DOCSLIB.ORG

Discerning the Determinants of Ethnic Repression in the Former Soviet Union

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Discerning the Determinants of Ethnic Repression in the Former Soviet Union Discerning the Determinants of Ethnic Repression in the Former Soviet Union Item Type text; Electronic Thesis Authors Hodgin, David Tyler Publisher The University of Arizona. Rights Copyright © is held by the author. Digital access to this material is made possible by the University Libraries, University of Arizona. Further transmission, reproduction, presentation (such as public display or performance) of protected items is prohibited except with permission of the author. Download date 01/10/2021 15:00:30 Link to Item http://hdl.handle.net/10150/642140 DISCERNING THE DETERMINANTS OF ETHNIC REPRESSION IN THE FORMER SOVIET UNION By David Tyler Hodgin __________________________________ Copyright © David Tyler Hodgin 2020 A Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of the DEPARTMENT OF RUSSIAN AND SLAVIC STUDIES In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements For the Degree of MASTERS OF ARTS In the Graduate College THE UNIVERSITY OF ARIZONA 2020 2 3 Table of Contents Abstract………………………………………………………………………………………....4 Introduction……………………………………………………………………………………..5 Conceptualizing Ethnicity and Repression…………………….……………………………….6 The Argument for Collective Memory & Cultural Identity…………………………………....12 Consociational and Centripetal Ethnic Systems……………………………………………….16 The Primordialist, Constructivist, and Instrumentalist Approaches…………………………...19 Data Sets…………………………………………………………………………………….…22 CIRI…………………………………………………………………………………....22 EPR…………………………………………………………………………………….23 Case Selection ………………………………………………………………………………....25 Comparative Analysis …………………………………………………………………………28 Kazakhstan…………………………………………………………………………….29 Latvia………………………………………………………………………….……….41 Estonia…………………………………………………………………………………48 Ukraine………………………………………………………………………………...54 Cross Analysis…………………………………………………………………………………60 Discussion and Conclusion……………………………………………………………...……..63 Appendix…………………………………………………………………………………..…..66 References…………………………………………………………………………………..…72 4 Abstract The collapse of the Soviet Union brought undeniably drastic changes to the stability of the ethnic landscape across the Former Soviet Union (FSU). Consequently, in the effort to establish new national ideas, FSU states have largely promulgated policy centered around the promotion of the state's historical ethnic group. As a result, states have begun to repress ethnic groups under various pretexts. The onset of state sponsored ethnic repression has been relatively ignored in modern conflict scholarship. Accordingly, this project constructs a theoretical framework to analyze the determinants and consequences of repressing ethnic-Russians repression in post- Soviet Kazakhstan, Latvia, Estonia, and Ukraine. The ethnic make-up, strength of democratic institutions, and human rights track records of the Former Soviet Union (FSU) states provide preliminary evidence as to how the treatment of ethnic-Russians has evolved over the last thirty years. Current findings suggest, that even strong democratic institutions in the FSU may not protect ethnic groups from experiencing violations of physical integrity rights or linguistic and cultural repression. Additionally, the FSU states inability to reconcile their Soviet era grievances has led to the development of anti-Russian sentiments embedded into their national ideas. 5 Introduction Nearly thirty years ago, the collapse of the Soviet Union radically shifted the configuration and political landscape of Eurasia and Eastern Europe. The dissolution of the Soviet Union resulted in the complete collapse of the regional economy, leaving the new sovereigns in an extremely precarious situation. Additionally, ethnic discord throughout the former Soviet Union plunged a number of former Soviet Union (FSU) states into various ethnic conflicts. Now, in 2020, the economies of the FSU countries have rebounded, however, for many of these states, ethnic disharmony, repression, and conflict, remain unresolved issues. Interestingly, various FSU states have engaged in physical integrity rights violations through repression of the ethnic-Russian minority within their borders. However, the rationale behind states indiscriminately repressing ethnic-Russians in the FSU remains largely unexplored. As a result, this study poses a series of theoretical explanations and arguments to examine possible determinants of ethnic repression. Additionally, this study applies those same theoretical arguments as a means to explore repression of ethnic-Russians in FSU states. To overcome the dearth of previous scholarship concerning the onset of ethnic repression, it is necessary to construct theoretical foundations bridging various fields of study. First, borrowing from the sociological and historiographical school of collective memory and cultural identity, this study considers how the failure of governments in Kazakhstan, Latvia, Estonia, and Ukraine to internally conciliate Soviet era repressions, has resulted in the appearance of anti-Russian sentiment and repression of ethnic-Russians. Second, integrating scholarship from the field of nationalist studies, this project discusses the applicability of the primordialist, instrumentalist, and constructivist theories of ethnicity, as a means to identify potential causes of ethnic repression. Finally, this study explores the dynamic situation of ethnic- 6 Russians in post-Soviet Kazakhstan, Latvia, Estonia, and Ukraine with the aim of discerning the mechanisms by which these governments decide to repress ethnic-Russians. In total, this chapter hopes to isolate initial answers to the following questions: 1) Under what conditions does a state decide to repress an ethnic group? 2) What mechanisms in the post-Cold War era cause ethnic-Russians to face repression in Former Soviet Union states? 3) Why have the Republics of Kazakhstan, Latvia, Estonia, and Ukraine adopted an anti-Russian and anti-ethnic-Russian stance, and subsequently decided to repress ethnic- Russians more intensely than other marginalized ethnic groups? 4) Which mechanisms do states adopt to try to avoid the use of repression? To corroborate support for the claims of this study, I gathered data from official state documents from the Republics Kazakhstan, Latvia, Estonia, and Ukraine. The primary goals of collecting these data are to analyze the use of specific language and phrases by governments to indicate aversion to ethnic-Russians or the Russian Federation. In addition to data from official state documents, this study uses news reports and available Demographic and Health Survey data to further explore potential mechanisms of ethnic repression. Moreover, it is necessary to consider population statistics to pinpoint the impacts of various repressive policies, such forced migration, on the Russian population in the FSU region. Both census data from respective countries and a cross-check using the Ethnic Power Relations (EPR) Data set account for population statistics in the analyzed countries. 7 Conceptualizing Ethnicity and Repression Finding an agreed-upon definition to the category "ethnic group" is one of the most contentious and persistent questions in scholarship. Accordingly, this project combines two closely related definitions of ethnicity and ethnic group. First, in line with Milton Yinger, an ethnic group may be defined as a division of a larger society "whose members are thought, by themselves and/or others, to have a common origin, to share important segments of a common culture and who participate in shared activities in which the common origin and culture are significant ingredients" (1985, pg. 159). Additionally, I use Donald Horowitz's definition of ethnic group, which is as follows: "Ethnic groups are defined by ascriptive differences, whether the indicium is color, appearance, language, religion, some other indicator of common origin, or some combination thereof" (1985, pg. 17). As a result of combining these two definitions, this study defines an ethnic group on the foundation of attributable similarities in which the members of a group identify themselves and dissimilarities that the members of a group use to separate their group's unique qualities from others. An ethnic group's identity is a medium by which even small groups are able to mobilize for, or against a cause. Moreover, Horowitz's argues that a sense of “fictile kinship” is the driving force behind an ethnic groups' acceptance or aversion to other groups' norms.1 According to Williams (1994), since the end of the World War II, half of the world's states have, or are currently, experiencing some form of ethnic conflict. Additionally, Williams (1994) finds that eighty percent of deaths from political violence have been domestic to nation- states. Furthermore, while it is not possible to assume all domestic conflict occurring in Williams' time frame has directly resulted from ethnicity or ethnic groups, Gurr (1993) 1 As Horowitz (1985) explains, fictile kinship is a group characteristic which ascribes a false sense of blood relation to other people based on similar looks, beliefs, or cultural practices. 8 substantiates the fact that between 1950 and 1989, ethnic minorities engaging in violent protest increased by over 400%. In addition, ethnic minorities engaging in non-violent protest increased by over 200%, and finally, rebellion by ethnic minority groups increased by nearly 400%. Given the sizable increase of a state’s chance to experience some form of ethnic conflict, one may assume that state repression versus an ethnic group, in part, gives rise to the mobilization of the dissident ethnic groups. Defining
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Populism As a Problem of Social Integration
    Populism as a Problem of Social Integration Noam Gidron and Peter A. Hall Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs, Robertson Hall, Princeton University, Princeton NJ 08544. [email protected] Minda de Gunzburg Center for European Studies Harvard University 27 Kirkland Street Cambridge MA 02138 [email protected] Abstract We contend that contemporary support for populist parties, especially among their core voters in developed democracies, stems from a set of economic and cultural developments that have severed the connections that usually bind people to their society, leaving many feeling ‘left behind’. Building on an important ethnographic literature, we assess whether populism can be seen as a problem of social integration through an examination of political attitudes and electoral behavior in 26 developed democracies. Using subjective social status as an indicator for the social integration of individuals, we find that people who feel more marginal to society, because they lack social engagement or a sense of social respect, are more likely to be alienated from mainstream politics and to not vote or vote for parties of the populist right or radical left. Using multi-level models, we find that people with relatively low levels of income or education are more likely to feel marginalized when national levels of income inequality or enrollments in tertiary education are high. The implication is that support for parties of the populist right and radical left has both economic and cultural roots and should be addressed, not only as an issue of economic deprivation requiring redistribution, but also as an issue of social integration requiring efforts to expand social recognition.
    [Show full text]
  • London School of Economics and Political Science Department of Government
    London School of Economics and Political Science Department of Government Historical Culture, Conflicting Memories and Identities in post-Soviet Estonia Meike Wulf Thesis submitted for the degree of PhD at the University of London London 2005 UMI Number: U213073 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U213073 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 Ih c s e s . r. 3 5 o ^ . Library British Library of Political and Economic Science Abstract This study investigates the interplay of collective memories and national identity in Estonia, and uses life story interviews with members of the intellectual elite as the primary source. I view collective memory not as a monolithic homogenous unit, but as subdivided into various group memories that can be conflicting. The conflict line between ‘Estonian victims’ and ‘Russian perpetrators* figures prominently in the historical culture of post-Soviet Estonia. However, by setting an ethnic Estonian memory against a ‘Soviet Russian’ memory, the official historical narrative fails to account for the complexity of the various counter-histories and newly emerging identities activated in times of socio-political ‘transition’.
    [Show full text]
  • In Russia We Were Germans, and Now We Are Russians." - Dilemmas of Identity Formation and and Communication Among German-Russian Aussiedler
    A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Pfetsch, Barbara Working Paper "In Russia we were Germans, and now we are Russians." - Dilemmas of identity formation and and communication among German-Russian Aussiedler WZB Discussion Paper, No. FS III 99-103 Provided in Cooperation with: WZB Berlin Social Science Center Suggested Citation: Pfetsch, Barbara (1999) : "In Russia we were Germans, and now we are Russians." - Dilemmas of identity formation and and communication among German- Russian Aussiedler, WZB Discussion Paper, No. FS III 99-103, Wissenschaftszentrum Berlin für Sozialforschung (WZB), Berlin This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/49827 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have
    [Show full text]
  • 2010 Census Redistricting Data (Public Law 94-171) Summary File— (Name of State) [Machine-Readable Data Files]/Prepared by the U.S
    2010 Census Redistricting Data (Public Law 94-171) Summary File Issued January 2011 2010 Census of Population and Housing PL/10-2 (RV) Technical Documentation U.S. Department of Commerce U S C E N S U S B U R E A U Economics and Statistics Administration U.S. CENSUS BUREAU Helping You Make Informed Decisions For additional information concerning the Census Redistricting Data Program, contact the Census Redistricting Data Office, U.S. Census Bureau, Washington, DC 20233, or phone 301-763-4039. For additional information concerning the DVD and software issues, contact the Administrative and Customer Services Division, Electronic Products Development Branch, U.S. Census Bureau, Washington, DC 20233, or phone 301-763-7710. For additional information concerning the files, contact the Customer Liaison and Marketing Services Office, Customer Services Center, U.S. Census Bureau, Washington, DC 20233, or phone 301-763-INFO (4636). For additional information concerning the technical documentation, contact the Administrative and Customer Services Division, Electronic Products Development Branch, U.S. Census Bureau, Washington, DC 20233, or phone 301-763-8004. 2010 Census Redistricting Data (Public Law 94-171) Summary File Issued January 2011 2010 Census of Population and Housing PL/10-2 (RV) Technical Documentation U.S. Department of Commerce Gary Locke, Secretary Rebecca M. Blank, Acting Deputy Secretary Economics and Statistics Administration Rebecca M. Blank, Under Secretary for Economic Affairs U.S. CENSUS BUREAU Robert M. Groves, Director SUGGESTED CITATION FILES: 2010 Census Redistricting Data (Public Law 94-171) Summary File— (name of state) [machine-readable data files]/prepared by the U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • “Clustering:” Redistricting in Geographic Perspective
    UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, SAN DIEGO Introducing “Clustering:” Redistricting in Geographic Perspective A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science by Justin Mark Levitt Committee in charge: Professor Thad Kousser, Chair Professor Christopher Elmendorf Professor Gary Jacobson Professor Gerry Mackie Professor Isaac Martin 2016 This Dissertation of Justin Mark Levitt is approved, and it is acceptable in quality and form for publication on microfilm and electronically: Chair University of California, San Diego 2016 iii DEDICATION This dissertation is dedicated to the memory of my grandfather, Nissel “Sol” Levitt. iv TABLE OF CONTENTS Signature Page ..................................................................................................................................... iii Dedication ............................................................................................................................................ iv Table of Contents ................................................................................................................................. v List of Tables ....................................................................................................................................... ix List of Figures (including Maps) ........................................................................................................ x Acknowledgements ...........................................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Downloads/Newsletters/SIEF-Spring-2020.Pdf?Utm Source=Newsletter&Utm Medium=Sendy&Utm Newsletter=SIEF Autumn2019, Last Accessed on 21.09.2020
    THE YEARBOOK OF BALKAN AND BALTIC STUDIES VOLUME 3 INTERNATIONAL SOCIETY OF BALKAN AND BALTIC STUDIES THE YEARBOOK OF BALKAN AND BALTIC STUDIES VOLUME 3 TRACKING THE RITUAL YEAR ON THE MOVE IN DIFFERENT CULTURAL SETTINGS AND SYSTEMS OF VALUES editor-in-chief EKATERINA ANASTASOVA guest editors IRINA SEDAKOVA LAURENT SÉBASTIEN FOURNIER ELM SCHOLARLY PRESS VILNIUS-TARTU-SOFIA-RIGA 2020 Editor-in-chief: Ekaterina Anastasova Guest editors: Irina Sedakova, Institute of Slavic Studies, Moscow & Laurent Sébastien Fournier, Aix-Marseille-University, France Editors: Mare Kõiva, Inese Runce, Žilvytis Šaknys Cover: Lina Gergova Layout: Diana Kahre Editorial board: Nevena Škrbić Alempijević (Croatia), Jurji Fikfak (Slovenia), Evangelos Karamanes (Greece), Zoja Karanović (Serbia), Solveiga Krumina-Konkova (Latvia), Andres Kuperjanov (Estonia), Thede Kahl (Germany), Ermis Lafazanovski (North Macedonia), Tatiana Minniyakhmetova (Austria), Alexander Novik (Russia), Rasa Paukštytė-Šaknienė (Lithuania), Irina Sedakova (Russia), Irina Stahl (Romania), Svetoslava Toncheva (Bulgaria), Piret Voolaid (Estonia) Supported by Bulgarian, Lithuanian, Estonian and Latvian Academies of Sciences, Centre of Excellence in Estonian Studies; Institute of Ethnology and Folklore Studies with Ethnographic Museum, Estonian Literary Museum, Lithuanian Institute of History, Institute of Philosophy and Sociology, University of Latvia © 2020 by the authors © International Society of Balkan and Baltic Studies © Estonian Literary Museum ISSN 2613-7844 (printed) ISSN 2613-7852 (pdf)
    [Show full text]
  • The War of the Monuments in Estonia: the Challenges of History and the Minority Population
    REPORT FROM THE ÅLAND ISLANDS PEACE INSTITUTE Rapport från Ålands fredsinstitut The War of the Monuments in Estonia: the Challenges of History and the Minority Population Vadim Poleshchuk E T Å U L T A I T N S D N S I F E R C E A D E S P I N S S D T N IT U LA T T IS HE ÅLAND No. 1-2009 Vadim Poleshchuk, Mag. iur., Legal Advisor-Analyst, Legal Information Centre for Human Rights (LICHR), Tallinn, Estonia. He is dealing predominantly with legal and political aspects of minority protection in Estonia and Latvia. Among his recent publi- cations are: “Estonia – In Quest of Minority Protection”, in S. Spiliopoulou Åkermark et al. (eds.) International Obligations and National Debates: Minorities around the Bal- tic Sea, The Åland Islands Peace Institute, 2006 (co-authored with J. Helemäe); “Esto- nia”, in C. Mudde (ed.) Racist Extremism in Central and Eastern Europe, Routledge, 2005; “The Baltic States before European Union Accession: Recent Developments in Minority Protection”, in A. Bloed et al. (eds.) European Yearbook of Minority Issues, vol. 2, 2002/2003, Martinius Nijhoff Publishers, 2004 (co-authored with B. Tsilevich). The War of the Monuments in Estonia: the Challenges of History and the Minority Population Vadim Poleshchuk Proof reading: Sarah Stephan Report from the Åland Islands Peace Institute Rapport från Ålands fredsinstitut No. 1-2009 ISSN 1797-1845 (Printed) ISSN 1797-1853 (Online) ISBN 978-952-5265-34-7 (Printed) ISBN 978-952-5265-35-4 (Online) Published by the Åland Islands Peace Institute PB 85, AX-22101 Mariehamn, Åland, Finland Phone +358 18 15570, fax +358 18 21026 [email protected] www.peace.ax This report can be downloaded from www.peace.ax © The author, 2009.
    [Show full text]
  • “Plan Against Gender-Based Violence in the Immigrant Population”
    PLAN AGAINST GENDER-BASED VIOLENCE IN THE IMMIGRANT POPULATION “PLAN AGAINST GENDER-BASED VIOLENCE IN THE IMMIGRANT POPULATION” 2009–2012 PLAN AGAINST GENDER-BASED VIOLENCE IN THE IMMIGRANT POPULATION TABLE OF CONTENTS BACKGROUND 03 1. JUSTIFICATION 04 2. STRATEGIC FRAMEWORK OF THE PLAN 08 3. STRUCTURE OF THE PLAN 09 4. MEASURES INCLUDED IN THE PLAN 12 PLAN AGAINST GENDER-BASED VIOLENCE IN THE IMMIGRANT POPULATION BACKGROUND Organic Law 1/2004, of 28 December, on comprehensive protective measures against gender-based violence (hereinafter, Comprehensive Law), sets out that one of the priority lines of action to prevent, eradicate, and prosecute gender-based violence, as well as to protect its victims, is to address the specific situation of immigrant women. In this regard, Article 17 of the Comprehensive Law guarantees the rights of all women victims of violence regardless of origin, religion, or any other social or personal circumstances. In addition, collaboration efforts planned by public authorities to achieve the objective of preventing, addressing and prosecuting acts of gender-based violence must, in accordance with Article 32 of the Comprehensive Law, give special consideration to the situation of women who, due to personal and social circumstances, may be at greater risk of suffering gender- based violence or have greater difficulty accessing the services provided for in this Law. Since the passing of the Comprehensive Law, a variety of actions targeting the immigrant population have been implemented. In the area of immigration law, following approval by Royal Decree 2393/2004, of 30 December, of the Regulation governing Organic Law 4/2000, of 11 January, on the rights and liberties of foreign nationals in Spain and their social integration, it was established that in cases of family reunification, victims of gender-based violence issued with a protective court order may receive independent residence authorisation.
    [Show full text]
  • Promoting Social Integration – a Brief Examination of Concepts and Issues Prepared by M
    Promoting Social Integration – A Brief Examination of Concepts and Issues Prepared by M. Sharon Jeannotte for Experts Group Meeting July 8-10, 2008 Helsinki, Finland Introduction Social integration is one of a constellation of “social” terms that is being used widely in contemporary policy development to describe concepts whose aim (as stated by the Copenhagen Declaration and Programme of Action) is to foster societies that are stable, safe, just and tolerant, and respect diversity, equality of opportunity and participation of all people. Other terms that often invoked in support of this goal are “social inclusion”, “social cohesion” and “social capital”. All of these are contested terms, which often results in fruitless debate about what is meant when the terms are used. More seriously for policy makers, they are also notoriously difficult concepts to measure and operationalize, which is a distinct disadvantage in the current context of “evidence-based policy making”. This short paper is intended to highlight some of the main conceptual, contextual and policy issues surrounding the use of the terms. It is likely to raise more questions than answers, but that may be appropriate as a point of departure for a series of brainstorming sessions focused on the problems of promoting social integration. While participants at these sessions were encouraged to conclude their papers with policy recommendations, the conclusions at the end of this paper should be considered in the same light – as provisional and as points of departure for further discussion. Conceptual issues Social inclusion Study of the concept of social inclusion in Canada was initiated by the Laidlaw Foundation in 2002 in the context of policy debates on the needs of children and families.
    [Show full text]
  • Why Racial Integration Remains an Imperative
    Poverty & Race POVERTY & RACE RESEARCH ACTION COUNCIL PRRAC July/August 2011 Volume 20: Number 4 Why Racial Integration Remains an Imperative by Elizabeth Anderson In 1988, I needed to move from they did not constitute either the domi- ness; or welfare reform; or a deter- Ann Arbor to the Detroit area to spare nant or, in aggregate effect, the most mined effort within minority commu- my partner, a sleep-deprived resident damaging mode of undesirable racial nities to change dysfunctional social at Henry Ford Hospital, a significant interactions on campus. More perva- norms associated with the “culture of commute to work. As I searched for sive, insidious and cumulatively dam- poverty.” As this list demonstrates, housing, I observed stark patterns of aging were subtler patterns of racial avoidance of integration is found racial segregation, openly enforced by discomfort, alienation, and ignorant across the whole American political landlords who assured me, a white and cloddish interaction, such as class- spectrum. The Imperative of Integra- woman then in her late twenties, that room dynamics in which white stu- tion argues that all of these purported I had no reason to worry about rent- dents focused on problems and griev- remedies for racial injustice rest on ing there since “we’re holding the line ances peculiar to them, ignored what the illusion that racial justice can be against blacks at 10 Mile Road.” One black students were saying, or ex- achieved without racial integration. of them showed me a home with a pressed insulting assumptions about Readers of Poverty & Race are fa- pile of cockroaches in the kitchen.
    [Show full text]
  • European Relations with Russia: Threat Perceptions, Responses, and Strategies in the Wake of the Ukrainian Crisis
    C O R P O R A T I O N European Relations with Russia Threat Perceptions, Responses, and Strategies in the Wake of the Ukrainian Crisis Stephanie Pezard, Andrew Radin, Thomas S. Szayna, F. Stephen Larrabee For more information on this publication, visit www.rand.org/t/RR1579 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data is available for this publication. ISBN: 978-0-8330-9637-1 Published by the RAND Corporation, Santa Monica, Calif. © Copyright 2017 RAND Corporation R® is a registered trademark. Limited Print and Electronic Distribution Rights This document and trademark(s) contained herein are protected by law. This representation of RAND intellectual property is provided for noncommercial use only. Unauthorized posting of this publication online is prohibited. Permission is given to duplicate this document for personal use only, as long as it is unaltered and complete. Permission is required from RAND to reproduce, or reuse in another form, any of its research documents for commercial use. For information on reprint and linking permissions, please visit www.rand.org/pubs/permissions. The RAND Corporation is a research organization that develops solutions to public policy challenges to help make communities throughout the world safer and more secure, healthier and more prosperous. RAND is nonprofit, nonpartisan, and committed to the public interest. RAND’s publications do not necessarily reflect the opinions of its research clients and sponsors. Support RAND Make a tax-deductible charitable contribution at www.rand.org/giving/contribute www.rand.org Preface This is the second in a series of reports on the impact and implications of the Ukraine crisis on European security; it was produced under a project titled, “Security in Europe in the Wake of the Ukraine Crisis: Implications for the U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • A. the International Bill of Human Rights
    A. THE INTERNATIONAL BILL OF HUMAN RIGHTS 1. Universal Declaration of Human Rights Adopted and proclaimed by General Assembly resolution 217 A (III) of 10 December 1948 PREAMBLE Whereas recognition of the inherent dignity and of the equal and inalienable rights of all members of the human family is the foundation of freedom, justice and peace in the world, Whereas disregard and contempt for human rights have resulted in barbarous acts which have outraged the conscience of mankind, and the advent of a world in which human beings shall enjoy freedom of speech and belief and freedom from fear and want has been proclaimed as the highest aspiration of the common people, Whereas it is essential, if man is not to be compelled to have recourse, as a last resort, to rebellion against tyranny and oppression, that human rights should be pro- tected by the rule of law, Whereas it is essential to promote the development of friendly relations between nations, Whereas the peoples of the United Nations have in the Charter reaffirmed their faith in fundamental human rights, in the dignity and worth of the human person and in the equal rights of men and women and have determined to promote social progress and better standards of life in larger freedom, Whereas Member States have pledged themselves to achieve, in co-operation with the United Nations, the promotion of universal respect for and observance of human rights and fundamental freedoms, Whereas a common understanding of these rights and freedoms is of the great- est importance for the full realization
    [Show full text]