived from rural and poor their studies in a European or American uni- regions and worked mainly in unqualified jobs. versity, often returning afterward. Their first objective was to earn enough money In other words, Albanian communities from to overcome economic hardship at home and former Yugoslavia living nowadays in Western to return after a few years (Dahinden 2005a). Europe are internally very heterogeneous in A new phase of emigration started in 1980 terms of migration history, education, origin, and was prompted by a political crackdown sex, and so on. Nevertheless, we can show some after the Albanian demonstrations of 1981 in common factors: First, they turned into long- Kosovo. In the aftermath of Tito’s death in 1981, term and settled migrants with children and the abolition of Kosovo’s autonomous growing up in the host countries. Second, in status in 1989, there was political unrest and Europe they have (since the mid-1990s) been emigration pressure increased. Members of the increasingly confronted with stigmatization, nationalist elite among Albanian students were ethnic discrimination, and socioeconomic increasingly persecuted and forced to leave marginalization, resulting in the building of Kosovo, meaning that at this time urban, better- strong exclusionary boundaries against them. educated, and skilled migrants left Kosovo – Third, in parallel, the political developments in again moving mainly toward Switzerland and Kosovo in the 1990s resulted in a bounded Germany, but also to the UK, , Belgium, ethnic solidarity of destiny which culminated Austria, the USA, and Scandinavian countries. in transnational activities and in mass mobili- In addition, as the economic and political situ- zation of Albanian migrants in home town ation in Kosovo deteriorated, many of the associations, collective or individual remit- former guest workers, who were entitled to tances, and humanitarian projects. Further- bring their wives and children to Switzerland more, the elites among the Albanian refugees or Germany, slowly abandoned their plans to played a crucial role not only in supporting the return and decided instead to take their families Kosovo Liberation Army, but also later when it to new countries. As a result, there was a steady came to lobbying for independence of Kosovo increase in the Albanian population from in national, international, and humanitarian former Yugoslavia in European countries organizations (Dahinden 2010). through chain migration, mainly women and It is impossible to obtain accurate information children – a movement which continued about the number of Albanians from former through the 1990s (Dahinden 2005b). Yugoslavia living abroad. There are no reliable The political developments culminated in data on migration available in Kosovo (nor in 1998 in open war between the army of the Macedonia or Montenegro). In EU countries, Milosevic regime and the Kosovo Liberation Albanians were until recently classified as Yugo- Army, leading to mass departures of civilians. , later as belonging to Serbia-Montenegro Albanians fled to neighboring countries such or Macedonia, and the statistics differ in regard as Albania, Macedonia, and Montenegro, or to to who is counted as “Albanian” (ancestry, citi- Germany and Switzerland with their already zenship, self-declaration, external categoriza- established migrant populations. After June tion, etc.) A common, yet disputed estimate is 1999 and after the NATO intervention, Kosovo that 800,000 people from Kosovo – which has, experienced a rapid return of the displaced according to the statistical office in Kosovo, 2.2. population. In most EU countries the Kosovo- million inhabitants – live abroad. Germany, Albanian asylum-seekers were only given pro- with 300,000 and Switzerland, with 155,000, visional status and after the end of Serbian host the largest established communities (Hax- control in 1999 most of them chose to return hikadrija 2009). Other large communities are or were repatriated (Mustafa et al. 2007). Since in Italy, Austria, Scandinavia, the UK, the USA, 2000, a new form of emigration has taken France, and Canada (Mustafa et al. 2007). 4

Migration out of the Albanian Republic nian families. Finally, a topic that has been since 1990 highly publicized is the migration of Albanian women for the purpose of working in the sex Migration out of Albania took a very different industry, mainly in Italy, but also in other path when compared to the migration of Alba- countries (Davis 2009). nians from former Yugoslavia, both with regard Since 1990, these emigration movements to destination countries, but also with regard have some common specificities. First, they had to the type of migration. After 40 years of a highly illegal character, particularly when it sealed borders, international migration came to Italy and Greece, and, second, they were unfolded dramatically with the fall of the Alba- for a long time circular in nature, involving nian communist regime. The transition toward many to-and-fro transits. In fact, given the and a market economy was – and geographic proximity to richer neighboring still is – a rocky road producing serious eco- countries, migrants often circulated between nomic hardship and political instability. Inter- Italy and Greece: sometimes they went there national migration began in the summer of to earn enough money in order to be able to 1990 with the so-called “embassy migrants,” pay for a longer (and more expensive) journey when around 5,000 Albanians sought refuge in to other EU countries or overseas, a journey Western embassies in . Eventually they which demanded entering illegally since the were allowed to leave for the West and Italy was European borders have become much tighter the main destination country (Vullnetari for Albanians since 1990 (Efionayi-Mäder et al. 2007). The impact of these “embassy occupa- 2001). tions” was considerable: in the following weeks In 1991 Albanians had some chance of thousands from all over the country rushed to being recognized as refugees in Western Euro- Tirana in the hope of entering one of the pean countries. However, from 1992 onward, embassies. In the south, thousands trekked by their demands for asylum were rejected in foot over the mountains to Greece. Disorder most countries and the borders closed to them leading up to Albania’s first democratic elec- as the restrictive immigration policies of tions led to the first “boat people” exodus to Western countries did not allow them working southern Italy in March 1991. A second boat permits. Finally, these Albanian migrations exodus took place in August; most were repat- played a fundamental role in the economic riated, but illegal migration continued to Italy survival of Albanian society, not least through (Vickers & Pettifer 1997). the significant amounts of remittances migrants In 1997 the collapse of a sent back – similarly as in Kosovo (Mai & for the investment of private savings – includ- Schwander-Sievers 2003). ing many of the emigrants’ remittances – led to The main migrant destinations, Italy and a period of political and economic turmoil, Greece, reacted in similar ways to this massive riots, and to civil war in some parts of the immigration. An initial welcome was followed country. These events produced another peak by a repressive reception, culminating in nega- in emigration to Italy and Greece. Others fol- tive stereotypes of Albanians as “dangerous,” lowed with their established networks in “criminal,” and living in the socioeconomic France, Germany, or Belgium, or went to the margins. However, these opinions have become UK. Some Albanians immigrated to the United more moderate during recent years (Barjaba & States through the Green Card lottery program Perrone 1996). In addition, different regular- run by the American government (Vullnetari ization programs in both countries contrib- 2007). At the same time, Albania experienced, uted recently to a more legalized character to as mentioned above, an important in-migration this migration flow (Barjaba & King 2005). in 1999: around 500,000 Albanian refugees Again, various attempts have been made to from Kosovo entered the country, where they estimate emigration since 1989, a task that is were often given shelter by impoverished Alba- difficult because of the irregular and circular 5 character of this migration. However, most of Albanian migrants in Europe]. In K. Barjaba studies converge in estimating that a fifth of et al. (eds.), Naufragi Albanesi, Studi, Ricerche e the population have left the country between Riflessoni sull’Albania [Albanian castaways, 1989 and 2001. The 2001 census data (INSTAT studies, researches and reflections on Albania]. 2002: 19) estimated net loss due to emigration : Sensibili alle Foglie, pp. 123–168. Bartl, P. (1995) Albanien. Vom Mittelalter zur of around 600,000 persons between 1989 and Gegenwart [Albania. From the to 2001 – the total population in 2001 being 3 the present]. Regensburg: Friedrich Pustet. million – not including short-term migration Dahinden, J. (2005a) Contesting transnationalism? of less than one year’s duration. Newer data Lessons from the study of Albanian migration based on the 2005 Albanian Living Standard networks from former Yugoslavia. Global Measurement Survey revealed that since 1999 Networks. A Journal of Transnational Affairs 5(2), there has been a downward trend in emigra- 191–208. tion following the peak in 1997, but also that Dahinden, J. (2005b) Prishtina-Schlieren. Albanische more people are now migrating to other Euro- Migrationsnetzwerke im transnationalen Raum pean destinations such as the UK and Germany, [Prishtina-Schlieren. Albanian migration as well the USA (Azzarri & Calogero 2009). networks in transnational space]. Zurich: Seismo. Dahinden, J. (2010) The dynamics of migrants’ It can also be observed that the demo- transnational formations: between mobility and graphic and socioeconomic composition of locality. In R. Bauböck & T. Faist (eds.), current emigrants has changed. While during Transnationalism and Diaspora. Concept, the first years of the 1990s migration was Theories and Methods. Amsterdam: Amsterdam mainly dominated by young men and of tem- University Press, pp. 51–72. porary or circular character, currently older Davis, J. (2009) “My Name Is Not Natasha”. How individuals and women are migrating, a fact Albanian Women in France Use Trafficking to that points to the effects of networks and set- Overcome Social Exclusion (1998–2001). tlement (Azzarri & Calogero 2009). Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press. Efionayi-Mäder, D., Chimienti, M., Dahinden, J., SEE ALSO: Balkans, migration, mid-19th century et al. (2001) Asyldestination Europa: eine to present; Greece, migration 1830s to present; Geographie der Asylbewegungen [Europe as a Italy: migration 1815 to present; War and migration; destination of asylum. A geography of asylum Wars and population displacement, 20th century movements]. Zurich: Seismo. Hall, D. (1994) Albania and the Albanians. London: Pinter. References and further reading Haxhikadrija, A. (2009) Diaspora as a Driving Force for Development in Kosovo: Myth or Reality? Azzarri, C. & Calogero, C. (2009) Modelling Prishtina, Forum for Democratic Initiatives. migration dynamics in Albania: a hazard INSTAT (2002) The Population of Albania in 2001. function approach. Southeast European and Main Results of the Population and Housing Balkan Studies 9(4), 407–433. Census. Tirana: INSTAT. Barjaba, K., Dérvishi, Z., & Perrone, L. (1992) Mai, N. & Schwander-Sievers, S. (2003) Albanian L’emigrazione Albanese. Spazi, tempi e cause migration and new transnationalism. Journal of [The Albanian emigration. Spaces, times, Ethnic and Migration Studies 29(6), 939–948. causes]. Studie Emigrazione/Etudes Migrations Mustafa, M., Kotorri, M., Gashi, P., et al. (2007) 29(107), 513–537. Diaspora and Migration Policies. Prishtina, Barjaba, K. & King, R. (2005) Introducing and Forum 2015. theorising Albanian migration. In R. King, N. Nagi, D. L. (1989) The Albanian-American Mai, & S. Schwanders-Sievers (eds.), The New Odyssey: A Pilot Study of the Albanian Albanian Migration. Brighton, UK: Sussex Community of Boston, Massachussetts. New York: Academic Press, pp. 1–28. AMS Press. Barjaba, K. & Perrone, L. (1996) Forme e grado di Petrisch, W., Kaser, K., & Pichler, R. (1999) Kosovo- adattamento dei migrati di cultura Albanese in Kosova. Mythen, Daten, Fakten [Kosovo-Kosova. Europa [Forms and degrees of accommodation Myths, data, and facts]. Klagenfurt: Wieser. 6

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