Copyright by Rachel Christine Brooks 2020
The Report Committee for Rachel Christine Brooks Certifies that this is the approved version of the following Report:
The Role of Islamic Feminists in Moroccan Legal Reform:
A case study of the 2018 law on violence against women
APPROVED BY SUPERVISING COMMITTEE:
Hina Azam, Supervisor
Victoria Rodriguez, Reader
The Role of Islamic Feminists in Moroccan Legal Reform:
A case study of the 2018 law on violence against women
by
Rachel Christine Brooks
Report
Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of The University of Texas at Austin in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of
Master of Arts
Master of Global Policy Studies
The University of Texas at Austin May 2020 Abstract
The Role of Islamic Feminists in Moroccan Legal Reform:
A case study of the 2018 law on violence against women
Rachel Christine Brooks, MA, MGPS The University of Texas at Austin, 2020
Supervisor: Hina Azam
Abstract: This report focuses on some of the women's rights activists and organizations that have been central to issues of gender equality in Morocco, specifically
Nadia Yassine of the Islamist movement Jamaat al-Adl wa al-Ihsan (Justice and
Spirituality Association - JSA), Bassima Hakkaoui, current Minister of Solidarity,
Women, Family, and Social Development, and secular organization Mobilising for
Rights Associates (MRA), or Imra’a (“Woman” in Arabic), This study focuses on the specific strategies and rhetoric used by Yassine, Hakkaoui, and MRA to achieve increased rights for women in Morocco, as well as the creation of Law 103-13 and
Morocco’s eventual codification of domestic violence as a crime. Despite the contributions of Hakkaoui and MRA to Law 103-13, the law did not meet all of the demands of Moroccan activists or international organizations, and there are criticisms of
iv the law requiring future legislation and amendments. This study reviews both the law’s strengths and shortcomings.
v Table of Contents
Introduction ...... 1
Background: Domestic Violence and Islamic Feminism ...... 1
Research Question ...... 5
Sources and Methodology ...... 5
Thesis ...... 6
Report map ...... 7
Literature review of Islamic Feminism ...... 9
Islamic Feminism and Domestic Violence ...... 12
Morocco and Domestic Violence Legislation...... 16
History of Key Women’s Rights Achievements in Morocco ...... 16
Feminist Activism and Moroccan Legislation ...... 27
Nadia Yassine and al-Adl wa al-Ihssan ...... 28
Bassima Hakkaoui and the PJD ...... 34
MRA – Mobilising for Rights Associates ...... 38
Morocco’s Demand for Domestic Violence Legislation ...... 40
Content Analysis of Law 103-13 ...... 44
Criticisms of Law 103-13 ...... 46
Morocco and Domestic Violence Awareness After Law 103-13 ...... 52
vi Conclusion ...... 55
Appendix A: Unofficial English Translation of Law 103-13 ...... 57
Appendix B: Official French Version of Law 103-13 ...... 69
Appendix C: Official Arabic Version of Law 103-13 ...... 85
Works Cited ...... 98
vii Introduction
BACKGROUND: DOMESTIC VIOLENCE AND ISLAMIC FEMINISM
Violence against women is a global issue stemming from a multitude of factors such as a lack of women’s empowerment, which in turn stems from economic disparity and strong patriarchal cultural systems. The organization UN Women estimates that 35 percent of women globally have experienced physical or sexual intimate partner violence or sexual violence by a non-partner at some point in their lives.1 In addition to the prevalence of violence against women, many women around the world lack legal protection or options for recourse against violence. In the phenomenon of violence against women around the world, violence within the family or within a marriage is less often codified as a criminal behavior. Globally, the World
Bank estimates that more than one billion women lack legal protections against sexual violence by a partner or family member.2 As violence against women is a global problem, it also exists within the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region, which faces unique challenges as many MENA nation-states are governed to some extent by Islamic law. Sometimes these laws are in direct conflict with international human rights standards.
There are many types of violence against women, including four types of internationally recognized violence: physical, psychological, economic and sexual. Violence against women, of all four types listed above, also occurs in two separate domains: the private sphere and the public sphere. This paper specifically focuses on domestic violence against women, referring to violence typically found in the private sphere conducted by a family member or intimate partner.
The World Bank in 2017 estimated that only about one in four women in the MENA region3
1 “Facts and Figures: Ending Violence against Women,” UN Women (November 2019), https://www.unwomen.org/en/what-we-do/ending-violence-against-women/facts-and-figures. 2 Paula Tavarez and Quentin Wodon. 2017. Global and Regional Trends in Women’s Legal Protection against Domestic Violence and Sexual Harassment. Ending Violence against Women Notes Series. Washington, DC: The World Bank. 3 The World Bank’s definition of MENA includes the following countries: Algeria, Bahrain, Djibouti, Egypt, Iran, Iraq, Jordan, Kuwait, Lebanon, Libya, Malta, Morocco, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Syria, Tunisia, United Arab Emirates, West Bank and Gaza, and Yemen. 1 were legally protected against domestic violence, with approximately one-third of countries in the region having codified law against the practice.4 According to the United Nations
Development Programme (UNDP) 2019 report on gender justice in Arab states,5 Bahrain,
Jordan, Lebanon, Saudi Arabia and Tunisia have stand-alone domestic violence legislation which provides protection from gender-based violence and is substantially compliant with international standards.6
In particular, Morocco faces challenges regarding women’s rights and violence against women as shown in the country’s ranking in international gender indexes. In the World
Economic Forum’s Global Gender Gap Report 2020, Morocco ranked 143 out of 153 countries based on four categories of criteria: economic participation and opportunity; educational attainment; health and survival; and political empowerment.7 Similarly, UNDP’s 2019 Gender
Inequality Index, which measures inequality between men and women on issues of reproductive health, empowerment, and the labor market, ranked Morocco 129 out of 187 countries.8
Statistics regarding domestic violence are difficult to obtain due to fear of reporting and other pressures women face. The Moroccan Ministry of Solidarity, Women, Family and Social
Development under the leadership of Bassima Hakkaoui conducted a national survey in 2019 of
Moroccan women ages 18 to 64. Of the 9000 respondents, 54.4 percent said they have experienced violence, showing that more than half of Morocco’s nearly 18 million women have been victims of any type of violence, whether physical, sexual, psychological or economic.9 The
4 Tavarez and Wodon. 2017. Global and Regional Trends in Women’s Legal Protection against Domestic Violence and Sexual Harassment. 5 UNDP’s Arab States include: Algeria, Bahrain, Djibouti, Egypt, Iraq, Jordan, Lebanon, Libya, Morocco, Oman, Palestine, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Somalia, Sudan, Syria, Tunisia, and Yemen. 6 UNDP. Gender Justice & Equality before the law: Analysis of progress and challenges in the Arab States Region. New York: UNDP, 2019. 7 World Economic Forum. 2019. Global Gender Gap Report 2020. Geneva: World Economic Forum. 8 “Gender Inequality Index.” Human Development Reports. UNDP, November 15, 2013. http://hdr.undp.org/en/content/gender-inequality-index. 9 Safaa Kasraoui, “New Survey Shows High Rates of Violence Against Women in Morocco,” Morocco World News, May 15, 2019, https://www.moroccoworldnews.com/2019/05/273120/survey-high-rates-violence-women- morocco/. 2 survey also revealed that only 28.2 percent of women reported telling anyone about abuse they faced and only 6.6 percent of women filed a claim against their abuser.10
Other surveys of violence against women were also conducted previous to Morocco’s
2019 national survey administered by the government. Morocco’s High Commission for
Planning conducted a study on violence against women in 2011. 62.8 percent of 8300 female respondents aged 18 to 64 reported being victims of some type of violence in the previous year.11
55 percent of the acts of violence were committed by the women’s husbands, with 3 percent of women reporting to the authorities.12 The International Foundation for Electoral Systems, in conjunction with the Institute for Women’s Policy Research, conducted a study of 2000
Moroccan women and 500 Moroccan men from December 2009 to January 2010, where they collected data on women’s freedom of movement, violence and harassment. In the survey data,
30 percent of Moroccan men said it is acceptable for husbands to beat their wives in certain situations, such as neglect of household responsibilities, disobedience, neglect of children, refusing sex, leaving the home without permission or imposing her views.13 These statistics highlight the predominance of violence against women in Morocco, as well as the prevalent social norms, which inhibit women from reporting and perpetuate the cycle of abuse within families.
Feminists, including the full spectrum from Islamic to secular feminists, have worked to improve the status of women in Morocco for decades. This includes specific organizations, individual activists and political parties in Morocco. Part of this advocacy for women’s rights has been a demand for legislation protecting women from violence. On September 12, 2018, after years of activist lobbying and several major incidents of violence against women, a law
10 Ibid. 11 Hayat Naciri, “Gender-based Violence in Morocco: Domestic Violence as a Case in Point,” Culture and Society: Journal of Social Research 9:1 (2018). 12 Ibid. 13 “The Status of Women in the Middle East and North Africa (SWMENA) Project Focus on Morocco: Freedom of Movement, & Freedom from Harassment & Violence Topic Brief,” International Foundation for Electoral Systems and Institute for Women’s Policy Research. 3 protecting women against violence took effect, six months after its approval by Moroccan
Parliament. Law 103-13 “On Elimination of Violence Against Women,” was first drafted in
2013 and first proposed in parliament in March 2016.14 The law stayed in parliament for two years before being signed into law by King Mohammed VI in 2018.15
In this report, I will focus on some of the women's rights activists and organizations that have been central to issues of gender equality in Morocco. The first figure I will discuss is Nadia
Yassine, a leader in the Islamist movement Jamaat al-Adl wa al-Ihsan (Justice and Spirituality
Association - JSA) and her role fighting for gender equality in Morocco. I will also discuss
Bassima Hakkaoui, a member of the ruling Justice and Development Party (PJD) and current
Minister of Solidarity, Women, Family, and Social Development, and her role in the fight for gender equality in Morocco, specifically her involvement in drafting Morocco’s 2018 domestic violence legislation, Law 103-13. I will also discuss the role of the organization Mobilising for
Rights Associates (MRA), or Imra’a (“Woman” in Arabic), a secular women’s rights organization that was involved in the process of creating Moroccan domestic violence legislation. This study focuses on the specific strategies and rhetoric used by Yassine, Hakkaoui, and MRA to achieve increased rights for women in Morocco, as well as the creation of Law 103-
13 and Morocco’s eventual codification of domestic violence as a crime. Despite the contributions of Hakkaoui and MRA to Law 103-13, the law did not meet all of the demands of
Moroccan activists or international organizations, and there are criticisms of the law requiring future legislation and amendments. Therefore, this study will review both the law’s strengths and shortcomings.
14 “Morocco: New Violence Against Women Law,” Human Rights Watch, February 26, 2018, https://www.hrw.org/news/2018/02/26/morocco-new-violence-against-women-law#. 15 Ibid. 4 RESEARCH QUESTION
The questions that motivate this study relate to comparing the strategies of Islamic and secular feminist activists in Morocco on issues of violence against women and women’s legal rights. My period of focus is the era after the February 20th Movement, which was Morocco’s protest movement contemporaneous with the Arab Spring movement, and which began on
February 20, 2011. My central question is, How have Moroccan women used the tenets of
Islam to advocate for increased legal protections for themselves as opposed to ideals of
Western secular feminist thought?
While secular thought relies on the separation of religion and politics, Islamic feminism is women’s activism using religious ideals in a political project. Sherine Hafez, in her 2011 book
An Islam of Her Own: Reconsidering religion and secularism in women’s Islamic movements, challenges the dichotomy of religious and secular, particularly in regard to woman’s activism, writing, “To misconstrue the desires and subjectivities of Islamic women by polarizing religion and the political project is to misread these women’s activism and the nature of their movement.”16 I will outline how religion and politics merged in the fight for increased women’s rights and legal protections in Morocco. Rather than being agitated from a purely Western secular framework relying only on international human rights standards, Moroccan legal reform is influenced by multiple factors, including the Islamist movement and Islamic feminism.
SOURCES AND METHODOLOGY
To understand the events leading up to and after Morocco’s Parliament passed Law 103-
13 in 2018, I examine recent sources regarding domestic violence in Morocco including newspaper articles, international NGO reports and government statistics. Additionally, I use a variety of academic sources about Islamic feminism and domestic violence in the context of
16 Sherine Hafez, An Islam of Her Own: Reconsidering Religion and Secularism in Women’s Islamic Movements, New York University Press: New York (2011). 5 Morocco or more broadly. My sources are primarily in English, although some government documents and publications of NGOs are in French or Arabic. I introduce the topic with a review of the general role of women’s movements in political reform, as well as of the specific role of women’s movements in Morocco. I use historical and rhetorical analysis of a specific case study to investigate more broadly the power of women in political and legal reform in contemporary
Morocco.
As terms such as ‘violence against women’ and ‘domestic violence’ are vague and often defined multiple ways, I will clarify their use in the context of this report. I use “violence against women” to signify the larger phenomenon of gender inequality, which includes the economic, physical, psychological and sexual harm done in both public and private spaces on the basis of gender. “Domestic violence” is a more specific term, referring to gender-based violence of any of the four categories which occurs in the private space. In this report, I am looking only at violence against women rather than the broader category of gender-based violence, which affects all people regardless of sex or gender. By Moroccan “women,” I mean adult females, typically those above age 18. However, my discussion of several infamous accounts of public violence against women also includes some who were minors.
THESIS
In recent years, feminist activists in the Middle East, both secular and Islamic, have agitated for political and legal reform in response to many prevalent religious and cultural norms.
Protecting women against violence has been one of the goals of recent legal reform. In this report, I will outline the rise in protests regarding traditionally feminist issues, specifically violence against women, in post-Arab Spring Morocco, as a way to illustrate the role of Islamic feminist organizations, individual activists and NGOs in the successful passing of Morocco’s
2018 law on domestic violence. By outlining the extended period of feminist activism and specific incidents of violence against women that led to Morocco’s 2018 domestic violence
6 legislation, I argue that Islamic feminist activists were one critical aspect to the successful passing of law 103-13, with Moroccan legal reform being influenced by a variety of sources.
Through this case study approach, I portray how Moroccan women can use religion and religious texts to advocate for increased legal protections for themselves, rather than using the language of Western secular feminist thought. The use of religious argumentation and language is particularly relevant to the reform of Moroccan legal code, especially family law, and of the relationship between husbands and wives, both of which are inherently religious. Additionally, as Morocco’s dominant political party, the Justice and Development Party (the PJD), is an
Islamist party, an increase in the activism of Islamist women, as well as increased participation of women in politics, will be essential to increasing women’s rights. Through illustrating the work of two different Islamic feminists, as well as the efforts of a secular women’s rights organization, it is possible to compare such efforts and see the heterogeneity of Morocco’s women’s movement.
REPORT MAP
I will first provide a brief literature review of Islamic feminism and specifically violence against women in the context of Islam. I will then outline the history of the women’s movement in Morocco from independence to the contemporary moment post-Arab Spring. I will then trace the most pivotal moments of legal reform relating to women’s issues in post-independence
Morocco, specifically the reformation of the personal status code or family law (Mudawwana).
As I will show, the process of changing the Mudawwana, which is based in Maliki Islamic law, was extremely contentious and marked a landmark victory for women, who were able to advocate for increased legal rights despite the religious implications. This cultural shift in understanding led to the increasing demand for legal protection regarding violence against women, in addition to other traditional women’s issues in the region, namely inheritance, child
7 custody, divorce and citizenship laws. I will highlight the role of Nadia Yassine and the JSA in this process.
I will then trace the process by which Law 103-13, Morocco’s 2018 law regarding violence against women, was passed. I will compare definitions of violence against women as expressed by international organizations like the United Nations and other countries in the
MENA region, namely Tunisia. I will also analyze the effectiveness of the law based on its ability to address the following: public and private sphere violence; physical, psychological, economic and sexual violence; and procedural and structural concerns regarding violence against women. As many instances of violence against women agitated a large network of individuals and organizations fighting for increased women’s rights and legal protections against violence, I will highlight some of the major incidents and resulting protest movements that have occurred in recent years in Morocco.
I will then focus on one individual to illustrate the role of Islamic feminists in the process of legal reform: Bassima Hakkaoui. I will also discuss the role of the organization MRA. I will outline the role of Hakkaoui and MRA in the process of creating legislation regarding domestic violence in Morocco, beginning with their respective roles in demanding such a law and ultimately their responses to the final law. Finally, I will discuss critiques of the law, in terms of its content and definitions of violence against women, as well as its procedural and evidentiary issues. By understanding how the law fits in with international women’s rights standards, in addition to the critiques of secular and Islamic feminist activists within Morocco, the kingdom can have more thorough guidance for future legislation.
8 Literature review of Islamic Feminism
As context for a discussion on women in the Islamist movement or women who self- identify as Islamic feminists, it is imperative to briefly examine the major contributors to literature on Islamic feminism and its various defining aspects. Feminists in the Middle East and
North Africa (MENA) engage in a constant battle for gender equality in society, predicated upon the reality that most governments do not guarantee equal rights for men and women. Islamic feminists are one distinct category of activists, using religious language and logic, including citing scripture, in order to achieve political goals of gender equality and improved social status for women. In modern Muslim-majority nation-states, this can be seen most clearly in issues such as inheritance law, which is taken directly from the Qur’an, but nonetheless is unequal in its treatment of men and women. This is a prime example of the religious and cultural ideas to which Muslim feminists, whether secular or religious in their approaches, respond in the modern world.
Most feminists rely on the belief that Islam is not an inherently patriarchal religion, as
God created all people “as equal as the teeth of a comb” and the Qur’an perpetuates the just religion.17 However, centuries of interpretation by men, as well as influence from regional and
Judeo-Christian customs, have corrupted the true religion. Barbara Stowasser, in her foundational 1994 text Women in the Qur’an, Traditions, and Interpretations, describes this phenomenon in detail, such as how the “symbolic images of the female’s defective nature” from
Biblical tradition were “seamlessly integrated into an Islamic framework”.18 The most obvious example of Judeo-Christian inequality influencing Islamic thought is the story of Eve, who is never mentioned by name in the Qur’an, nor is her creation ever detailed. However, as with
Judeo-Christian tradition from the Bible, Islamic scholarship spreads the notion that Eve was created from Adam’s rib/bone and is therefore inferior to him.
17 Ayesha S. Chaudhry, Domestic Violence and the Islamic Tradition: Ethics, Law, and the Muslim Discourse on Gender, Oxford University Press: Oxford (2013), 9. 18 Barbara Stowasser, Women in the Qur’an, Traditions, and Interpretations, Oxford University Press: Oxford (1994). 9 Many Islamic feminists believe the solution to this corruption is a return to the original texts, allowing for misogynistic and patriarchal interpretations of history and Islamic texts to be re-evaluated, giving women the opportunity to prove that the Qur’an, Hadith, and other fundamental texts allow, and even specify for, a society built around the idea of gender equality.
Not only does traditional interpretation lead to gender inequality, but such scholarship has been produced exclusively by men throughout Islamic history, creating and continuing disparity. As such, Islamic feminism strives to separate the influence of patriarchal interpretations of the
Qur’an, Hadith literature and Sunnah from the texts themselves.
Margot Badran, an American academic and author of the 2009 book Feminism in Islam:
Secular and Religious Convergences, describes the importance of gender equality to Islamic feminism as follows:
Islamic Feminism aims to recover and implement the fundamental objectives (maqasid) of Islam: social justice and the equality of all Muslims, including gender equity. There can be no social justice without gender equality. Islamic Feminism is attentive to the rights Islam granted to women that have withheld from them in practice, as well as the rights of any others withheld because of class, race, or ethnicity. Islamic feminism is about gender, about women and men: their relations and interactions, about gender justice and the struggle to attain it, what in South Africa is called ‘gender jihad.’19
This quote illustrates the separation between Islamic theology and its modern interpretation and application in practice. Islamic texts and traditions such as the Qur’an, Sunnah and Hadith are often considered to be ‘anti-women’ or extreme in their patriarchal nature, which perpetuates gender disparity. Modern scholars and Islamic feminists work to produce and suggest new research methodologies, which they argue will allow for more feminist interpretations of classical texts.
One such methodology is demonstrated by Sa’diyya Shaikh, a scholar of Islam who focuses on gender-sensitive readings of Hadith literature, Qur’anic exegesis and Sufi texts. Her primary contribution to Islamic feminism literature is the idea of using experience as a legitimate
19 Margot Badran, Feminism beyond east and west: new gender talk and practice in global Islam, New Delhi: Global Media Publications (2007). 10 epistemological source, creating a mode of feminist hermeneutics which she outlines in several works, including her 1997 article “Exegetical Violence: Nushuz in Qur’anic Gender Ideology.”
Since writings of female thinkers and scholars throughout history can be difficult or even impossible to obtain, Shaikh suggests drawing on the experiences of male writers in order to gather information regarding women’s opinions, daily lives, voices and realities.20 Her goal of feminist interpretation, namely “reading behind the text,” is to “excavate…underlying images of the ordinary woman.”21 By critically evaluating previous textual interpretations, Shaikh aims “to redress the silences on women’s lives, to lift out the marginalized voices, to reconstruct the absent female and to be vigilant of the patriarchal assumptions.”22 Through this methodology,
Shaikh embodies the belief that Islam is inherently equal and just, but that flawed interpretation and influence of “patriarchal structures, values and male-centered concerns” have altered modern practice.23
One of the most influential Moroccan scholars and founders of Islamic feminism is
Fatima Mernissi, a sociologist whose work is integral to the study of gender roles in Morocco and the status of women in Islam more broadly. Mernissi adamantly believed that women’s rights were an integral part of larger economic, social, and political projects in Morocco and could not be isolated from them.24 Part of her method of advocating for women’s rights and equality was providing a voice to marginalized and oppressed women, including those who faced challenges of poverty and illiteracy.25 Through the lens of postcolonialism, Mernissi questioned the distinct gender roles in Moroccan society, believing that “postcolonial Morocco designated male supremacy and female subordination as symbols of cultural specificity and political
20 Sa’diyya Shaikh, “Exegetical Violence: Nushuz in Qur’anic Gender Ideology,” Journal for Islamic Studies 17:17 (1997) 49-73. 21 Shaikh, 54. 22 Ibid. 23 Ibid. 24 Doris H. Gray, Beyond Feminism and Islamism: Gender and Equality in North Africa, I.B. Tauris and Co Ltd: London (2013), 31. 25 Ibid. 11 legitimacy.”26 Her most well-known book, The Veil and the Male Elite: A Feminist
Interpretation of Women’s Rights in Islam, traces the history of Prophet Muhammad and his wives, arguing that the original gender equity of Islam has been misrepresented by modern nation-states. The 1991 work was banned in Morocco, as well as Iran and Gulf states.
Moroccan feminist discourse has consistently questioned the patriarchal systems at play in the country, beginning with women’s involvement in the fight for independence. Overall,
Islamic feminists have been extremely impactful in Moroccan society through participation in the public sphere, including politics and public protests, and continue to be increasingly influential as more leadership roles are occupied by women in the Moroccan government and
Islamist movement.
ISLAMIC FEMINISM AND DOMESTIC VIOLENCE
As an Islamic feminist framework reveals, religious texts are misinterpreted and misused to perpetuate patriarchal society and men’s interests, which misinterpretation and misuse contribute to the prevalence of domestic violence in Morocco, with other causes of the phenomenon including substance abuse and socio-economic factors.27 Regarding Morocco and its interpretation of Islam, Hayat Naciri says:
The Moroccan society is built on the Islamic law that regulates issues related to women such as marriage, divorce and inheritance. However, the religious text is misinterpreted and misused to serve men’s interests only. Islam has nothing to do with these behaviors, but it is the fault of the misapplication of Islam and its ideologies. In many ‘Islamic’ countries, women are not treated according to their God-given rights. Many of these rights, however, are based on cultural and traditional customs that have been injected into these societies.28 Naciri highlights the connection between misinterpretation of Islamic sources and the creation of a patriarchal hierarchical social structure in Morocco, to the detriment of women’s livelihoods.
Misunderstandings of Islamic sources foster and sustain false beliefs about domestic violence in
26 Fatima Sadiqi and Moha Ennaji, “The feminization of public space,” Journal of Middle East Women’s Studies 2:2 (2006), 101. 27 Hayat Naciri, “Gender-based Violence in Morocco.” 28 Ibid. 12 Muslim societies and establish unhealthy patterns of power in family dynamics, contradicting
Islamic principles of mutual trust, loyalty and cooperation.29 Strict gender roles and patriarchal structure are one reason for the prevalence of domestic violence in Muslim-majority societies such as Morocco, with women often reporting obedience to their husbands as a pious and religious duty.30 It is important to note that while domestic violence is not inherent to any specific culture and reflects “systemic patriarchy and occurs across all cultural communities,” it occurs with more frequency when a system supports, tolerates or justifies male violence against and/or domination over women.31
One central area of focus for Islamic feminist re-readings and interpretation of traditional texts has been Quran verse 4:34, which relates to the roles of husbands and wives and is famously called the ‘wife beating verse.’ This verse is of particular importance in considering religious approaches to domestic violence in Morocco. The verse in translation reads:
Men are qawwamun (in authority) over women, because God has preferred some over others and because they spend of their wealth. Righteous women are obedient and guard in [their husbands’] absence what God would have them guard. Concerning those women from whom you fear nushuz (disobedience/rebellion), admonish them, and/or abandon them in bed, and/or wa-dribuhunna (hit them). If they obey you, do not seek a means against them. God is most High, Great.32
Scholar Ayesha Chaudhry has examined the issues raised by this verse and the general status of women in early Islamic tradition in her 2013 book entitled Domestic Violence and the Islamic
Tradition: Ethics, Law, and the Muslim Discourse on Gender. This verse is problematic for scholars like Chaudhry, who insist that the true intent of Islam is gender egalitarian. However, she is limited by centuries of literal Qur’anic interpretation and reliance on the text as the word of God.
Chaudhry explores the gender egalitarian intentions of Islam through the examination of pre-Islamic gender roles, including instances of domestic violence and the relationship between
29 Nazila Isgandarova. Muslim Women, Domestic Violence, and Psychotherapy: Theological and Clinical Issues. New York: Routledge. (2018) 30 Ibid. 31 Ibid. 32 Ayesha S. Chaudhry, Domestic Violence and the Islamic Tradition, 2. 13 husbands and wives in the Bible to understand the influence of Judeo-Christian norms on modern
Islamic practices. She also focuses on the life of the Prophet “who was ‘a walking Qur’an’ [who] never hit his wives, and Muslims were meant to follow his example” as a source of Islamic thought, with the goal of finding an egalitarian interpretation of Islam, including verse 4:34, as the equality of all humans is guaranteed in the Qur’an.33 Chaudhry centers her frustration on the overreliance on “Islamic tradition”, where its “authoritative status” and “canonical powers are invoked to defend interpretations of the Qur’an that might not accord with modern values.”34
This is a typical grievance aired by scholars of Islamic feminism, concentrated on the incorrect nature of imperfect human interpretation, rather than a flaw in Islam itself.
Chaudhry’s solution to the problem of corrupt interpretation is to minimize the influence of “Islamic tradition” and its patriarchal nature through the use of an “idealized cosmology.” She defines this concept as:
a representation of a perfect world, a vision of the world as it should be rather than merely as is...visions of the universe as it would exist if all humans submitted entirely to God’s laws. It is the world as God intended it, as it should be, unpolluted by mundane realities.35
Her phrase refers to the order of the ideal universe in terms of its religious constructions of gender, society, the relationship between mankind and the divine, and theology as determined by law and Qur’anic exegesis.36 Her invocation of the idealized cosmology puts an egalitarian worldview in opposition to a patriarchal cosmology, where men are privileged above women.37
Her intention in proposing this framework is to posit the construction of an ideal vision of a gender-egalitarian Islamic society.
Islamic feminist arguments concerning domestic violence are one example of the logic and rhetoric implemented by women’s activists in Morocco with the intention of increasing women’s rights and legal protections afforded to them by the state. The work by Ayesha
33 Chaudhry, Domestic Violence and the Islamic Tradition, 2. 34 Chaudhry, Domestic Violence and the Islamic Tradition, 7. 35 Chaudhry, Domestic Violence and the Islamic Tradition, 11. 36 Ibid. 37 Ibid. 14 Chaudhry and other scholars of Islamic feminism is essential to understanding contemporary
Morocco and its legislation and strategies to address domestic violence. Activists like Nadia
Yassine and Bassima Hakkaoui are engaged in the same conversation as Chaudhry regarding the relationship between Islam and women’s rights. The foundation of their activism is the advancement of an alternative interpretation of Islam, one that promotes gender equality.
15 Morocco and Domestic Violence Legislation
HISTORY OF KEY WOMEN’S RIGHTS ACHIEVEMENTS IN MOROCCO
To understand the lengthy fight for women’s rights and legal protections in Morocco, I will briefly outline the history of women’s organizations and the role of such groups in
Moroccan politics from the time immediately preceding independence through the present day. I will also highlight key policy changes in Moroccan law which affect women, including Personal
Status Code reform and Morocco’s relationship with international women’s rights codes such as
CEDAW.
The feminist movement in Morocco has been active since before the country received independence from France and Spain in 1957, with women’s participation playing an integral role in the independence movement. In 1946, the Akhawat Al-Safaa (Sisters of Purity)
Association issued a set of legal demands, such as the abolition of polygamy and increased visibility for women in the public sphere, asserting the legal rights of women.38 Akhawat Al-
Safaa was part of the Istiqlal (Independence) Party, and consisted primarily of middle- and upper-class women from Fes, all with influential male relatives in the Istiqlal Party. Their views were generally supported by liberal male nationalists.39 In 1957, soon after independence, King
Mohammed V publicly unveiled his daughter Aisha as a symbol of the necessity for women to participate in society for the purpose of development.40 This sparked an increase in feminist writings, including academic works, magazine and newspaper articles, and novels, as well as the creation of feminist organizations and political parties.
In 1958, shortly after independence, Morocco implemented its first Code of Personal
Status, or Mudawwana. The codification of family law represented a significant step in the process of Moroccan independence, as power was centralized in the monarchy at the national level and taken away from tribal kinship structures which had previously dominated Moroccan
38 Sadiqi and Ennaji, “The feminization of public space.” 39 Ibid. 40 Ibid. 16 society.41 According to Moroccan scholar Fatima Harrak, in Morocco’s history as an independent nation-state, “the Mudawwana is the second most important action of the government after the abolition of the Berber customary law, in the sense of the legal unification of the country.”42 This passage of family law is significant in Morocco’s history as an expression of independence and sovereignty, serving as “the symbol of national unity and Islamic identity.”43 In this context, Morocco’s 1958 Mudawwana is essential to Morocco’s modernity and statehood.
In addition to the family code being a significant development in Morocco’s formation as a newly independent state, the Mudawwana was also influential for its limited impact on women’s rights. Harrak expands on the law’s importance, saying:
Family law serves as a powerful symbol and its codification, which is a social and political construction, raises fundamental questions about political life and the place of women in this domain. It also involves the issue of representation of Islam in the public sphere.44
Although the 1958 Mudawwana establishing women’s family law rights, it was limited in its progression of women’s rights. The Mudawwana, written by a commission of ten male religious scholars (ulema) and jurists, was criticized by women and feminist groups in the country for its limitations on women’s rights.45 The code is heavily based in Islamic Maliki law, making it distinct from the Penal Code and the Constitution, which were based in civil law.46 This was disappointing to women’s groups who anticipated being treated as equals in the new nation- state’s legal doctrine, rather than minors.47 The aspects of the new code perpetuated religiously- grounded gender-based differences in family law. Noteworthy sections of the 1958 Mudawwana include topics such as: continuing the practices of polygamy and male guardianship; minimum
41 M. M. Charrad, States and Women's Rights: The Making of Postcolonial Tunisia, Algeria and Morocco. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2001 42 Fatima Harrak, “The History and Significance of the New Moroccan Family Code” Institute for the Study of Islamic Thought in Africa Working Paper Series No. 09-002 (2009). 43 Ibid. 44 Ibid. 45 Ibid. 46 Sadiqi and Ennaji, “The feminization of public space,” 100. 47 Sadiqi and Ennaji, “The feminization of public space,” 96. 17 age of marriage 15 for girls and 18 for boys; husband’s right to divorce through unilateral repudiation; male supremacy as provider and head of the family; and wives obligation to obey their husbands.48 The code, which sets standards for relations between husbands and wives in addition to other expectations for women’s roles in society, has continually faced demands for reforms since 1958, primarily on the basis of gender equality.
Women’s associations continued to be significant to Moroccan politics and the campaign for gender equality post-independence, as well as new pressures from international organizations. In 1962, L’Union Progressiste des Femmes Marocaines was created, followed by
L’Union Nationale des Femmes Marocaines in 1969.49 These groups were significant as they represented women's political organization. As women mobilized through political parties and politically focused organizations, women’s professional organizations and NGOs focused on women’s issues also became prevalent during this time. International pressures were another factor affecting the Moroccan state during this time period, as the UN ‘Decade of Women’ took place from 1975 to 1985 and subsequently increased Moroccan women’s demands for equal rights as human rights.
One example of the power and influence of Moroccan women in demanding legal reform is the ‘One Million Signatures’ campaign. In 1992, L’Union de L’Action Feminine launched a campaign through a newspaper advertisement to collect one million signatures in support of family code reform as a way to demonstrate public support for such reforms, which had been continually demanded by Moroccan women since 1958.50 This campaign led King Hassan II to implement minor Mudawwana reforms in 1993 as a method of maintaining peace and order. The reforms changed parts of the family code, including making polygamy and divorce by unilateral repudiation more difficult; requiring a bride’s consent to marry; and ending the practice of fathers compelling their daughters to marry. This reform, and the One Million Signatures
48 Harrak, “The history and significance of the new Moroccan family code,” 2. 49 Sadiqi and Ennaji, “The feminization of public space,” 98. 50 Gray, Beyond Feminism and Islamism 18 campaign, was strongly objected to by Islamists, who voiced their opinions in a variety of ways, including issuing a fatwa which charged feminists with apostasy for seeking to change the word of God and the Sunnah of the Prophet Muhammad.51
Morocco’s Justice and Development Party (PJD) is the leading political party since 2011, when it won the majority in Parliament. The group has existed in some form since the mid-60s and seeks to defend the Islamic identity of the Moroccan kingdom while supporting the current regime. Members of the PJD actively protested against the abolition of polygamy during the
1993 and 2004 Mudawwana reforms, as well as the dangers of Western influence in Moroccan law.52 Abdelilah Benkirane, who served as prime minister of Morocco from 2011 to 2017, was a leader in the PJD during the 1993 reform. Of polygamy reform, he said:
In the past, any man who wanted to marry another woman in addition to his wife, it was easy. Today, he is obligated to take the advice of his first wife and of the judge. Sometimes, that simply pushes the man to divorce his first wife. For us, divorce is a catastrophe. Everyone knows that. Satan is never so happy as when there is a divorce in the family. This is stipulated in our religion. So maybe we have been too carried away with pleasing the Westernized elite which is tied to the West and tied to money.53
Benkirane’s statement illustrates the PJD’s commitment to Islamic law, creating clashes between the party and women’s organizations who firmly believe centuries of Qur’anic interpretation are corrupted.
While the above reforms were significantly less far-reaching than feminist activists desired and angered Islamist organizations, the change in family law represented a gain for women as a ‘sacred’ religious document was reformed through public debate.54 As Fatima Sadiqi and Moha Ennaji noted, the 1993 Mudawwana reform “meant that women’s issues were finally open to public discussion and debate, a remarkable achievement given the public/private dichotomy.”55 This period of reform was critical to establishing a legal precedent in Morocco for
51 Doris H. Gray, Beyond Feminism and Islamism, 45. 52 Aili Mari Tripp, Seeking Legitimacy: Why Arab Autocracies Adopt Women’s Rights, Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press (2019). 53 Ennaji, “Women’s NGOs and social change in Morocco,” 83. 54 Sadiqi and Ennaji, “The feminization of public space,” 103. 55 Sadiqi and Ennaji, “The feminization of public space,” 103. 19 Mudawwana reform, which, prior to 1993, was viewed by many as unchangeable.56 Moroccan feminist activist Amina Ouchelh, who was president of the women’s section of L’Union
Socialiste des Forces Populaire (USFP) political party at the time of the reforms, said:
Although the King made only some minor changes to the Moudawana, we were ecstatic. The significance of any change to the Moudawana must be understood. By some it was argued that Moudawana was like a sacred text and could never be changed. But by making even minor changes, the King - and we - broke the taboo on change. This opened the way for discussions on what changes could be proposed next, not whether or not we could change the Moudawana.57
Ouchelh emphasizes the significance to women of any legal reform taking place, regardless of the disappointing changes to the code’s content. She also highlights the role of women’s activism in the reform process leading up to 1993, as well as the importance of women’s continued political participation and activism to come.
After King Hassan II’s death in 1999, his son Mohammed VI ascended to the throne, and
Morocco continued to experience steps toward gender equality. King Mohammed VI formed a new commission to investigate further Mudawwana reform after coming to power. In an August
1999 speech, he illustrated his commitment to the women’s movement, saying:
How can society achieve progress, while women, who represent half the nation, see their rights violated and suffer as a result of injustice, violence, and marginalization, notwithstanding the dignity and justice granted them by our glorious regime?58
This speech, one month after assuming the throne, illustrates the regime’s shift in focus and concern for women’s issues in the country, with more reforms to come. In March 2000, King
Mohammed VI appointed the nation’s first-ever female minister, in addition to other female appointments in political, judicial and religious roles.59 This was a momentous symbol of the potential for gender equality within the country.
56 Oriana Wuerth, "The Reform of the Moudawana: The Role of Women's Civil Society Organizations in Changing the Personal Status Code of Morocco, "Hawwa.(2005) 3 (3): 309–333. 57 Eve Sandberg and Kenza Aqertit, Moroccan Women, Activists, and Gender Politics: An Institutional Analysis, Lexington Books: Lanham, Maryland (2014). 58 Sadiqi and Ennaji, “The feminization of public space,” 105. 59 Sadiqi and Ennaji, “The feminization of public space,” 105. 20 Morocco’s attempts to increase gender equality in parliamentary representation has also been an achievement of King Mohammed VI’s government. In 2002, Morocco established informal gender quotas, requiring 30 seats of parliament to be reserved for women; this number was doubled to 60 seats in 2011 and formally committed to law.60 These women are elected off a national list specifically reserved for women; there is also a list for candidates under 40, male and female, with the Moroccan Parliament reserving 30 seats for this purpose.61 Activists within the country continue to push for increased representation of women, such as 30 percent representation of women in parliament, as well as criticize the quota system generally, which they argue results only in tokenism.62
Morocco, like other countries with quota systems, has been criticized for giving women merely symbolic representation in the government. Critics have argue that the reservation system, rather than providing women with real legislative power, has served only to appease women and sideline their interests.63 In Morocco, the measurable effect and political influence of an increased number of women in parliament is unclear, although some women, including
Bassima Hakkaoui, were elected from the reservation list (in 2002 and 2007) and went on to become minister.64 While a quota system does allow women’s perspectives and interests to be represented on the national level, there is debate globally regarding whether the descriptive representation of women, being the percentage of women in parliament, is effective in creating substantive representation for women’s rights and legislation of women’s issues.
Nearly five years into King Mohammed VI’s reign, Mudawwana reforms in 2004 brought increased legal rights for women. The key reforms include:
• Raising girl’s marriage age from 15 to 18 to match men’s legal age requirement; • Further limiting polygamy;
60 Hanane Darhour and Drude Dahlerup, “Sustainable representation of women through gender quotas: a decade’s experience in Morocco,” Women’s Studies International Forum 41:2 (2013), 132-142. 61 Ibid. 62 Ibid. 63 Ibid. 64 Ibid. 21 • Ending unilateral repudiation; • Granting women the right to divorce; • Removing the legal provision of the code requiring a woman’s obedience to her husband; • Ending guardianship practices for women to marry; • Allowing women custody of children in cases of divorce; and • Making inheritance law more equitable between men and women.65
Morocco’s 2004 Mudawwana reform represents a key moment in the country’s expansion of human rights, particularly the significance of women’s organizations and civil society. While
Moroccan legislation has continued to address gender equality since 2004, there have been no additional reforms to the Mudawwana.
The most significant reforms for women after the 2004 Mudawwana occurred in 2011, when the Arab Spring protests reached Morocco. The February 20th Movement began in response to the wave of protests throughout the MENA region including those in neighboring
Tunisia. The movement was organized mostly through social media platforms such as Facebook and had significant youth and women participation.66 The movement has no central organization or leadership, but rather was a series of grassroots demonstrations in 53 cities across Morocco, relying on the support of political parties, associations and unions, including the JSA.67 The movement’s demands included: a new democratic constitution expressing popular sovereignty; the addition of Amazigh as an official language; the establishment of an independent judiciary; the release of political prisoners; and increasing access and quality of social services including housing, education and healthcare.68 This wave of protests was essential to sparking Morocco’s
2011 constitutional reform, which impacted the future of gender equality in the kingdom.
After the emergence of the February 20th Movement, King Mohammed VI announced his plan for constitutional reforms in a speech on March 9, 2011.69 He outlined the major
65 Gray, Beyond feminism and Islamism, 48. 66 Project on Middle East Democracy, “The February 20th Movement,” POMED, (2011). 67 Ibid. 68 Ibid. 69 Marina Ottoway, “The New Moroccan Constitution: Real Change or More of the Same,” Carnegie Endowment for International Peace (2011). 22 reforms, which, in theory, limited the power of the monarchy in order to maintain public order and avoid regime change as had occurred in neighboring countries.70 Parliament voted on the draft on June 16, 2011, the same day they received it, with King Mohammed VI announcing the final text the very next day.71 The kingdom held a constitutional referendum on July 1, 2011, with 98.5 percent of voters approving the new constitution.72 Prominent changes to the constitution include: requiring the king to appoint the prime minister from the largest party in parliament; making Berber an official language, in addition to French and Arabic; and transferring certain powers from the monarch to the prime minister, such as the ability to dissolve parliament.73
The 2011 constitutional reforms were also significant in addressing the role and status of women, both in public and private spheres, through reinforcing Morocco’s Islamic identity, as well as attempting to modernize and meet citizen demands. Article 19 of the new constitution, entitled “Honor for Moroccan Women,” guarantees equality of men and women under the law as equal citizens:
Men and women have equal civil, political, economic, social, cultural and environmental rights and freedoms as listed in this article and in the rest of the constitution as well as the conventions and international treaties duly ratified by Morocco in conformity with the constitution’s provisions and the kingdom’s constants and its laws. The state shall work towards the establishment of parity between men and women. Therefore, it has assigned a specialized authority to ensure parity between men and women and fight against all forms of discrimination.74
While this article states that men and women enjoy equal civil, political, economic, social, cultural and environmental rights, they are subject to “the kingdom’s constants and its laws.” The phrase “the kingdom’s constants” (“des constantes” in French or “thawabit” in Arabic) has been viewed as contradictory to this article’s intention of gender equality, as social norms and customs of the Islamic state could vary from international human rights standards of gender equality. As
70 Ibid. 71 Ibid. 72 Ibid. 73 Ibid. 74 2011 Constitution Royal Kingdom of Morocco 23 such, the phrase has been criticized for providing Morocco a loophole to avoid ensuring gender equality, under the auspice of following Islamic law.
The choice of words in both Arabic and French is interesting because of the ambiguity in meaning and could refer to any established or, indeed, immutable law or customs, pillars of society. In other words, what is meant by “des constantes/thawabit” is that the state will guarantee gender equality unless when it contradicts those laws and customs emanating from Islamic law.75 This quote highlights the contradiction inherent in Moroccan codified law, as the Constitution attempts to appease international pressures and standards, as well as comply with Islamists in the country, which can be seen in the wording of Article 19.
Moroccan law is affected not only by citizen activism, such as the women’s movement at large which operates through a variety of methods including public protests, use of the media, and women’s participation as members of parliament, but also by international pressures and larger conversations about human rights. In addition to women’s activism agitating for
Mudawwana reform and other instances of legislation around women’s issues, the UN has been influential on Moroccan law. In 1979, the UN general assembly adopted the Convention on the
Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) as an international standard of gender equality. CEDAW is a fundamental example of international standards of gender equality, which often differ from national standards, representing differing commitments to ending gender-based violence and discrimination. The UN defined violence against women in the 1993 Declaration on the Elimination of Violence against Women as follows:
Violence against women shall be understood to encompass, but not be limited to, the following:
(a) Physical, sexual and psychological violence occurring in the family, including battering, sexual abuse of female children in the household, dowry-related violence, marital rape, female genital mutilation and other traditional practices harmful to women, non-spousal violence and violence related to exploitation;
75 Katja Zvan Elliott, “Morocco and its Women’s Rights Struggle: A Failure to Live Up to Its Progressive Image,” in Journal of Middle East Women’s Studies 10:2 (2014).
24 (b) Physical, sexual and psychological violence occurring within the general community, including rape, sexual abuse, sexual harassment and intimidation at work, in educational institutions and elsewhere, trafficking in women and forced prostitution;
(c) Physical, sexual and psychological violence perpetrated or condoned by the State, wherever it occurs.76
The key aspects of this definition are the inclusion of private life, recognizing that violence in the home violates a universal human right to safety, as well as recognition of multiple types of violence beyond physical harm, and the inclusion of the threat of such actions as a crime.
Neighboring country Tunisia, which is often considered the women’s rights champion of the MENA region, passed a law protecting women from violence in 2017. It defines violence against women as:
Any physical, moral, sexual or economic assault against women, based on discrimination against the sex and which results in prejudice, suffering or bodily, psychological, sexual or economic damage, including threats to do so, pressure or deprivation of rights and liberties, whether it be in public or private life.77
This definition is significant for its recognition of violence in the private sphere, which is typically not addressed in MENA countries as potentially contradictory with Islamic law, in consideration of Qur’an verse 4:34 and men’s obligations to provide for families and households, creating a hierarchy between husbands and wives. Additionally, the Tunisian law addresses the four internationally recognized types of violence, physical, psychological, economic and sexual, including the threat of harm.
Morocco ratified CEDAW in June 1993, shortly after the first Mudawwana reform. The
UN’s goal of having every country in the world ratify CEDAW was “to eliminate discrimination against women and to promote the rule of law and respect for human rights around the world.”
The convention has 30 articles, relating to issues of political equality such as the right to vote and the right to nationality, economic rights including equal access to education, employment and
76 United Nations General Assembly, Declaration on the Elimination of Violence against Women, 20 December 1993, A/RES/48/104, art.2 77 Tunisia Law 58; Translated from French. 25 health, and rights within marriages and families.78 Through ratifying the majority of CEDAW’s articles, Morocco committed to enacting specific measures and complying with certain reporting procedures in order to promote gender equality and end gender discrimination. This process emphasizes the influence of the UN and the international community more broadly on effecting
Moroccan law pertaining to women and gender.
Morocco’s ratification in 1993 included reservations, which are conditions placed by a state on its ratification of an international treaty, with regard to:
• Article 2 - Regarding state obligation to gender equity; • Article 9 (2) - Regarding equal rights for women in regard to the nationality of their children; • Article 15 (4) - Regarding individual right to freedom of movement and freedom to choose residence/domicile; • Article 16 - Regarding equality in marriage and family, and; • Article 29 - Regarding disputes between states.
Many of these reservations were common across Muslim-majority countries, which emphasized the authority of Islamic law over international law. King Mohammed VI announced in a 2008 speech that Morocco would withdraw its reservations to CEDAW, but these changes did not occur until the 2011 constitution, which allows women to pass their nationality onto their children and affirmed Morocco’s commitment to gender equity.79 Similar to the conflict within
Article 19 of Morocco’s constitution, Morocco’s reservations to CEDAW highlight the contradiction between Morocco’s sovereign Islamic identity and the international community.
Morocco has consistently maintained that it will comply with CEDAW unless it interferes with Shari’a.80 This approach can be seen clearly in the 2011 constitution, as previously mentioned with Article 19, as well as in the preamble. The preamble to the 2011 constitution references international human rights standards:
Aware of the need to strengthen its role on the global stage, the Kingdom of Morocco, as an active member within the international organizations, is committed to adhere to the
78 UN Women, “Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women,” https://www.un.org/womenwatch/daw/cedaw/. 79 ADFM, “The withdrawal of the reservations to CEDAW by Morocco,” December 15, 2008. http://www.wluml.org/node/4941 80 Katja Zvan Elliott, “Morocco and its Women’s Rights Struggle” 26 principles, rights, and obligations set forth in their respective charters and conventions; [and] it reaffirms its commitment to human rights as they are universally recognized.81 Despite the wording of the constitution, Morocco has clearly illustrated its commitment to
Islamic law above all else, making it difficult to ascertain Morocco’s commitment to women’s rights. In this sense, Moroccan constitutional reform can be viewed not only as a political tool to stabilize the monarchy during the Arab Spring, but also as compliance with international pressures to view women’s rights as human rights.
Morocco has experienced significant women’s rights reforms, such as Mudawanna reform, in its history from independence to present-day. These reforms were sparked from a variety of sources, including women’s organizations, individual activists, international pressures, and the king. The UN’s CEDAW has been influential on women’s rights globally, including in
Morocco, where the 2011 constitutional reform led by King Mohammed VI as an advocate for women worked to align with CEDAW. This period of key women’s rights achievements highlights the multiple avenues that affect Moroccan politics and legal reform.
FEMINIST ACTIVISM AND MOROCCAN LEGISLATION
Prior to Morocco’s independence from France and Spain in 1957, women activists were essential to the creation of law and social norms, as can be seen through the number of women’s associations and writings. Women’s involvement in the public sphere has been influential throughout all of Morocco’s history, from the initial Mudawwana in 1958 to its multiple reforms, and the February 20th Movement which resulted in constitutional reform. After the 2011 constitutional reform, activists, Moroccan citizens and international organizations began to demand further social reforms, highlighting the impact of women’s political participation on society, as well as the role of international pressures. Demands included increased legislation for women’s rights, such as legal protection for women against violence in the public and private spheres, as well as full implementation of existing law, such as Article 19 of the constitution.
81 2011 Constitution Kingdom of Morocco 27 Feminist activism in Morocco takes a variety of forms, represented through actions of secular civil society organizations, international human rights groups and Moroccan political parties. While there are many players in Moroccan civil society, the Islamist movement is one powerful sector, particularly since the PJD’s majority in government since 2011. However, the
Islamist movement in Morocco is far from homogeneous, as can be seen from the actions and views of al-Adl wa al-Ihsan (Justice and Spirituality – JSA) as compared to the Islamist Justice and Development Party (PJD). The JSA is an extra-governmental movement in a Morocco, which is officially banned for its calls for revolution and lack of support for the monarchy. The
PJD, which has been the ruling party in Morocco since November 2011, is religiously oriented but supports the monarchical system. This section will discuss female leadership of both organizations and the influence of women in Morocco’s Islamist movement more broadly. I will give a background of Nadia Yassine and the JSA’s work with gender equality in Morocco. I will also provide backgrounds of Bassima Hakkaoui and secular international organization MRA, as well as specifically discussing Hakkaoui and MRA in terms of their impact on domestic violence legislation.
Nadia Yassine and al-Adl wa al-Ihssan
Nadia Yassine was born in Casablanca in 1958, less than two years after Moroccan independence from France and Spain. The daughter of Sheikh Abdessalam Yassine, who founded Morocco’s al-Adl wa al-Ihsan (Justice and Spirituality Association - JSA) in 1985, she attended French schools in Morocco and is highly educated. In 1974, when Nadia Yassine was
15, her father was jailed in an asylum for three years by King Hassan II after criticizing the monarchy in a letter, which called for the implementation of Islamic law in the country.82 Sheikh
Yassine spent significant time during King Hassan II’s rule (1961-1999) in jail or under house
82 Roxanne L. Euben and Muhammad Qasim Zaman, eds., “Nadia Yassine,” in Princeton Readings in Islamist Thought: Texts and Contexts from Al-Banna to Bin Laden (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2009), 302- 310. 28 arrest, during which time Nadia Yassine took on a leadership role in the JSA, founding a woman’s department of the association.83 This act was criticized by many insiders in the movement, who did not believe that a woman can hold a leadership position.84 The question of
Sheikh Yassine’s successor, and Nadia Yassine’s ability to have a position of power as a woman, has been controversial.85 In 2006, Nadia Yassine said she would not be the sheikh’s successor as
“a generalized ‘chauvinism’ would prevent her ascension to the leadership of the JSA rather than, say, the will of her father, to whom she frequently attributes a pioneering commitment to women’s equality.”86 Sheikh Yassine died in 2012, with Nadia Yassine being the obvious heir apparent due to her access and understanding of her father’s ideology. However, since his death, the association has lost significant political power due to fragmentation within the group over the issue of succession.
The JSA, while one of many political organizations in Morocco, is unique in its make-up.
One feature of the Islamist organization that differentiates the group as compared to other
Moroccan political organizations is the “saint-like status of Abdessalam Yassine and the cult surrounding his personality” with influence from Sufism.87 The movement, according to Nadia
Yassine, represents all levels of society, but prominently features well-educated Moroccans, particularly in the middle class and with an average age of 30 to 35.88 With no official statistics on the association as it is legally banned from operating in Morocco, estimates on the group’s total membership range from 50,000 to 600,000. Nadia Yassine represents the centrality of women in Islamist organizations; at least 50 percent of the JSA’s members are thought to be women, representing the most active section of the group.89 However, the JSA’s influence and
83 Roxanne L. Euben and Muhammad Qasim Zaman, eds., “Nadia Yassine,” 303. 84 Doris H. Gray, Beyond Feminism and Islamism: Gender and equality in North Africa 85 Doris H. Gray, Beyond Feminism and Islamism: Gender and equality in North Africa 86 Roxanne L. Euben and Muhammad Qasim Zaman, eds., “Nadia Yassine,” 309. 87 Doris H. Gray, Beyond Feminism and Islamism: Gender and equality in North Africa 88 Kyle McEneaney, “Interview with Nadia Yassine of the Moroccan Justice and Charity Group,” Sada, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, Aug. 18, 2008. 89 Doris H. Gray, Beyond Feminism and Islamism: Gender and equality in North Africa 29 participation has significantly diminished since Sheikh Yassine’s death in 2012 and the resulting fragmentation of the group.90
The JSA advocates for an Islamic state and is opposed to the monarchy on the grounds of illegitimacy due to corrupt Western influence. The organization rejects the dual authority of the king as a religious and political figure, serving as both head of state and “commander of the faithful” (amir al-mu’minin). The organization, which emphasizes its non-violent approach and belief in procedural democracy and egalitarianism, aims for the “establishment of a just society with equal distribution of resources and an accountable government that enforces Islamic law.”91
These beliefs are modeled after the original umma established by Prophet Muhammad, which
Nadia Yassine describes as “participatory, egalitarian, committed to freedom, expressive of
God’s mercy, and governed always by shura” (consultation).92 Nadia Yassine described the organization’s mission as being “to show people that what they have heard about Islam is simply one interpretation favored by the powerful—no more, no less—and to present them with another interpretation.”93 This quote highlights Nadia Yassine’s belief in the egalitarian nature of Islam, with the societal problems of gender inequity stemming from patriarchal interpretations. This exemplifies Islamic feminist methods of interpretation as described by Sa’diyya Shaikh, with women directly engaging in ijtihad (interpretation).
One project Nadia Yassine runs through Justice and Charity is a women’s collective ijtihad program to review Qur’an and Hadith literature taking into account social and historical context, with the goal of revealing women’s positive status in Islam and ridding Islamic
90 Roxanne L. Euben and Muhammad Qasim Zaman, eds., “Nadia Yassine,” 302. 91 Roxanne L. Euben and Muhammad Qasim Zaman, eds., “Nadia Yassine,” 306.; Abdeslam Maghraoui, “Morocco: The King’s Islamists,” The Wilson Center, August 27, 2015. 92 Roxanne L. Euben and Muhammad Qasim Zaman, eds., “Nadia Yassine,” 307. 93 Kyle McEneaney, “Interview with Nadia Yassine.” 30 discourse of what she regards as corrupt interpretation.94 Yassine, speaking of the importance of ijtihad said:
Thus, the most important thing in this field is the preparation of a new generation to acquire the essential tools of intellectual ijtihad in all fields—particularly women, who have been consistently wronged when ijtihad was performed before. The group's general leader Abessalam Yassine emphasizes that the tragedy of Muslims is due largely to the lack of female knowledge of ijtihad, or, more precisely, the exclusion of women from ijtihad. We are now seeing a renaissance of thought relating to women, who are returning to studies generally and particularly to ijtihad in order to acquire real skills. The door of ijtihad is open in Islam. We have no ecclesiastical structure as in Christianity, but we must limit the channels for ijtihad. It should take place under the auspices of a real, democratically chosen parliament that springs from the will of the people, unlike the current parliament.95 This quote emphasizes Yassine’s beliefs regarding the importance of women’s education, as well as women’s participation in religion and public society.
Yassine has also described her desire for a more democratic society and has issued calls in the past for Morocco to become a republic. Yassine served jail time for criticisms of the monarchy after a 2005 interview in Moroccan newspaper al-Usbu’iya al-Jadida where she explicitly advocated for Morocco to adopt a republican system somewhat modeled after Western democracy as opposed to a hereditary monarchy. Nadia Yassine and the editor of the paper were both charged. As part of this view, Nadia Yassine places emphasis on shura, which she defines as:
an entire philosophy of power that places sovereignty in the community rather than in any individual; links virtue to deliberation and continual reflection rather than to reflexive obedience; and defines faith in terms of the tireless effort to adapt Qur’anic principles through ijtihad rather than rote adherence to precedent.96 This emphasis on ijtihad, democracy and egalitarian society all work in tandem with her views on women’s role in Moroccan society.
94 Moha Ennaji, “Secular and Islamic Feminist Movements in Morocco: Contentions, Achievements, and Challenges” in Moroccan Feminisms: New Perspectives, eds. Moha Ennaji, Fatima Sadiqi and Karen Vintges (2016) Africa World Press: Trenton, NJ, 37. 95 Kyle McEneaney, “Interview with Nadia Yassine.” 96 Roxanne L. Euben and Muhammad Qasim Zaman, eds., “Nadia Yassine,” 307. 31 Nadia Yassine is an icon in Islamic Feminism as a faithful Muslim woman who does not model herself after an emancipated European woman.97 As an individual, Nadia Yassine veils in public, is married to a member of al-‘Adl wa al-Ihsan, has four daughters, and runs a design business in addition to her work with the organization.98 In regard to her veiling practices, she has described wearing hijab as:
A subversive expression of women’s agency that signals a ‘triple break’ from overlapping constraints: a reconquest of the public space that defies the strictures of domesticity; a declaration of dissent from the established order; and a public reclamation of faith against all those who view Islam and women’s rights as mutually exclusive.99
She works for women’s equal rights within an Islamic framework, including combining Islam and feminism to fight gender-based discrimination.100 She characterizes Islam as “an energizing force which guarantees equality for women, and advocates the importance of re-interpreting
Islamic texts and engaging women in the struggle for social change.”101 Like many Islamic feminists, Nadia Yassine’s self-identification as a feminist is complex. She often rejects the term
‘feminist’ for its elitist and Western implications, describing herself as a “militant, social neo-
Sufi”102 and dislikes the term ‘Islamic feminism’ which she considers oxymoronic for missing the point of the movement entirely.103 She has publicly accepted the role of an Islamic feminist as essential to restore “the unalienable rights that Muslim societies have underhandedly and systematically confiscated from women more than they have from men.”104 This view supports her dislike of the Moroccan state as an agent of patriarchalism and perpetuator of gender inequality.
97 Doris H. Gray, Beyond Feminism and Islamism 98 Roxanne L. Euben and Muhammad Qasim Zaman, eds., “Nadia Yassine,” 309. 99 Roxanne L. Euben and Muhammad Qasim Zaman, eds., “Nadia Yassine,” 309-310. 100 Moha Ennaji, “Secular and Islamic Feminist Movements in Morocco” 101 Moha Ennaji, “Secular and Islamic Feminist Movements in Morocco,” 38. 102 Roxanne L. Euben and Muhammad Qasim Zaman, eds., “Nadia Yassine,” 309. 103 Gray, Between feminism and Islamism, 101. 104 Nadia Yassine, “Modernity, Muslim Women, and Politics in the Mediterranean,” in Princeton Readings in Islamist Thought: Texts and Contexts from al-Banna to Bin Laden, eds. Roxanne L. Euben and Muhammad Qasim Zaman, Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2009. 32 In a 2008 interview, Nadia Yassine elaborated on the idea of Western feminism in opposition to Islamic feminism, saying:
If you mean by feminism, pleading the cause of women, then I am a feminist. But better yet, I am an activist for restoring the rights granted to women by Islam. . . Mine is not the feminism of Simone de Beauvoir, the Western style feminism. . . The West got rid of the idea of God, at least in the public sphere. Its endeavors are purely materialistic. They thus automatically exclude any idea of spirituality or return to God. My struggle, on the other hand, is essentially spiritual, not a struggle between men and women for material entitlements. God has given rights to women in Islam. . . inalienable rights.105 Yassine firmly believes in the equality of men and women, but through the lens of Islam rather than through a secular Western approach, as she believes gender egalitarianism is inherent in the religion’s tenets. In Yassine’s view, Western feminists “define liberation in opposition to the shackles of religion,” while she advocates for Muslim women’s “emancipation from ‘macho interpretations’ of Islam upon which men have built their privilege and power.”106 Her solution to such corruption is women’s involvement in ijtihad and to “recuperate the original intent of the
Islamic message.”107 Like other Islamic feminists, Yassine turns to the model of the Prophet to understand women’s equal status in Islam, calling Muhammad a “proto-feminist.”108
Nadia Yassine has generally been critical of legal reforms in Morocco, including the
2004 Mudawwana reform. However, her criticisms came as an extension of al-Adl wa al-Ihsan’s critique of the monarchy and un-Islamic systems of government, which perpetuate corruption and inequality. The JSA participated in public protests in the early 2000s against Mudawwana reform, a stance Yassine has says was for political, not religious reasons.109 In a 2008 interview,
Yassine said:
We were the first to demand that the old Mudawwana be abolished, because we see personal status laws in all Arab and Muslim countries as a reflection of the regimes' power. The autocratic and dictatorial system perpetuates this crisis, in which power and judgment are in the hands of the man within the ruling family itself, as though the Arab regimes wanted to relieve themselves of 50 percent of the population they rule—i.e.
105 Jeffry R. Halverson and Amy K. Way, “Islamist Feminism: Constructing Gender Identities in Postcolonial Muslim Societies,” Politics and Religion 4(2011) 503-525. 106 Roxanne L. Euben and Muhammad Qasim Zaman, eds., “Nadia Yassine,” 308. 107 Ibid. 108 Ibid. 109 Daniel Steinvorth, “Interview with Moroccan Islamist Nadia Yassine,” Spiegel International, July 3, 2007. 33 women. So the Mudawwana gave power to men in the name of religion. In fact, it is not part of religion at all, being only one interpretation introduced by the Ummayids and the Abbasids, who revolted against the true sharia and returned instead to the heathen patriarchal system upon which the Prophet Muhammad had declared war.110
Of the family code itself, Nadia Yassine has disagreed with other Islamists who believe it is an unalterable sacred text, saying that the code can be perfected through studying the Qur’an and the Sunna.111 She emphasizes the need for reform within an Islamic framework as opposed to a
Western one.112
While Nadia Yassine and al-Adl wa al-Ihsan have diminished in public importance since the death of Sheikh Yassine in 2012, their Islamic influence on Morocco’s social fabric continues. The association has been influential in its training of women as religious scholars, as well as encouraging women to assume more significant roles in society. Increasing women’s confidence and knowledge of their rights inherent in Islam is essential to changing social norms regarding violence against women as demonstrated through Yassine’s work.
Bassima Hakkaoui and the PJD
Bassima Hakkaoui, leader of the women’s section of the PJD - Morocco’s Islamist party in control of the government since 2011 - was elected Minister of Solidarity, Women, Family and Social Development in 2012. While Morocco had at least six women previously serve as ministers in Morocco’s government, Hakkaoui is the first outwardly pious veiled minister of the kingdom.113 When the PJD took power in 2011, Prime Minister Benkirane commented on women’s appearance in his government, stating that he would not force them to dress modestly, saying, “I will never be interested in the private life of people. Allah created mankind free. I will
110 Kyle McEneaney, “Interview with Nadia Yassine.” 111 Malika Zeghal, Islamism in Morocco: Religion, Authoritarianism, and Electoral Politics, Translated by George Holoch, Princeton, NJ: Markus Weiner Publishers (2008). 112 Ibid. 113 Meriem El-Haitami, “Women in Morocco: political and religious power,” OpenDemocracy.net, Jan. 31 2013. 34 never ask if a woman is wearing a short skirt or a long skirt.”114 Despite the PJD’s supposed commitment to women’s rights and Benkirane’s attitude toward women’s freedoms, legislation on women’s issues was slow and many issues went completely unaddressed during their tenure as the ruling party.
Hakkaoui was born in Casablanca in 1960. Trained as a social psychologist, she served in the House of Representatives from 2002 until 2012, when she was elected to serve in Prime
Minister Benkirane’s cabinet. Despite the PJD’s self-proclaimed focus after the February 20
Movement on women’s inclusion in society and an emphasis on women’s rights, Hakkaoui was the only female minister in Benkirane’s initial cabinet, a decrease from five female ministers, and seven total female cabinet members, who served from 2007 to 2011. Additionally,
Hakkaoui’s appointment to the ministry of “Solidarity, Women, Family and Social
Development,” which was also previously headed by a woman, Nouzha Skalli from 2007 to
2012, is representative of a larger global trend in governance and politics, where women are relegated to traditional “feminine” issues and policy areas with low prestige, as opposed to having policy portfolios with “real” power.115
In her role as minister, Hakkaoui has been critical of Morocco’s steps toward meeting international gender equality and human rights standards despite being the most influential female member of the government. She criticized Morocco’s 2011 ratification of CEDAW shortly after appointment in 2012, saying:
For me personally, the problem lies in Article 9 of the Convention, because it could represent a curtailment of Morocco's sovereignty as a Muslim state with its system based on the principle of leadership of the faithful. And Article 16 contradicts Moroccan family law by giving men and women exactly the same rights and obligations in family matters. The Moroccan constitution sets down the inviolable basic principles of the Moroccan state. If an article of the Convention means that Morocco must submit to other laws, then this is an infringement of the principle of sovereignty.116
114 Tripp, Seeking Legitimacy, 179. 115 Krook, Mona Lena, and Diana Z. O’Brien, “All the President’s Men? The Appointment of Female Cabinet Ministers Worldwide.” Journal of Politics 74, no. 3 (July 2012): 840–1855. doi:10.1017/S0022381612000382. 116 Siham Ouchtou, “Interview with Morocco’s Minister Bassima Hakkaoui,” Qantara, Feb. 24, 2012. 35 Hakkaoui’s statement represents a clear preference for Moroccan law and Moroccan sovereignty, and by extension Islamic law, over international treaties. Notably, her doubts about ratifying
Article 16, which relates to gender equality in marriage and family, including ending child marriages and forced marriages in Morocco, illustrate Hakkaoui’s belief that husbands and wives serve different roles in the family. Her commitment to legal differentiation between the genders in family law can be seen through her criticisms of the 2004 Mudawwana reform and the 2011 withdrawal of reservations to CEDAW. Hakkaoui’s service as minister illustrates the distinction between being a woman in politics and being an activist politician for women as Hakkaoui has not been a strong advocate for women and women’s issues.
Hakkaoui and other Islamists emphasize the biological differences between the sexes, avoiding the “dangerous” philosophy of gender propagated by CEDAW and other Western documents, which emphasize “a mechanical equality between men and women.”117 Therefore, they stress the idea of ‘gender complementarity’ as opposed to ‘gender equality,’ the latter of which they view as a Western concept and incompatible with the Qur’an. Hakkaoui has stated that gender complementarity is “more inclusive of women’s multiple roles than gender equality, which…leads to confusion and depreciation of a woman’s role as wife and mother.”118
Hakkaoui, who is a leader in the Organization for Renewal of Feminine Consciousness (ORCF), supports the idea of women not working outside the home, despite her public role as a political figure.119 This view of gender is contradictory to the aims of the women’s movement, which seeks gender equality through legislation such as Law 103-13, which ideally would protect any
Moroccan citizen from violence on the basis of gender, whether inside the home or in the public sphere, and would not only apply to women, although they are typically most affected. Through her policy inaction and statements on women’s issues, Hakkaoui demonstrates a stance in
117 Zvan Elliott, Modernizing Patriarchy, 91. 118 Gray, Beyond feminism and Islamism, 121. 119 Gray, Beyond feminism and Islamism, 121. 36 opposition to the goals of feminists and women’s organizations, despite being the only female cabinet member.
Hakkaoui’s criticism of CEDAW led to concerns from women’s activists about her appointment as Minister of Solidarity, Women, Family and Social Development and the future of women’s rights in Morocco, particularly in light of her past work with PJD. Hakkaoui has been active in the PJD since the 1990s and was an active critic of the 2000 National Action Plan for the Integration of Women in Development. The Islamist party and Hakkaoui actively protested this plan for its Western ideology and departure from Islamic ideals.120 Bassima Hakkaoui and the PJD actively spoke for the preservation of polygamy and gender differentiated family law during the 1993 and 2004 Mudawwana reforms. Hakkaoui, as a representative of the PJD, has been vocal about Morocco’s inability to reform laws based on shari’a.
Hakkaoui has also been critical of the gender quota system, despite personally benefitting from it on multiple occasions. In 2002, Hakkaoui spoke out against gender quotas, saying that
“women should gain political office as a result of their competence and not any special provisions like the quota.”121 This view of gender quotas is also used by Hakkaoui to defend
Prime Minister Benkirane as she was the only female appointment to his cabinet. She states this was the result of a completely democratic process as voting was not related to gender, but rather for the most qualified candidates.122This view represents the PJD’s lack of commitment to female leadership and representation in its government since 2011.
Hakkaoui submitted a draft bill of Law 103-13 to Prime Minister Benkirane in November
2013. It is unclear how much advice she took from NGOs and others who made significant recommendations for the legislation. This initial bill is very similar to the final legislation, as
Parliament made only 28 amendments to the bill. Previous to Hakkaoui’s appointment as
Minister of Solidarity, Women. Family and Social Development in 2012, former Minister
120 Eve Sandberg and Kenza Aqertit, 124. 121 Tripp, Aili Mari, Seeking Legitimacy. 122 Siham Ouchtou, “Interview with Morocco’s Minister Bassima Hakkaoui,” Qantara, Feb. 24, 2012. 37 Nouzha Skalli submitted two drafts of violence against women bills, in 2007 and again in 2010.
Neither bill was made public and both were withdrawn before progressing in the legislative process. It is unclear how similar Hakkaoui’s bill is to previous legislation attempts, although
Skalli is an outspoken liberal feminist and women’s rights activist. In a 2013 interview,
Hakkaoui called domestic violence “the single biggest issue that neither Western feminism, nor
Islamism, nor socialism has been able to resolve.”123 While Hakkaoui staunchly rejects Western feminism in general, she voiced the necessity of collaboration in order to solve the issue of gender-based violence. Hakkaoui’s contradictory views on legislation for women’s issues can be seen through her statements and actions. However, Law 103-13 is not radical in its protections for women. In the following section, I will analyze the law itself and show how it is both progressive and conservative.
While Hakkaoui has spent time addressing the issue of domestic violence in Morocco, including the drafting of Law 103-13, her statements regarding gender equality and the PJD’s stance on women complicate her effectiveness as a women’s rights champion. However, it is hard to discern whether Hakkaoui is simply limited by the system she operates within, trying to appease more conservative figures within the PJD and Moroccan society at large in order to stay in the political sphere and have the opportunity to effect any change at all. Hakkaoui, in opposition to Nadia Yassine, believes in the importance of engaging in the political process through being a public figure, a high-ranking party official and an operative from within the political system.124
MRA – Mobilising for Rights Associates
Mobilising for Rights Associates (MRA), or imraʾa (“woman”) in Arabic, was founded in 2013 by Saidi Kouzzi and Stephanie Willman Bordat, both human rights lawyers and
123 Gray, 120. 124 Gray, 119. 38 women’s rights activists. The two women had previously worked together under a different organization since 2000, working on human rights in North Africa. MRA works on micro-level projects aiming to change behaviors and practices to benefit women’s legal, cultural, structural and relational rights in the Maghreb.125 MRA also focuses on historically underserved or marginalized communities, including Amazigh-speaking women, rural areas and shantytowns.126
Stephanie Willman Bordat is an American human rights lawyer and NGO activist who has lived in Morocco since 2000. She has law degrees from Columbia University and Sorbonne
University in Paris. In 2000, she attended Mohammed V University in Rabat as a Fulbright
Scholar, studying Muslim family law, Personal Status Code and the status of women in
Morocco. She has been the Morocco country director for the International Human Rights Law
Group, a consultant for international actors on women’s human and legal rights, a contributing, the author of academic articles and opinion pieces, and is fluent in French, Arabic, English and
Spanish. She founded MRA with Moroccan activist Saida Kouzzi, who is also a graduate of
Mohammed V University’s law school and wrote her thesis on political Islam in Sudan. She has worked on training and advocacy missions with the UN, collaborates with women’s rights
NGOS and lawyers throughout the Maghreb, and speaks English, French and Arabic.
In their work, MRA defines sexual violence as “any sexual act such as rape, sexual assault or any unwanted sexual contact by a person, regardless of their relationship with the victim, in any place, without the free and voluntary consent of the other person to this contact.”127 They sought for all elements of this definition to be included in Law 103-13. The organization has been critical for its collaboration with other NGOs, as well as its advocacy work with parliament on recommendations to improve Law 103-13. MRA has been so influential in part for its use of media and public awareness of women’s rights issues, often acting as a voice for the Moroccan NGO community at large.
125 MRA, “Background.” 126 Ibid. 127 Ibid. 39 MOROCCO’S DEMAND FOR DOMESTIC VIOLENCE LEGISLATION
Although a law criminalizing violence against women did not take effect until 2018,
Moroccan citizens actively demanded such legislation significantly earlier. Moroccan activists and feminist groups spent decades advocating for increased women’s rights, since the initial
Mudawwana in 1958. Pressure grew both from within and outside Morocco for further legislation to protect women, particularly after constitutional reform in 2011 which met some of the demands of the February 20 Movement. This section will outline the role of civil society actors in Morocco’s fight for legislation regarding violence against women, the relationship between such actors and the government and instances of violence that triggered public outcry.
Moroccan activists have issued calls and recommendations for violence against women legislation for more than a decade. In March 2010, a coalition of 25 NGOs named “Spring of
Dignity” called for a complete revision of the penal code in order to improve women’s rights on issues including abortion, gender-based harassment and violence, and forced marriages. Spring of Dignity has also organized marches and mass demonstrations to voice opinions and lobby for legislative changes. One instance of organized demonstrations by the coalition was in response to
Prime Minister Benkirane’s 2014 statement criticizing women working outside the home, saying,
“Don’t you realize that when women went to work outside, the light went out of their homes?”128
This coalition is a way for small organizations and individual activists to raise public awareness for their causes.
Another coalition of 11 Moroccan NGOs petitioned the government for violence against women legislation in December 2010. The coalition, which MRA headed, drafted a list of key provisions they demanded in a bill on violence against women, with the following goals:
• conforming Moroccan legislation with international human rights standards; • preventing violence against women; • ensuring investigation, prosecution and punishment of perpetrators; and
128 Aida Alami. “Leader’s Words about Women Jolt Morocco.” New York Times, 18 June 2014. 40 • providing protection and support for victims.129
The document also specified the relationships to which their envisioned law would apply, including “all persons currently in or who have been in an intimate or affective relationship, whether familial or not, legally recognized or not, cohabitating or not, as well as to persons residing in same household.”130 Additionally, the document specified which acts would be covered under the proposed law, using a broad definition of violence against women, which includes “acts intended to, likely to or resulting in harm, or the threat of such an act.” The coalition also defined violence to include physical, verbal, sexual, economic and psychological forms, as well as coercion, resource deprivation, and the restriction on one’s ability to exercise fundamental freedoms.131 The 2010 document then makes specific recommendations for each of the following categories:
• Civil protection orders; • Police investigations and complaint procedures; • Crimes and sanctions; • Structure of the judiciary; • Support services to victims of violence; • Criminal procedure in front of the courts; and • Rules of evidence in violence against women cases.132
This detailed document highlights the demand for legislation protecting women from violence several years before the issue was ever addressed in the Moroccan government. Additionally, the publication of such a document in coordination with 11 separate NGOs illustrates the depth and importance of Morocco’s civil society and women’s movements.
In 2014, Morocco amended Article 475 of its Penal Code, which allowed rapists to avoid punishment by marrying their victims. By repealing the law, it joined other MENA countries including Tunisia, Jordan and Palestine in outlawing such marriages. In Morocco, this legal reform was spurred by the 2012 death of 16-year old Amina al-Filali, who died by suicide after
129 MRA, “NGO-Drafted Bill on Violence against Women in Morocco Key Provisions (English)” December 2010, PDF. 130 Ibid. 131 Ibid. 132 Ibid. 41 being forced to marry her rapist. Al-Filali’s death sparked massive protests across the country and demonstrated the success of women’s movements in agitating for legal reform.
Major incidents of violence against women in recent years, particularly in public spaces, have led activists to continue the call for legislation to protect women against violence. In
August 2017, a video of a woman’s sexual assault on a bus in Casablanca went viral on social media. The video depicts a group of six teenage boys, ages 15 to 17, groping and tearing the clothes off a 24-year old woman with learning disabilities, while no passengers or the bus driver intervene.133 At the same time, videos of men sexually harassing women in the streets also went viral.134 In 2018, 17-year old Khadija was kidnapped from a village in central Morocco and held for two months by a group of a dozen men who raped and tortured her, including tattooing her and burning her with cigarettes.135 Khadija pressed charges against the men, ages 17 to 27, but the trial has been postponed several times.136 This incident sparked a petition to King
Mohammed VI with more than 100,000 signatures, seeking justice for Khadija and assurance of women’s rights and safety in Morocco.137 One outcome of these incidents was a movement known as #masaktach (“I will not be silent”), which is considered the Moroccan counterpoint to
138 the #MeToo movement. All of these incidents provoked Morocco’s passing of legislation to protect the rights of women, including against violence.
Bassima Hakkaoui, the previously introduced Moroccan Minister of Solidarity, Women,
Family and Social Development, has become a symbol of the kingdom’s inaction regarding violence against women, a matter of particularly irony considering that she is one of the few women in the current administration. Women’s activists and members of civil society have been calling for her resignation since July 2019. The petition asking for her to resign cites her silence
133 Zoe Tabary, “Video of Moroccan woman being sexually assaulted on bus by gang of teenage boys sparks outrage,” The Independent, Aug. 23, 2017. 134 Zoe Tabary, “Video of Moroccan woman.” 135 Safaa Kasraoui, “Rape Victim Khadija Encourages Girls to Speak Out,” Morocco World News, Oct. 11, 2018. 136 Safaa Kasraoui, “Rape Victim Khadija Encourages Girls to Speak Out.” 137 “Help to save Khadija,” Change.org. 138 Steven Goodwin, “#Masaktach Movement Gives Voices to Rape Victims,” Morocco World News, Feb. 14, 2020, 42 on women’s issues, specifically the high numbers of rape and murder of women in Morocco, as well as forced marriages, inequality between men and women, homeless children, single mothers
139 and pedophilia. The last incident of violence against women on which Hakkaoui commented was the death of Amina al-Filali in 2012, where she called for a debate on Article 475, highlighting her use of her ministerial position to influence legislation.140 The petition also cites comments from Hakkaoui on al-Filali’s death, including that al-Filali consented to the marriage and that she supports Penal Code Article 475.141 The petition quotes Hakkaoui as saying that a rapist marrying his victim is “a good solution to spare the victim the rejection of society” and that women are protected from sexual assault if they veil.142 She also said “Article 475 of the
Penal Code is unlikely to be repealed under pressure from international public opinion. The marriage of the girl to her rapist does not bring her real harm.”143 These comments represent
Hakkaoui’s commitment to her Islamist party, the PJD.
Although women’s activists currently disapprove of Hakkaoui for not being a strong advocate for women and women’s issues, the minister was integral to the 2018 passing of Law
103-13, “On Elimination of Violence Against Women.” In 2013, Bassima Hakkaoui drafted Law
103-13, which is commonly referred to as “the Hakkaoui law” for her influential role in its creation. Law 103-13 was first proposed in Parliament in March 2016, with the House of
Representatives submitting 28 amendments in July 2016, where it stayed for nearly two years before its approval.144 On September 12, 2018, after years of activist lobbying and several major incidents of violence against women, the law protecting women against violence took effect, six months after King Mohammed VI’s signature.145
139 Juliette Owen-Jones, “Moroccan Activists Call for Resignation of Minister Bassima Hakkaoui,” Morocco World News, July 23, 2019. 140 Ibid. 141 Ibid. 142 Ibid. 143 Ibid. 144 Human Rights Watch, “Morocco: New Violence Against Women Law.” 145 Ibid. 43 CONTENT ANALYSIS OF LAW 103-13
Here I will describe the text of Law 103-13 and provide section-by-section analysis of its verbiage and its modifications to existing law. The law is divided into five sections: Definitions;
Penitentiary Provisions; Procedural Provisions; Support Mechanisms for Women Victims of
Violence; and Measures and Initiative to Prevent Violence. The final sixth section is titled “Entry into Effect” and indicates that the law will take effect six months from its publication into the
Official Gazette, i.e. on September 12, 2018
The first section, “Definitions,” defines five key terms: violence against women, physical violence, psychological violence, sexual violence and economic violence. Law 103-13 defines violence against women as: “Any material or moral act or omission thereof based on gender discrimination that results in physical, psychological, sexual, or economic harm to a woman.”146
This definition aligns with the four internationally recognized types of violence against women -- physical, psychological, sexual and economic -- which is a success compared to previously codified law. The definition was expanded from the original draft of Law 103-13, which defined violence against women as “any act of discrimination based on gender resulting in physical, psychological, sexual or economic harm to women.”147 The final law expanded the definition of discrimination to more clearly include coercive control, constraint and deprivation of liberty as acts of violence against women. The definitions also cover acts that are intended to, are likely to, or may cause physical, sexual, psychological, or economic harm or suffering, including threats, and not just those that actually do result in such harm or suffering.
Part Two of the law, “Penitentiary Provisions,” outlines changes to the Penal Code of
1962. These changes mostly relate to adding “on the basis of sex” to already existing criminal offenses, such as now criminalizing defamation and harassment on the basis of sex. The law was also expanded in scope to focus not only on violence against women perpetrated by a spouse or
146 Morocco Law 103-13, Unofficial English translation by MRA 147 MRA, “Draft law # 103-13 on the elimination of violence against women - Morocco (updated) Analysis and Advocacy Chart,” September 7, 2016, PDF. 44 those in legal marriages, but to include other persons as well, including ex-spouses, fiancés, and family members. The law specifically names spouse, fiancé, divorcé, ascendant, descendant, brother, custodian, tutor or other authority figure of the victim; previously the law mentioned only spouse, ascendant or custodian. Another key change in this section is increasing penalties in cases of violence perpetrated by a spouse or other family member. Penalties are also doubled throughout the code if the victim is a minor, disabled or mentally incapacitated, or in instances of recidivism. The presence of children was also added as an aggravating circumstance which increases penalties. The law now specifically mentions crimes against pregnant women as well.
Section Three of the law, “Procedural Provisions,” changes aspects of the Penal
Procedural Code from 2002, specifically those related to closed door proceedings, civil lawsuits, and protective measures. Article Six allows for women or minors in cases of sexual abuse or violence to request a closed hearing, as granted to other proceedings in cases of a danger to public order or morality. Article Eight adds the following procedural protective measures in cases of violence against women:
• Returning the child in custody with the custodian to the dwelling designated by the court; • Warning the perpetrator not to commit any violence if the perpetrator threatened to do so and pledging him not to have recourse to violence; • Informing the perpetrator that he is prohibited from exploiting the common property; • Referring the victim to hospital centers for treatment; • Ordering the depositary of the woman subject to violence in shelter houses or social care institutions if necessary, or if she wants to.148 • Section Four, entitled “Support Mechanisms for Women Victims of Violence,” relates to the establishment of a National Committee for support of women victims of violence, as well as
Regional Committees and Local Committees. This section outlines specific tasks and missions for each level. Additionally, it establishes cells for support of women victims of violence in courts and public sectors, requiring services to be provided including reception, listening support, orientation and accompaniment.
Section Five, entitled “Measures and Initiatives to Prevent Violence,” reads:
148 Law 103-13 45 Public authorities shall take necessary measures and procedures to prevent violence against women. Public authorities shall establish and execute policies and programs to educate the community about the danger of violence against women, to correct women’s image in society, and to raise awareness of the community about women’s rights.
In this context, public authorities include, but are not limited to, gendarmes, police, prosecutors, judges, court clerks, civil status officers, doctors, nurses and other health care professionals.
There is no further specification in the law of “necessary measures and procedures.”
Law 103-13 amended Morocco’s 1962 Penal Code to criminalize offenses on the basis of sex, such as discrimination and harassment. In its amendment of the Penal Code, it also doubles penalties for offenses committed by a family member or other authority figure in the victim’s life, as well as addressing issues of violence when children are present or against pregnant women. The law also clearly defined five terms - violence against women, physical violence, psychological violence, sexual violence and economic violence – in order to have a clear legal basis of the issue. The law also amended the Penal Procedural Code, allowing for women and children victims of violence to have closed-door hearings and providing specific procedural protective measures in cases of violence against women. The law also established a series of local, regional and national committees dedicated to supporting women victims of violence.
Lastly, the law commands public authorities to implement procedures, policies and programs to prevent and raise awareness about violence against women.
CRITICISMS OF LAW 103-13
Law 103-13 “On Elimination of Violence against Women,” despite an official step of the
Moroccan government toward protecting women, has faced pressure from women’s activists and the international community since its creation, beginning with demands for such a law, to criticisms of the drafting process and lack of citizen input, and finally evaluations of the law’s actual content. Groups such as MRA found the law’s content insufficient for issues of wording,
46 lack of implantation and enforceability, and significant gaps in the legislation including not addressing some integral issues at all.
Women’s activists and NGOs concerned with violence against women have spoken out against Law 103-13 for a variety of reasons. While they concede that codification of legal protections for women against violence is essential, the law has been denounced for being insufficient in its verbiage, changes to the penal code, and lack of enforceability with procedural changes. I will discuss the criticisms in three categories: 1) the procedure by which Moroccan
Parliament drafted and passed the law; 2) the law’s content regarding word choice, definitions and gaps in legislation; and 3) the law’s content regarding its lack of enforceability and substantive changes to protect women.
Activists and NGOs were unsatisfied with Parliament’s process of passing Law-13. The draft, which spent 18 months in Parliament, was amended only 28 times by the House of
Representatives, mostly in minor ways.149 MRA’s Stephanie Willman Bordat faulted members of parliament for their lack of concern regarding legislating on violence against women, citing the low number of members present for the law’s vote, with only one-fourth of representatives present for the House of Representatives’ July 2016 vote and only one-third of councilors present for the House of Councilors’ January 2018 vote.150
A second major critique of legislative procedure was Parliament’s insufficient attention to citizen input on the law. Human Rights Watch, an international NGO that conducts research and advocates for advances in human rights globally, published a letter in October 2016 addressed to Hakim Benchamas, the president of Morocco’s Chamber of Counselors, the upper house of Parliament.151 In the letter, the organization urges amendments to the proposed law “to better prevent domestic violence, protect survivors, and hold abusers accountable” and includes
149 Stephanie Willman Bordat and Saida Kouzzi, “Law 103-13 on the Elimination of Violence Against Women in Morocco: A Missed Rendezvous with Democracy?” Morocco World News, Sept. 14, 2018 150 Ibid. 151 Human Rights Watch, “Morocco: Letter on Bill 103-13 Combatting Violence Against Women,” 2016. 47 12 separate recommendations for the law to meet international human rights standards.152 During the revision process, MRA and other organizations also provided recommendations to Parliament regarding the law’s content and wording, including a section-by-section chart of recommendations published by MRA in September 2016.153 Kouzzi and Bordat published a list of 16 amendments needed for Law 103-13 to fully protect women in Morocco World News in
December 2017. This list served as a way to urge Parliament to amend the law before voting on the final version.154 These amendments are categorized into three major groups: protecting women victims of violence; establishing state responsibility for investigating and prosecuting violence against women; and providing concrete services for women victims of violence.155
Despite the recommendations of NGOs and individual citizens, the House of Representatives passed the law with no further changes on February 22, 2018.
In September 2018, MRA published the results of an online survey conducted by the organization regarding the experiences of NGOs and activists with the process of legislative advocacy to Parliament for amendments to the draft of Law 103-13. The survey was completed by 15 NGOs and 3 individual activists from 17 different cities in Morocco. Their findings included the following:
• Of the 16 respondents who reported contacting Parliament directly regarding the law, 50 percent reported no response; • 67 percent reported that parliamentarians were ‘seldom’ to ‘not at all’ available; • 62.5 percent responded that parliamentarians were ‘not very’ or ‘not at all’ receptive to the issue of violence against women; • 83 percent reported that it was ‘not easy’ or ‘not at all easy’ to obtain contact information for a parliamentarian; • 57 percent reported it was ‘not at all easy’ to obtain information regarding opportunities for NGOs to participate in the legislative process; and • 62.5 percent said it was ‘not easy’ to ‘not at all easy’ to obtain information on timing of the review or the vote of the draft in order to intervene.156
152 Ibid. 153 Ibid. 154 Stephanie Willman Bordat and Saida Kouzzi, “Violence against Women: 16 Reasons to Amend Morocco’s 103-13 Bill,” Morocco World News, Dec. 19, 2017. 155 Morocco Law 103-13 156 MRA, “Advocacy & Accountability Survey Results: Law 103-13 on combating violence against women in Morocco,” September 10, 2018, PDF. 48 These survey results exemplify the lack of involvement NGOs had in the legislative process, which is a constitutional right in Morocco. Articles 12, 13 and 14 of the 2011 constitution relate to the rights of civil society organizations and individual citizens to contribute to enactment, implementation and evaluation of elected institutions, such as the legislative process in parliament.157 Bordat described the problematic process by which Parliament passed the law, saying:
First, it prevented the law from reflecting the complex realities of violence against women on the ground, which will limit the law’s ultimate effectiveness. Second, it risks fostering a lack of faith in elected institutions among civil society and the broader population, a dangerous sentiment to encourage indeed.158 Bordat emphasized the importance of civil society and citizen input in the legislative process, aiming for improved accountability and responsiveness of elected officials in the future, as well as the increased effectiveness of citizen advocacy.159
The second main category of criticisms of the law relate to its content, specifically those related to word choice, definitions and overall gaps in the legislation. In terms of the law’s definition of violence against women, it does not specifically mention public and private space as being protected, or the threat of harm as an offense. MRA and other organizations criticized the law generally for being limited to minor changes to the penal code, rather than establishing new laws protecting women. Bordat said of the law when it took effect:
What the law basically did is create a couple of new crimes or it increased the prison time for the crimes that already existed. The problem is that for those to be implemented, the law has to include items related to the reporting and investigation and prosecution. In other words, to be implemented, the law has to put into place the implementing mechanisms.160 This criticism of the law’s content addresses the lack of implementing mechanisms provided, which will be discussed more in depth subsequently, as well the failure to criminalize new
157 2011 Constitution Kingdom of Morocco 158 Bordat, Stephanie Willman and Saida Kouzzi, “Law 103-13 on the Elimination of Violence Against Women in Morocco.” 159 Ibid. 160 Kasraoui, Safaa. “Historic Law on Violence against Women Goes into Effect September 12,” Morocco World News, Sept. 12, 2018, https://www.moroccoworldnews.com/2018/09/253413/law-against-violence-women-morocco/. 49 offenses, including marital rape. A 2019 United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) report161 entitled Gender Justice & Equality before the law: Analysis of progress and challenges in the Arab States Region criticizes the law for its failure to amend the penal code of rape, meaning spousal rape still cannot be prosecuted.162
While Law 103-13 does increase the penalty in cases of an offense committed by a spouse or other familial relation, MRA notes that this only applies to the sentencing phase of a trial, which is the final step of the judicial process.163 Most cases of violence against women do not reach the sentencing stage due to lack of reporting, which can be attributed to women’s distrust of law enforcement and the justice system, high evidentiary requirements and negative attitudes of local authorities.164 The law, therefore, does not address any critical early steps of the judicial process, such as reporting, investigation or prosecution.165 The law does not make any changes to the Penal Procedural Code regarding police office or prosecutorial powers and duties, or laws regarding the collection and use of evidence.
There also large sections of the penal code that were unaffected by Law 103-13 despite being germane to the subject of violence against women. For example, the law made no amendments to sections of the penal code addressing assault and battery or rape and sexual assault. The law does not outline any concrete or specific services for women victims of violence. Additionally, the law does not address its implementation by public actors, such as creating penalties for non-compliance, providing training on the law or developing protocols, guidelines, regulations and standards for ministries.
The third category of critiques relate to the law’s lack of enforceability. Human Rights
Watch, in a press release responding to the law’s passage, recognized that the law criminalized
161 This report is a culmination of four years of research in 19 countries after the “Muscat Declaration: Towards the Achievement of Gender Justice in the Arab Region” was adopted in 2016. 162 Hatim, Yahia, “UN Report Calls for Criminalization of Marital Rape in Morocco,” Morocco World News, Sept. 12, 2018. 163 MRA, “Advocacy & Accountability Survey Results.” 164 Ibid. 165 Ibid. 50 some forms of domestic violence, established some prevention measures and provided some new protections for survivors.166 However, it was critical of the law as it requires survivors to file for criminal prosecution to obtain protection, does not state duties of police, prosecutors and investigative judges in domestic violence cases, or fund women’s shelters.167 Similarly, MRA called for the law to add provisions on police and prosecutorial powers and duties, awareness raising, accountability of public actors and evidence collection and use.168
Protective orders were another large area of contention in this law, with MRA claiming that the law does not provide victims of violence adequate protection or prevent them from risk of future violence.169 The law requires women to file criminal charges in order to receive any protective measures, which MRA deems unacceptable, demanding for protective orders to be a separate independent civil, not penal, process for women.170 As protective measures are dependent on criminal complaints, women are not eligible for such actions until prosecution, leaving them vulnerable during the complaint and investigation stages of the judicial process.171
The vague nature of the law makes it ineffective in creating societal change as law enforcement and other authorities may not comprehend the law, possess the ability to enforce it or have the mechanisms to implement it. For example, the law does not indicate specific services or provide concrete support for women victims of violence. MRA, in its analysis of the draft law submitted to parliament, recommended a separate section of the law dedicated to the “creation, implementation and adequate funding for concrete, specific services for women victims of violence and children in all areas of the country, including but not limited to:”
• A free 24-hour nationwide hotline; • Free interpretation services for interacting with law enforcement, justice or health authorities; • Free legal aid for court;
166 Human Rights Watch, “Morocco: New Violence Against Women Law.” 167 Ibid. 168 MRA, “Advocacy & Accountability Survey Results.” 169 Ibid. 170 Ibid. 171 Ibid. 51 • Free court accompaniment support service; • Free shelter and emergency housing; • Free healthcare services; • Domestic violence and sexual assault counseling centers; and • Adequate funding for NGOs providing these services.172
With these recommendations for concrete services, MRA addresses the lack of affordable and safe medical treatment and housing to women victims of violence and creates equal access to the justice system for all Moroccans.
Women’s activists have spent more than 15 years demanding a solution to Morocco’s issue of violence against women. The Moroccan government publicly spoke of its intention to craft such a law as early as 2006.173 Law 103-13, however, was disappointing to activists whose research and efforts were not incorporated into the law. The law focused only on criminal measures, rather than providing a comprehensive law that addresses prevention, protection, criminalization, and concrete services for women victims of violence. The law’s deficiencies, as well as still unaddressed issues of gender equality in Morocco, have left women’s activists with more work ahead.
MOROCCO AND DOMESTIC VIOLENCE AWARENESS AFTER LAW 103-13
After Law 103-13 took effect in September 2018, women’s activists in Morocco and international NGOs continued to work for further legislation and legal protections of women. In addition to these efforts, the Moroccan government continues to address the issue of violence against women. While no further legislation has yet been proposed, some efforts in Morocco are promising for the future of women’s rights.
One instance of activism from the Moroccan government was an awareness campaign in
2019. On November 29, 2019, Morocco launched a month-long campaign to raise awareness regarding violence against women. This event coincided with the international campaign “16
172 Ibid. 173 MRA and The Advocates for Human Rights, “Morocco: Submission to the Human Rights Committee Relating to the Rights of Women,” September 2016. 52 Days of Activism against Gender-Based Violence,” which has taken place annually since 1991 from November 25, the International Day for the Elimination of Violence Against Women, to
December 10, International Human Rights Day. Morocco’s theme for 2019, its 17th annual campaign, was “All young people united against violence against women”.174 This campaign represents Morocco’s commitment to the international community’s agenda of gender equality and decreasing gender-based violence, despite its own lack of adequate legislation.
The Moroccan national government continues to survey the population regarding violence against women, despite the prevalence of misreporting. During the above campaign,
Morocco’s High Commission for Planning (HCP) released a study based on six months of survey data, where 13.4 million women ages 15 to 74 were asked about experiencing violence. 57 percent, representing nearly 11 million women nationally, reported experiencing at least one instance of violence in the previous 12 months. HCP considered this a successful decline in the phenomenon, as its 2011 survey reported that 63 percent of women ages 18 to 64 experienced at least one act of violence in the previous year.175 However, official figures dramatically underestimate violence against women, due to fear of retribution and entrenched or internalized patriarchal codes, customs and behaviors. A separate government-led survey from January to
March of 2019 found that 93.4 percent of sexual violence survivors in Morocco do not report to authorities.176 These statistics and the rate of misreporting exemplify Morocco’s need for stronger legislation to protect women from violence.
Following their disappointment in Law 103-13, women’s rights activists in Morocco and in the international community have continued to recommend further actions from the Moroccan government. In June 2019, the International Commission of Jurists (ICJ), an international NGO focused on human rights law, released a report called Obstacles to Women’s and Girls’ Access to
174 Spurgeon, Susanna, “Morocco Launches Violence Against Women Awareness Campaign,” Morocco World News, Nov. 29, 2019. 175 Safaa Kasraoui, “Moroccan ‘Unemployed, Least Educated Women’ Are Most Affected by Domestic Violence,” Morocco World News, Dec. 11, 2019. 176 Tamba Francois Koundouno, “Over 90% of Morocco’s Sexual Assault Victims Do Not Report their Experiences,” Morocco World News, July 10, 2019. 53 Justice for Gender-based Violence in Morocco, which calls on the Moroccan parliament to modify the law further.177 Similar to the criticisms posed by the MRA, the organization noted the length of time it took parliament to pass the law, as well as the few number of parliamentarians present for the vote. The ICJ categorized Moroccan women’s obstacles to justice for victims of sexual and gender-based violence as those related to investigation and prosecution, discriminatory attitudes and stereotyping, and protection measures and support services, with separate recommendations for each topic. These recommendations to the Moroccan government, which number more than 23, included: expanding definitions of terms such as ‘violence against women’ to match UN definitions; criminalizing acts harmful to women which are not explicitly stated in the penal code such as forced marriage, marital rape, and stalking; and creating clear guidelines and procedures for police officers and other officials handling cases of violence against women.178
As of now, the law has not been amended to include any further protections, despite numerous organizations providing specific demands to the Moroccan government.
177 International Commission of Jurists, “Obstacles to Womens’ and Girls’ Access to Justice for Gender-based Violence in Morocco,” Geneva: ICJ (2019). 178 Ibid. 54 Conclusion
Gender-based violence is a global phenomenon stemming from a multitude of factors including women’s disempowerment, economic disparity and patriarchal cultural systems.
However, many laws in existence are insufficient to protect women from gender-based violence, harassment and discrimination. Moroccan legal reform has been agitated through a variety of avenues, including the actions of individual activists, political parties and international NGOs.
These actors are influenced by a combination of Western secular frameworks of human rights and by religiously inspired ideals of gender roles. Nadia Yassine and the JSA’s extra- governmental work in advocating for gender equality in the early 2000s exemplifies how
Moroccan women can use Islamic tenets and sources to advocate for increased legal protections for themselves. Alternatively, Bassima Hakkaoui’s work within the Moroccan political system through her leadership in the PJD shows a different approach to Islamic feminism and advocating for Islamic governance. Law 103-13, Morocco’s first successful attempt at criminalizing violence against women, highlights the complexity of influencing legal reform when religion and politics merge.
As Law 103-13 has existed for just over one year, it is still unclear what the new law’s role will be in the lives of Moroccans, whether it will help create cultural changes and prevent violence against women or continue to perpetuate a patriarchal system. Contributing factors for the high rate of violence against women in Morocco, and the MENA region more broadly, include social norms relating to violence against women and girls, limited legal protections for women, and weak justice and court systems which favor perpetrators.179 While Law 103-13’s enshrining of some rights and protections for women is a step forward for Morocco and the
MENA region, continued modifications must be made to existing law to provide women with enough legal protections to feel comfortable accessing support and services. The rights of women and girls must be protected in order for cultural shifts to occur, allowing for Morocco’s
179 WFD 55 productivity and standing in the world to improve through increased dialogue and participation of women in the economy, politics, and other aspects of life.
56 Appendix A: Unofficial English Translation of Law 103-13
The following is an English translation of Law 103-13, which was completed by MRA in 2018. Ellipses signal parts of the law that were unchanged. I have used footnotes to summarize what sections of the code do. Most of the time, anything written as a part of this law is an addition to Morocco’s Penal Code or Procedural Code.
Royal Edict # 1.18.19, dated February 22nd, 2018, Implementing law # 103.03 on the Elimination of Violence Against Women1 2 ------Praise be to God.
The Royal seal within bears the following: (Mohamed ben Hassan ben Mohamed ben Youssef)
It shall be known from this Royal Edict that:
In view of the Constitution, mainly Article 42 and 50 thereof;
We have ordered the following:
By virtue of Our Royal Edict, Law # 103.03 on Elimination of Violence Against Women, as agreed thereupon by the Upper and Lower Houses shall be published in the Official Gazette and shall enter into effect thereafter.
Done in Rabat, on February 22nd, 2018.
Signed by delegation Head of the Government Mr. Saad Eddine Othmani.
LAW # 103-13 On Elimination of Violence Against Women
PART ONE Definitions Article 1
For the implementation of the provisions of the law herein, the following terms shall mean:
Violence against women: Any material or moral act or omission thereof based on gender discrimination that results in physical, psychological, sexual, or economic harm to a woman;
1 Translation Copyright © MRA Mobilising for Rights Associates, 2018. 2 The body of the text of the law has been translated as is from the Arabic version published in the Official Gazette at http://www.sgg.gov.ma/Portals/1/BO/2018/BO_6655_Ar.pdf?ver=2018- 03-16-133134-870. Footnotes have been added by MRA for clarification purposes. 57
Physical violence: Any act or omission thereof that affects or may affect the physical safety of a woman, regardless of the aggressor, aggressor’s means or place of perpetration;
Sexual violence: Any statement, act or exploitation that may affects the inviolability of the woman’s body, whether such statement, act or exploitation is for sexual or business purposes, and regardless of the means thereto;
Psychological violence: any verbal assault, coercion, threat, negligence or deprivation, in the intent (i) to affect the dignity, liberty or serenity of a woman; or (ii) to threat or intimidate her;
Economic violence: Any act or omission thereof, regardless of its financial or economic nature, that causes or may cause prejudice to the economic or social rights of a woman.
PART TWO Penitentiary provisions Article 2
The provisions of articles 404, 431, 446, 481 and 503-1 of the penal code enforced by modified Royal Edict # 1.59.413, dated November 26th, 1962,3 shall be modified and completed as follows:
“Article 4044: Any perpetrator of ...... violence or abuse against any woman because of her gender, any pregnant woman if her pregnancy is evident or known to the perpetrator, any woman with disability or known to have mental incapacity; against any ascendant, custodian, spouse, fiancé, or against any person having guardianship over the perpetrator, or against a divorced party or in the presence of one of the children or one of the parent, shall be punished as follows:
“1- In cases provided for in ...... ”
(Rest remains unchanged)
5 “Article 431 : Any person who intentionally holds...... in any danger, shall be sentenced with three months to two years of imprisonment and a fine of 2000 MAD to 10,000 MAD.
“The sentence shall be doubled if the person committing the crime is the spouse, fiancé, divorcé, ascendant, descendant, a brother, a custodian, a tutor, or if the victim of the crime is a minor, a person with disability, or a person known to have mental incapacity. Such sentence shall also be doubled in case of recidivism.
3 Official Arabic and French versions of the Penal Code available at http://adala.justice.gov.ma/FR/Legislation/textesjuridiques_penal.aspx 4 Previous article 404 applied to intentional assault and battery against ascendants, “kafil” or spouses. 5 Article 431 criminalizes failure to assist a person in danger.
58
“Article 4466: Doctors and surgeons………………20,000 MAD. However, persons…………..in the previous paragraph; 1 – If they reported an abortion………….even if they are not obliged to report such an abortion; 2 – If they informed the judicial authorities about ………..when practicing their function or job; If the aforementioned persons were summoned………….in the paragraph above; They are bound to give their testimony and they may, if necessary, submit such testimony in writing”
Article 481: In addition to the courts having jurisdiction...... the person entitled to alimony, or the person expelled from the matrimonial dwelling, shall also have jurisdiction over the filed actions in accordance with the provisions of articles 479, 480 and 480- 1;
Such actions shall not be filed to said court but upon a complaint submitted by the expelled person, the abandoned person, or the person entitled to alimony...... by the Crown Prosecution Office when the legal representative is himself the perpetrator of the crime,
Any legal action shall be preceded by a warning to the person paying the alimony to pay such alimony within thirty days;
Such warning shall...... upon instructions by the Crown Prosecution Office If the person paying the alimony had absconded or...... investigation’
“Article 503-17: Shall be sentenced with one year to three years of imprisonment and a fine of ...... sexual purposes’
Article 3
The title of section 7 of Part 8 of Book 3 of the Penal Law Volume referred to above shall be modified as follows:
“Section 7: On sexual exploitation and youth corruption”
Article 4
Articles 61 and 407 of said code shall be modified as follows:
6 Article 446 criminalizes violations of patient confidentiality by medical professionals except under certain circumstances. 7 Article 503-1 criminalizes quid pro quo sexual harassment as an abuse of authority.
59 “Article 61: Personal protective measures are:
1 – Exclusion ...... 9 – Lapse of right regarding legal custody of children; 10 – Prohibiting the convict from contacting the victim; 11- Subjecting the convict to appropriate psychological treatment”
“Article 4078: Any person having helped or assisted ...... to five years.
“Punishment shall be doubled if the crime is committed against a minor, a woman because of her gender, or by one spouse against the other, or by one of the descendants, or ascendants, or brothers, or the custodian, divorcé, fiancé, or by any person having authority or tutorship on the victim”.
Article 5
The provisions of articles 88-1, 88-2, 88-3, 323-1, 323-2, 429-1, 436-1, 444-1, 444-2, 447-1, 447-2, 447-3, 480-1, 481-1, 503-1-1, 503-1-2, 503-2-1, and 526-1 of the said penal code shall be modified as follows:
“Article 88-1: If a person is convicted for a crime of harassment, assault, sexual abuse, mistreatment or violence against women or minors, regardless of the nature of the act or the perpetrator thereof, the court may adjudicate the following:
1 – Prohibit the convict from contacting the victim, approaching victim’s whereabouts, communicating with the victim by any means whatsoever for a period no longer than five years as of the date of his release, or as of the date of the judicial decision in case of a suspended sentence, fine or alternative punishment;
Reconciliation between the spouses shall terminate the prohibition against contact with the victim;
2 – The convict shall be subject to appropriate psychological treatment throughout the period provided for in the above item or throughout his imprisonment time.
The judicial decision of culpability may include the implementation of such procedure (treatment) temporarily regardless of any form of appeal exercised;
The court may give its order prohibiting the convict indefinitely from contacting the victim, approaching victim’s whereabouts or communicating with the victim, providing that the court justifies such order”
8 Article 407 criminalizes facilitating suicide.
60
“Article 88-2: The treating doctor shall at least quarterly report to the sentencing judge about the medical development of the convict to make sure that convict’s behavior has improved and that the convict will not commit the same acts he was convicted for at the first place.
If the treating doctor sees fit to end such procedure before time, the doctor shall inform the judge in a separate report explaining his reasons thereto.”
The victim shall be informed of the treating doctor’s medical report upon decision by the sentencing judge.
“Article 88-3: In case of prosecution due to committing one of the crimes stipulated in article 88- 1 herein, the Crown Prosecution, the Investigating Judge or the court if necessary, may give an order prohibiting the prosecuted from contacting the victim, approaching the victim’s whereabouts or communicating with the victim by any means whatsoever. Such order may also be issued at the victim’s request and shall remain in effect until the court issues its final decision.”
“Article 323-1: Shall be punished with imprisonment from 6 months to two years and a fine ranging from 2,000 MAD to 20,000 MAD or one of them the person who violates the prohibition order regarding contacting the victim, approaching victim’s whereabouts or communicating with the victim by any means whatsoever, or refusing psychological treatment according to articles 88-1 and 88-3.”
“Article 323-2: Violation of the protective measures referred to in Article 82-5-2 of the Penal Code shall subject the person concerned therewith to imprisonment from one to three months or a fine from 5,000 to 20,000 MAD or one of them.
“Article 429-1: Punishment provided for in articles 425, 426, 427 and 4299 shall be doubled if the person committing the crime is the spouse, the divorcé, the fiancé, or one of the descendants, ascendants or brothers, or the custodian or by any person having authority or tutorship on the victim. Such punishment shall also be doubled in case of recidivism, or if the victim is a minor, a person with disability, or a person known to have mental incapacity.”
“Article 436-110: If the abduction or detention is perpetrated by one of the spouses, the divorcé, the fiancé, or one of the ascendants, descendants or brothers, or the custodian or by any person having authority or tutorship on the victim; or if the victim has suffered from any other act of violence regardless of its nature, the imprisonment sentences shall increase to become:
1 – 10 to 20 years in cases mentioned in paragraph one of Article 436 of the law herein; 2 – 20 to 30 years in cases mentioned in paragraph two of Article 436 of the law herein;”
Article 444-1: Gender-based vituperation against a woman shall be punished with a fine ranging from 12,000 to 60,000 MAD;
9 Articles 425, 426, 427 and 429 criminalize threats of attacks on individuals or property. 10 Article 436 criminalizes kidnapping, detention and sequestration.
61
Article 444-2: Gender-based defamation against a woman shall be punished with a fine ranging from 12,000 to 120,000 MAD;
“Article 447-1: Shall be sentenced to imprisonment from six months to three years and a fine ranging from 2,000 to 20,000 MAD, any person who intentionally, by any means whatsoever including computer systems, captures, records, broadcasts or disseminates someone’s private or confidential information or statements without their prior approval.
The same punishment shall be applied to any person who intentionally, and by any means whatsoever, installs, records, broadcasts or disseminates someone’s pictures while in a private place without their approval.”
“Article 447-2: Shall be sentenced to imprisonment from one to three years and a fine ranging from 2,000 to 20,000 MAD, any person who intentionally, by any means whatsoever including computer systems, broadcasts or disseminates a combination of someone’s statements or pictures without their prior approval; or any person who broadcasts or disseminates false allegations or statements aiming thereby to harm someone’s private life or reputation”
“Article 447-3: Shall be sentenced with one to five years of imprisonment and a fine ranging from 5,000 MAD to 50,000 MAD if such acts as referred to in articles 447-1 and 447-2 are committed by way of recidivism; are committed by a spouse, a divorcé, a fiancé, one of the ascendants or descendants, custodian or any person having authority or tutorship over the victim; or are committed against a minor or a woman due to her sex.”
“Article 480-1: Shall be sentenced with one to three months of imprisonment and a fine ranging from 2,000 to 5,000 MAD, any person expelling the other party from the matrimonial dwelling or refusing the return of the expelled party to the matrimonial dwelling according to the provisions of Article 53 of the Family Code. Such sentence shall double in case of recidivism.”
“Article 481-1: In cases as provided for in articles 479, 48011 and 480-1 of the law herein, the prosecution shall be put to an end if the complainant waived his/her right thereto. After such waiver is made the impact of the judicial decision if rendered shall also be ineffective.
“Article 503-1-1: Any person who persistently harassed the other shall be considered as a perpetrator of a sexual harassment crime and shall be sentenced with one to six months of imprisonment and a fine ranging from 2,000 to 10,000 MAD or one of them, namely:
1 – Harassment in public spaces by words, acts or signals of a sexual nature for sexual purposes; 2 – Written letters, phone or electronic messages, records or images of sexual nature for sexual purposes.
Such punishment shall be doubled if the perpetrator is a work colleague or one of those in charge of order or security of public places or else.”
“Article 503-1-2: A sentence of three to five years of imprisonment and a fine ranging from 5,000 to 50,000 MAD, shall be enforced if the sexual harasser is one of the ascendants, or one of
11 Articles 479 and 480 criminalize family abandonment and non-payment of financial support respectively.
62 the unmarriageables, custodian, or is someone who has authority or tutorship on the victim. Such sentence shall also be applicable if the victim is a minor.”
“Article 503-2-1: Without prejudice to the severe criminal sentences, any person having coerced the other to marriage by means of violence or threat shall be sentenced with six to one year of imprisonment and a fine ranging from 10,000 to 30,000 MAD or one of them only.
Such sentence shall be doubled if such coercion to marriage by means of violence or threat is perpetrated against a minor, a woman because of her gender, a woman with disability or known to have mental incapacity.
Prosecution shall only be possible upon a complaint submitted by the person upon whom the coercion has been exercised.
The prosecution shall be put to an end if the complainant waived his/her right thereto. After such waiver is made the impact of the judicial decision if rendered shall also be ineffective.”
“Article 526-1: If any one of the spouses willfully squanders or delegates his/her property to inflict prejudice on the other party or children, or to circumvent the provisions of the Family Code, especially those relating to alimony, accommodation, rights ensuing from a divorce or to property division, shall be sentenced with one month to six months of imprisonment and a fine ranging from 2,000 to 10,000 MAD or one of them only.
Legal proceedings may only be initiated upon a complaint submitted by the prejudiced spouse.
The legal proceedings thereabout shall be terminated if the complainant waives his/her right thereto. After such waiver is made the impact of the judicial decision if rendered shall also be ineffective.”
PART THREE Procedural provisions
Article 6
Shall be modified and completed as follows the provisions of Article 302 of law # 22.01 relating to the Code of penal procedure as implemented by modified Royal Edict # 1.02.255, dated October 3rd, 2002:
“Article 302: If the court concluded that……………………………………………enclosed hearing,
If the case is related to violence or sexual abuse against a woman or a minor, the court may hold a closed hearing upon request of the victim.
If the court decided to hold a closed hearing………..as mentioned in the two paragraphs above, it shall also include……………………………………..discussions.”
63 Article 7
The Provisions of Article 712 of law # 22.01 of the said code shall be modified as follows:
“Article 7: The right to…………………………………………………………….the crime directly,
Associations may………………………………………………………………..in their statutes;
However, the aforementioned associations dealing with issues of violence against women, according to their statutes, may not act as one of the parties (Plaintiff) unless they obtain a written permission thereto from the victim;
The State may………………………………………………………………………..in effect.”
Article 8
The provisions of law # 22.01 relating to the Code of penal procedure shall be completed with Article 82-5-2:
“Article 82-5-2: In addition to the measures provided for in Articles 82-4 and 82-5 herein, the following protective measures shall be immediately implemented in cases of violence against women: -Returning the child in custody with the custodian to the dwelling designated by the court; -Warning the perpetrator not to commit any violence if the perpetrator threatened to do so and pledging him not to have recourse to violence; -Informing the perpetrator that he is prohibited from exploiting the common property; -Referring the victim to hospital centers for treatment; -Ordering the depositary of the woman subject to violence in shelter houses or social care institutions if necessary, or if she wants to.”
Part four
Support mechanisms for women victims of violence
Article 9:
To support women victims of violence, cells and sectors-joint committees shall be established in accordance with the provisions of this part.
Article 10
Cells of support for women victims of violence shall be established within courts of first instance, courts of appeal, central and decentralized services of the sectors in charge of justice,
12 Article 7 of the Code of penal procedure covers civil actions for compensation for damages, including the possibility for public utility status associations to join a civil action.
64 health, youth and women, the General Directorate of National Security and within the High Command of Royal Gendarmerie;
Such cells shall provide services for women victims of violence such as reception, listening, support, orientation and accompaniment;
The established cells inside courts of appeal or courts of first instance shall consist of a deputy crown prosecutor, a judge in charge of juvenile affairs and a social assistant, in addition to the administration representatives;
The selection of the members of the established cells within said central and decentralized services of the sectors in charge of justice, health, youth and women, General Directorate of National Security and the High Command of Royal Gendarmerie shall be subject to a regulatory text. The selection of the administration representatives of the cells established within said courts shall also be subject to a regulatory text;
The principle of specialization and parity shall be taken into consideration during the establishment of such cells.
Article 11 National Committee
A national committee for support of women victims of violence shall be established. It shall have the competence and duties stipulated in Article 12 herein;
The Head of the government shall appoint the President of the National Committee as proposed by the governmental authority in charge of women’s affairs;
Persons or representatives of national bodies and women’s associations may attend the works of the National Committee if the later see any use therein.
The National Committee shall meet at least once a year, or whenever necessary upon invitation by the president or the majority of its members;
The Committee Secretariat shall be referred to the sector in charge of women;
The composition and working methods of such committee shall by determined by a statute;
Article 12
The National Committee shall have for a mission the following tasks:
- Ensuring communication and national coordination between government sectors and central administrations concerned with violence against women; - Giving its opinion regarding the action plans adopted by the regional and local committees referred to in Article 13 and 15 herein, and following up with the implementation of such actions plans; - Receiving and reviewing reports submitted by local and regional committees;
65
- Monitoring the work of the local and regional committees and proposing ways to develop such works; - Contributing in the establishment of mechanisms to improve the management of the cells (see Article 10 herein), and the management of the local and regional committees, while in the meantime following up with their works at the central level; - Strengthening and establishing partnership and cooperation mechanisms between regional and local committees, civil society associations and other stakeholders - Establishing an annual report on the outcome;
Article 13 Regional Committees
A Regional Committee for women victims of violence shall be established at the level of the judicial district of each court of appeal, and shall comprise:
- Crown prosecutor or his deputy in his capacity as president; - Investigating judge, judge counselor, and a counselor in charge of juvenile affairs; all shall be appointed by the president of the Court of Appeal; - Head of the Prosecution office or his/her representative - Head of the Clerk’s Office or his/her representative; - Social assistant in the said court; - Administration representative; - Representative of the regional council; - A lawyer, designated by the Head of the Bar Association within the jurisdiction of the appeal court; - A Court Bailiff, designated by the Regional Council of Court Bailiffs.
The committee works may be attended by any person known of his interest and experience in women’s affairs, any representative of any body, institution or associations which the committee sees useful to invite;
The administration representatives, lawyer and judicial delegate for the Regional Committee for women victims of violence shall be determined by a regulatory text.
Article 14
The Regional Committee shall have for mission the following tasks: -Preparing regional action plans according to its mandate; -Ensuring communication and coordination between judicial authorities and other sectors and administrations concerned with issues relating to the support of women victims of violence at the regional level; -Ensuring communication and coordination with civil society associations working on this area; -Unifying the working methods of the cells and local committees to ensure the harmony of the services (i) at the level of the judicial district that is within the jurisdiction of the court of appeal and (ii) at the level of other relevant sectors and administrations;
66 -Defining the constraints and obstacles hindering the process of support provided for women victims of violence, and suggesting appropriate solutions thereto on a participatory basis and according to the competence of each relevant sector; -Defining the constraints and obstacles hindering the process of support provided for women victims of violence, especially those requiring an intervention at the central level; -Capitalizing on different expertise and experiences and making them accessible to all local mechanisms; -Conducting periodical and annual reports on the committee’s work and outcome, including the work of the local committee and cells; -Regional Committee’s reports, including the annual report, shall be submitted to the National Committee; -The Regional Committee shall meet at least twice a year, or whenever necessary upon invitation by the president; -The Regional Committee shall meet if at least half of its members are present, and shall take its decisions by the majority of those present; -The Clerk’s Office of the Court of Appeal shall function as the secretariat of the Regional Committee.
Article 15 Local Committees
A Local Committee for support for women victims of violence shall be established at the level of the judicial district of each court of first instance, and shall comprise:
Crown prosecutor or his deputy in his capacity as president; Investigating judge, sentencing judge, judge in charge of juvenile affairs; all shall be appointed by the president of the Court; Head of the Prosecution Office or his representative; Head of the Clerk’s Office or his representative; A Social assistant in the said court; An administration representative; A regional council representative; A lawyer, designated by the Head of the Bar Association within the jurisdiction of the appeal court; A Court Bailiff, designated by the Regional Council of Court Bailiffs.
The committee works may be attended by any person known of his interest in women’s affairs, any representative of any body, institution or association which the committee sees useful to invite;
The administration representatives, lawyer and judicial delegate for the Local Committee for women victims of violence shall be determined by a regulatory text.
Article 16 Mandate of local committees
The Local Committee shall have for a mission the following tasks:
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67 -Preparing local action plans according to its mandate; -Ensuring communication and coordination between judicial authorities and other sectors and administrations concerned with issues relating to the support of women victims of violence, including civil society associations working on this area; -Defining the constraints and obstacles hindering the process of support provided for women victims of violence, and suggesting appropriate solutions thereto on a participatory basis and according to the competence of each relevant sector; -Defining the constraints and obstacles hindering the process of support provided for women victims of violence, especially those requiring an intervention at the regional and central levels; -Conducting periodical reports; -The Local Committee’s periodical reports shall be submitted to the Regional Committee; -The Local Committee shall meet at least four times a year, or whenever necessary upon invitation by the president; -The Local Committee shall meet if at least half of its members are present, and shall take its decisions by the majority of those present; -The Clerk’s Office of the Court shall function as the secretariat of the Local Committee.
Part five
Measures and initiatives to prevent violence
Article 17
Public authorities shall take the necessary measures and procedures to prevent violence against women. Thus, public authorities shall establish and execute policies and programs to educate the community about the danger of violence against women, to correct women’s image in society, and to raise awareness of the community about women’s rights.
Part six
Entry into effect
Article 18
The law herein shall enter into effect after six months of its publication in the Official Gazette.
68 Appendix B: Official French Version of Law 103-13180
La lutte contre les violences faites aux femmes Dahir n° 1-18-19 du 5 joumada II 1439 (22 février 2018) portant promulgation de la loi n° 103-13 relative à la lutte contre les violences faites aux femmes
LOUANGE A DIEU SEUL !
(Grand Sceau de Sa Majesté Mohammed VI)
Que l’on sache par les présentes-puisse Dieu en élever et en fortifier la teneur !
Que Notre Majesté Chérifienne,
Vu la Constitution, notamment ses articles 42 et 50;
A DÉCIDÉ CE QUI SUIT :
Est promulguée et sera publié au Bulletin officiel, à la suite du présent dahir, la loi n° 103-13 relative à la lutte contre les violences faites aux femmes, telle qu’adoptée par la Chambre des représentants et la Chambre des conseillers.
Fait à Rabat, le 5 joumada II 1439 (22 février 2018)).
Pour contreseing :
Le Chef du gouvernement,
SAAD DINE EL OTMANI
180 PDF of the official law from Morocco’s Justice Department http://adala.justice.gov.ma/production/legislation/fr/Nouveautes/lutte%20contre%20les%20violences%20faites% 20aux%20femmes.pdf 69
LOI N° 103-13 RELATIVE A LUTTE CONTRE LES VIOLENCES FAITES AUX FEMMES1
Chapitre premier : Définitions
Article premier
Aux fins de l’application des dispositions de la présente loi, en entend par :
- Violences faites aux femmes : Tout acte matériel ou moral ou abstention fondés sur la discrimination en raison du sexe entraînant pour la femme un préjudice corporel, psychologique, sexuel ou économique ;
- Violence corporelle : Tout acte ou abstention portant ou susceptible de porter préjudice à l’intégrité corporelle de la femme, quel que soit son auteur, le moyen utilisé pour le commettre ou le lieu de sa commission ;
- Violence sexuelle : toute parole ou tout acte ou exploitation susceptibles de porter atteinte à l’intégrité corporelle de la femme à des fins sexuelles ou commerciales, quel que soit le moyen utilisé à cet effet ;
- Violence psychologique : toute agression verbale, contrainte, menace, négligence ou privation soit pour porter atteinte à la dignité de la femme, sa liberté et sa tranquillité, soit pour l’intimider ou la terroriser ;
- Violence économique : tout acte ou abstention de nature économique ou financière portant ou susceptible de porter atteinte aux droits sociaux ou économiques de la femme.
Chapitre II : Dispositions pénales
Article 2
Sont modifiées et complétés comme suit les dispositions des articles 404, 431, 446, 481 et 503-1 du Code pénal approuvé par le dahir n° 1-59-
1 - Bulletin Officiel n° 6688 du 21 chaoual 1439 (5 juillet 2018), p 1384.
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413 du 28 joumada II 1382 (26 novembre 1962), tel qu’il a été modifié et complété :
Article 404- Quiconque…………………..des blessures à une femme en raison de son sexe ou à une femme enceinte, lorsque sa grossesse est apparente ou connue de l’auteur, ou en situation de handicap ou connue pour ses capacités mentales faibles, à l’un des ascendants, à un kafil, à un époux, à un fiancé, à un tuteur ou à une personne ayant autorité sur lui ou étant sous sa charge ou à un conjoint divorcé ou en présence de l’un des enfants ou de l’un des parents, est puni :
1° Dans les cas…………………………………….
(la suite sans modification)
Article 431- quiconque s’abstient volontairement…….est puni de l’emprisonnement de trois à deux ans et d’une amende de 2.000 à 10.000 dirhams.
La peine est portée au double lorsque l’auteur est un époux, un fiancé, un conjoint divorcé, un ascendant, un descendant, un frère, un kafil, un tuteur ou une personne ayant autorité sur la victime ou ayant sa charge ou lorsque la victime est un mineur ou une personne en situation de handicap ou comme pour ses capacités mentales faibles ainsi qu’en cas de récidive.
Article 446- les médecins, chirurgiens…………….. à vingt mille dirhams.
Toutefois, ………………………………………l’alinéa précédent :
1° lorsque……………………..de leurs fonctions ;
2° lorsqu’elles dénoncent ………………..de leurs fonctions.
Citées en justice pour affaires relatives aux infractions visées ci- dessus, lesdites personnes sont tenues de fournir leurs témoignages qu’elles peuvent, le cas échéant, déposer par écrit.
Article 481- outre les juridictions……………. Bénéficiaire de la pension ou expulsée du foyer conjugal, peut connaître des poursuites exercées vertu des dispositions des articles 479, 480 et 480-1
Les poursuites ne peuvent être exercées que sur plainte de la personne expulsée du foyer conjugal, abandonnée ou bénéficiaire…………ce représentant légal.
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Elle sont précédées d’une mises en demeure de la personne condamnée au paiement de la pension d’avoir à s’exécuter dans un délai de trente jours.
Cette mise ……….. sur instruction du ministère public ……… d’interpellation.
Si la personne condamnée est en fuite ……….. passé outre.
Article 503-1– est coupable d’harcèlement sexuel et puni de l’emprisonnement d’un an à trois ans et…. Sexuelle.
Article 3
L’intitulé de la section VII du chapitre VIII du titre premier du livre trois du code pénal susvisé est modifié comme suit :
Section VII. – de l’exploitation sexuelle et de la corruption de la jeunesse
Article 4
Les dispositions des articles 61et 407 du code pénal précité sont complétées comme suit :
Article 61- les mesures de sureté personnelles sont :
1°- la relégation ;
………………..
9° la déchéance des droits de puissance paternelle ;
10° l’interdiction au condamné d’entrer en contact avec la victime ;
11° la soumission du condamné à un traitement psychologique approprié.
Article 407- quiconque ……………. A cinq ans.
La peine est portée au double lorsque l’infraction est commise contre un mineur ou une femme en raison de son sexe ou commise par un époux contre son conjoint ou lorsque l’auteur est un ascendant, un descendant, un frère, un kafil, un conjoint divorcé, un fiancé, un tuteur ou une personne ayant autorité sur la victime ou ayant sa charge.
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Article 5
Les dispositions du code pénal visé ci-dessus sont complétées par les articles 88-1, 88-2, 88-3, 323-1, 323-2, 429-1, 436-1, 444-1, 444-2, 447-1, 447-2, 447-3, 480-1, 481-1, 503-1-1, 503-1-2, 503-2-1 et 526-1 :
Article 88-1- en cas de condamnation pour harcèlement, agression, exploitation sexuelle, maltraitance ou violences commises contre des femmes ou des mineurs, quelle que soit la nature de l’acte ou son auteur, la juridiction peut décider ce qui suit :
1. Interdire au condamné de contacter la victime ou de s’approcher du lieu où elle se trouve ou de communiquer avec elle par tous moyens, pour une période ne dépassant pas cinq ans à compter de la date d’expiration de la peine à laquelle il a été condamné ou de la date du prononcé de la décision judicaire lorsque la peine privative de liberté a été prononcée avec sursis ou s’il a été condamné seulement à une amende ou à une peine alternative.
La conciliation entre les conjoints met fin à l’interdiction de contacter la victime ;
2. La soumission du condamné, au cours de la période prévue au paragraphe(1) ci-dessus ou durant l’exécution de la peine privative de la liberté, à un traitement psychologique approprié.
La décision judicaire de condamnation peut ordonner l’exécution provisoire de cette mesure nonobstant toutes voies de recours.
La juridiction peut interdire définitivement, au moyen d’une décision motivée, au condamné de contacter la victime ou de s’approcher du lieu où elle se trouve ou de communiquer avec elle.
Article 88-2- le médecin traitant établit, tous les trois mois au moins, un rapport sur l’évolution de l’état du condamné au traitement, qu’il adresse au juge de l’application des peines, pour s’assurer de l’amélioration de son comportement et éviter de commettre les mêmes actes pour lesquels il a été condamné.
Lorsque le médecin traitant est d’avis de mettre fin à cette mesure avant la date fixée, il doit informer le juge de l’application des peines au moyen d’un rapport distinct qui justifie cet avis.
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La victime doit être avisée du résultat du rapport du médecin traitant en vertu d’une décision du juge de l’application des peines.
Article 88-3- En cas de poursuites pour les infractions visées à l’article 88-1 ci-dessus, il peut être interdit, par le ministère public, le juge d’instruction ou la juridiction, le cas échéant, ou à la demande de la victime, à la personne poursuivie de contacter la victime ou de s’approcher du lieu où elle se trouve ou de communiquer avec elle par quelque moyen que ce soit. Cette mesure demeure en vigueur jusqu’à ce que la juridiction statue sur l’affaire.
Article 323-1- Est punie d’un emprisonnement de six mois à deux ans et d’une amende de 2.000 à 20.000 dirhams ou de l’une de ces deux peines, toute violation de la mesure d’interdiction ou de contacter la victime, de s’approcher d’elle ou de communiquer avec elle, par quelque moyen que ce soit, ou le refus de soumettre à un traitement psychologique approprié en application des articles 88-1 et 88-3 ci- dessus.
Article 323-2- Est punie d’un emprisonnement d’un à trois mois et d’une amende de 5.000 à 20.000 dirhams ou de l’une de ces deux peines seulement, toute violation des mesures de protection visées à l’article 82- 5-2 de la loi relative à la procédure pénale.
Article 429-1- La peine prévue aux articles 425, 426, 427 et 429 du présent code est portée au double lorsque l’auteur de l’infraction est un époux qui l’a commise contre son conjoint , un conjoint divorcé, un fiancé, un ascendant, un descendant, un frère, un kafil, un tuteur ou une personne ayant autorité sur la victime ou ayant sa charge ainsi qu’en cas de récidive ou si la victime est mineur, en situation de handicap ou connue pour ses capacités mentales faibles.
Article 436-1- Si l’enlèvement ou la séquestration est commis par un époux, un conjoint divorcé, un fiancé, un ascendant, un descendant, un frère, un kafil, un tuteur ou une personne ayant autorité sur la victime ou ayant sa charge ou si la victime a été soumise à toute autre violence de quelque nature que ce soit, la peine privative de liberté est portée à :
1- La réclusion de dix à vingt ans, dans le cas prévu au premier alinéa de l’article 436 du présent code ;
2- La réclusion de vingt à trente ans, dans le cas prévu au deuxième alinéa de l’article 436 du présent code.
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Article 444-1- Toute injure proférée contre une femme en raison de son sexe est punie d’une amende de 12.000 à 60.000 dirhams.
Article 444-2- La diffamation proférée contre une femme en raison de son sexe est punie d’une amende de 12.000 à 120.000 dirhams.
Article 447-1- Est puni d’un emprisonnement de six mois à trois ans d’une amende de 2.000 à 20.000 dirhams, quiconque procède, sciemment et par tout moyen, y compris les systèmes informatique, à l’interception, à l’enregistrement, à la diffusion ou à la distribution de paroles ou d’informations émises dans un cadre privé ou confidentiel, sans le consentement de leurs auteurs.
Est passible de la même peine, quiconque procède, sciemment et par tout moyen, à la capture, à l’enregistrement, à la diffusion ou à la distribution de la photographie d’une personne se trouvant dans un lieu privé, sans son consentement.
Article 447-2- est puni d’un emprisonnement d’un an à trois ans et d’une amende de 2.000 à 20.000 dirhams, quiconque procède, par tout moyen, y compris les systèmes informatiques, à la diffusion ou à la distribution d’un montage composé de paroles ou de photographie d’une personne, sans son consentement, ou procède à la diffusion ou à la distribution de fausses allégations ou de faits mensongers, en vue de porter atteinte à la vie privée des personnes ou de les diffamer.
Article 447-3- la peine est l’emprisonnement d’un an à cinq ans et une amande de 5.000 à 50.000 dirhams, si les faits prévus aux articles 447-1 et 447-2 ont été commis en état de récidive et si l’infraction est commise par un époux, un conjoint divorcé, un fiancé, un ascendant, un descendant, un kafil, un tuteur ou une personne ayant autorité sur la victime ou ayant sa charge ou contre une femme en raison de son sexe ou contre un mineur.
Article 480-1- est puni d’un emprisonnement d’un mois à trois mois et d’une amende de 2.000 à 5.000 dirhams, l’expulsion de foyer conjugal ou le refus de ramener le conjoint expulsé au foyer conjugal, conformément à ce qui est prévu à l’article 53 du code de la famille. La peine est portée au double en cas de récidive.
Article 481-1- Dans les cas prévus aux articles 479, 480 et 480-1 du présent code, le retrait de la plainte met fin aux poursuites et aux effets de la décision judicaire ayant acquis la force jugée, si elle a été prononcée.
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Article 503-1-1- Est coupable de harcèlement sexuel et est puni d’un emprisonnement d’un mois à six mois et d’une amende de 2.000 à 10.000 dirhams ou de l’une de ces peines, quiconque persiste à harceler autrui dans les cas suivants :
1. Dans les espaces publics ou autres, par des agissements, des paroles, des gestes à caractère sexuel ou à des fins sexuelles ;
2. Par des messages écrits, téléphonique ou électroniques, des enregistrements ou des images à caractère sexuel ou à des fins sexuelles.
La peine est portée au double si l’auteur est collègue de travail ou une personne en charge du maintien de l’ordre et de la sécurité dans les espaces publics ou autres.
Article 503-1-2- la peine est l’emprisonnement de trois à cinq ans et d’une amende de 5.000 à 50.000dirhams, si le harcèlement sexuel est commis par un ascendant, un proche ayant avec la victime un empêchement à mariage, un tuteur, une personne ayant autorité sur la victime ou ayant sa charge ou un kafil ou si la victime est un mineur.
Article 503-2-1- Sans préjudice de dispositions pénales plus sévères, est puni d’un emprisonnement de six mois à un an et d’une amende de 10.000 à 30.000 dirhams ou de l’une de ces deux peines seulement, quiconque contraint une personne au mariage en ayant recours à la violence ou à des menaces.
La peine est portée au double, si la contrainte au mariage, en ayant recours à la violence ou à des menaces, est commise contre une femme en raison de son sexe ou contre une femme mineure, en situation de handicap ou connue pour ses capacités mentales faibles.
La poursuite ne peut être engagée sur plainte de la personne lésée.
Le retrait de la plainte met fin aux poursuites et aux effets de la décision judiciaire ayant acquis la force de la chose jugée, si elle a été prononcée.
Article 526-1- Est puni d’un emprisonnement d’un mois à six mois et d’une amende de 2.000 à 10.000 dirhams ou de l’une de ces deux peines, l’un des conjoints en cas de dissipation ou de cession de ses biens de mauvaise foi, avec l’intention de nuire à l’autre conjoint ou aux enfants ou de contourner les dispositions du Code de la famille
76 concernant la pension alimentaire, le logement, les droits dus résultant de la rupture de la relation conjugale ou la répartition des biens.
La poursuite ne peut être engagée que sur plainte du conjoint lésé.
Le retrait de la plainte met fin aux poursuites et aux effets de la décision judicaire ayant acquis la force de la chose jugée, si elle a été prononcée.
Chapitre III : Dispositions relatives à la procédure
Article 6
Sont modifiées et complétés comme suit les dispositions de l’article 302 de la loi n° 22-01 relative à la procédure pénale promulguée par le dahir n° 1-02-255 du 25 rejeb 1423 (3 octobre 2002), telle que modifiée et complétée :
Article 302- lorsque la juridiction…………huis clos.
Lorsqu’il s’agit d’une affaire de violence ou d’agression sexuelle contre une femme ou un mineur, la juridiction peut tenir une audience à huis clos à la demande de la victime.
La non publicité…………..citées aux alinéas précédents s’applique……….des débats.
Article7
Les dispositions de l’article 7 de la loi n° 22-01 relative à la procédure pénale précitée sont complétées comme suit :
Article 7- l’action civile………………par l’infraction.
Toute association……………………..ses statuts.
Toutefois, les dites associations, intéressées par les affaires de lutte contre les violences faites aux femmes conformément à leurs statuts, ne peuvent se constituer partie qu’après autorisation écrite de la victime.
L’Etat et les collectivités territoriales……………………………en vigueur.
Article 8
Les dispositions de la loi n° 22-021 relative à la procédure pénale précitée sont complétées par un article 82-5-2 comme suit :
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Article 82-5-2- Outre les mesures prévues aux articles 82-4 et 82-5 ci- dessus, les mesures de protection suivantes sont prises immédiatement dans les affaires de violences commises contre des femmes :
- ramener l’enfant soumis à la garde avec la personne assurant sa garde au logement qui lui est désigné par la juridiction ;
- avertir, dans le cas de menaces de recourir à la violence, la personne proférant les dites menaces de ne pas passer à l’acte, avec l’engagement de ne pas commettre d’agression ;
- avertir l’agresseur qu’il lui est interdit de disposer des biens communs des époux ;
- placer la victime dans des centres d’hospitalisation aux fins de traitement ;
- ordonner de placer la femme battue qui a besoin et qui le désire dans les établissements d’accueil ou des établissements de protection sociale.
Chapitre IV : Mécanismes de prise en charge des femmes victimes de violences
Article 9
Pour la prise en charge des femmes victimes de violences, il est institué des cellules et des commissions multipartites entre les départements conformément aux dispositions du présent chapitre.
Article 10
Des cellules pour la prise en charge des femmes victimes de violences sont créées au sein des tribunaux de première instance et des cours d’appel ainsi qu’aux sein des services centraux et déconcentrés des départements chargés de la justice, de la santé, de la jeunesse et de la femme, de même que de la Direction générale de la sûreté nationale et du Haut commandement de la Gendarmerie royale.
Ces cellules assument les missions d’accueil, d’écoute, de soutien, d’orientation et d’accompagnement au profit des femmes victimes de violences.
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Les cellules assument les missions d’accueil, d’écoute, de soutien, d’orientation et d’accompagnement au profit des femmes victimes de violences.
Les cellules constituées au niveau des tribunaux de première instance et des cours d’appel sont composées, outre les représentants de l’administration, du substitut du procureur du Roi, du juge des mineurs et de l’assistant ou de l’assistante social(e).
Un texte réglementaire fixe la composition des cellules créées au sein des services centraux et déconcentrés des départements chargés de la justice, de la santé, de la jeunesse et de la femme de même que de la Direction générale de la sûreté nationale et du Haut commandement de la Gendarmerie royale. Il fixe également les représentants de l’administration au sein des cellules créées au niveau des tribunaux de première instance et des cours d’appel.
Il est tenu compte dans la composition de ces cellules des principes de la spécialisation et de la parité.
Article 11
Commission nationale
Il est institué une commission nationale pour la prise en charge des femmes victimes de violences. Elle est chargée de l’exercice des missions et des attributions prévues à l’article 12 ci-après.
Le chef du gouvernement nomme le président de la Commission nationale sur proposition de l’autorité gouvernementale chargée de la femme.
Peuvent assister aux travaux de la Commission nationale, lorsque la Commission le juge utile, des personnalités et des représentants d’organismes nationaux et d’organisations concernés par les questions de la femme.
La Commission nationale se réunit, sur convocation de son président ou de la majorité de ses membres, une fois au moins par an et chaque fois que nécessaire.
Le département chargé de la femme assure le secrétariat de la Commission.
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La composition et les modalités de fonctionnement de la Commission nationale sont fixées par voie réglementaire.
Article 12
La Commission nationale est chargée de missions suivantes :
• Assurer la communication et la coordination, au niveau national, entre les interventions des départements gouvernementaux et des administrations centrales concernés par les violences faites aux femmes ;
• Formuler son avis sur les plans d’action des commissions régionales et locales, visées aux articles 13 et 15 ci-après, et assurer le suivi de leur mise en œuvre ;
• Recevoir et examiner les rapports des commissions régionales et locales ;
• Assurer le suivi et proposer les possibilités pour le développement de l’action des commissions régionales et locales ;
• Contribuer à la mise en place de mécanismes visant à améliorer le fonctionnement des cellules visées à l’article 10 ci- dessus et des commissions régionales et locales et accompagner leur action au niveau central ;
• Renforcer et activer les mécanismes de partenariat et de coopération entre les commissions régionales et locales, les associations de la société civile et les autres parties intervenantes ;
• Etablir un rapport annuel sur le bilan d’activités.
Article 13
Commissions régionales
Il est créé une commission régionale pour la prise en charge des femmes victimes de violences au niveau du ressort de chaque cour d’appel. Elle se compose comme suit :
• Le procureur général du Roi ou son substitut, président ;
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• Un juge d’instruction, un conseiller et un conseiller chargé des mineurs, désignés par le Premier président de la cour d’appel ;
• Le chef du secrétariat du parquet ou son représentant ;
• Le chef du greffe ou son représentant ;
• L’assistant ou l’assistance social€ à ladite cour ;
• Les représentants de l’administration ;
• Le représentant du conseil de la région ;
• Un avocat désigné par le bâtonnier du barreau du ressort de la cour d’appel ;
• Un huissier de justice désigné par le président du conseil régional des huissiers de justice.
• Peuvent également assister aux travaux de la commission, toute personnalité connue pour son intérêt et son expertise dans les questions relatives aux femmes, ainsi que les représentants des organismes, des institutions et des associations que la commission juge utile d’inviter.
Article 14
Les commissions régionales pour la prise en charge des femmes victimes de violences sont chargées des missions suivantes :
- Elaborer des plans d’action régionaux dans le cadre des compétences qui leur sont confiées ;
- Assurer la communication et la coordination entre le pouvoir judiciaire et les autres départements et administrations concernés par les affaires de prise en charge des femmes victimes de violence au niveau régional ;
- Communiquer avec les associations de la société civile œuvrant dans ce domaine et établir une coordination avec elles ;
- Œuvrer à l’unification des modalités de fonctionnement des cellules et des commissions locales pour garantir l’homogénéité et la complémentarité des prestations au niveau des ressorts judiciaires de la cour d’appel et au niveau des ressorts judiciaires de la cour d’appel et des autres départements et administrations concernés ;
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- Identifier les contraintes et les obstacles liés aux opérations de prise en charge des femmes victimes de violences nécessitant une intervention au niveau central ;
- Capitaliser les différentes expertises et expériences réussies et les vulgariser au niveau des divers mécanismes locaux ;
- Elaborer des rapports périodiques et un rapport annuel sur le fonctionnement et le bilan de son travail et du travail des commissions locales, ainsi que celui des cellules de prise en charge des femmes victimes de violences.
Les rapports des commissions régionales, y compris le rapport annuel, sont adressés à la Commission nationale pour la prise en charge des femmes victimes de violences.
Les commissions régionales se réunissent deux fois au moins par an et chaque fois qu’il est nécessaire, sur convocation de leurs présidents.
Les commissions régionales pour la prise en charge des femmes victimes de violences se réunissent en présence de la moitié au moins de leurs membres. Elles prennent leurs décisions à la majorité des membres présents.
Le secrétariat du parquet à la cour d’appel assure le secrétariat de la commission régionale.
Article 15
Commissions locales
Il est créé une commission locale pour la prise en charge des femmes victimes de violences dans le ressort de chaque tribunal de première instance. Elle compose comme suit :
• le procureur du Roi ou son substitut, président ;
• Un juge d’instruction, un magistrat du siège et le magistrat des mineurs, désignés par le président du tribunal ;
• Le chef du secrétariat du parquet ou son représentant ;
• Le chef du greffe ou son représentant ;
• L’assistant ou l’assistante social(e) audit tribunal ;
• Les représentants de l’administration ;
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• Le représentant du conseil de la province ;
• Un avocat désigné par le bâtonnier du barreau du ressort de la cour d’appel ;
• Un huissier de justice désigné par le président du conseil régional des huissiers de justice.
Peuvent également assister aux travaux de la commission, toute personnalité connue pour son intérêt pour les questions relatives aux femmes, ainsi que les représentants des organismes, des institutions et des associations que la commission juge utile d’inviter.
Article 16
Attributions des commissions locales
Les commissions locales pour la prise en charge des femmes victimes de violences sont chargées des missions suivantes :
- élaborer des plans d’action locaux dans le cadre des attributions qui leur sont confiées ;
- assurer la communication et la coordination entre le pouvoir judicaire et les autres départements et administrations concernés par les questions des femmes victimes de violences et les associations œuvrant dans ce domaine ;
- identifier les contraintes et les obstacles liés aux opérations de prise en charge des femmes victimes de violences et en proposer, d’une manière participative, des solutions appropriées et dans les limites des attributions et des possibilités de chaque département ;
- identifier les contraintes et les obstacles liés aux opérations de prise en charge des femmes victimes de violences nécessitant une intervention aux niveaux régional ou central ;
- élaborer des rapports périodiques.
Les commissions locales adressent leurs rapports périodiques sur le fonctionnement et le bilan de leur action aux commissions régionales.
Les commissions locales se réunissent quatre fois au moins par an et chaque fois qu’il est nécessaire, sur convocation de leurs présidents.
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Les commissions locales pour la prise en charge des femmes victimes de violences se réunissent en présence de la moitié au moins de leurs membres. Elles prennent leurs décisions à la majorité des membres présents.
Le secrétariat du parquet près le tribunal assure le secrétariat de la commission.
Chapitre V : Mesures et initiatives en vue de la prévention de la violence
Article 17
Les autorités publiques prennent toutes les mesures nécessaires en vue de la prévention des violences faites aux femmes. A cet effet, les autorités publiques veillent à l’élaboration et à la mise en œuvre de politiques et de programmes visant la sensibilisation aux risques des violences faites aux femmes et l’amélioration de l’image de la femme dans la société et œuvrent à la prise de conscience de ses droits.
Chapitre VI : Entrée en vigueur
Article 18
La présente loi entre en vigueur six (6) mois après la date de sa publication au Bulletin officiel.
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Appendix C: Official Arabic Version of Law 103-13182 ظهير شريف رقم 1.18.19 صادر في 5 جمادى اآلخرة
الحمد هلل وحده
:بداخله – الطابع الرر.يف (محمد بن الحسن بن محمد بن ووسف هللا وليه)
:الشريف هذا، أسماه هللا و أعزه أمره أننا ظهيرنا يعلم من
منه، أصدرنا أمرنا الشريف 42 و 50 الفصلين سيما بناء على الدستور وال
:بما يلى
رقم 103.13 الشريف هذا، القانون ظهيرنا ينفذ وينشر بالجريدة الرسمية، عقب
.بمحاربة العنف ضد النساء، كما وافق عليه مجلس النواب ومجلس المستشارين المتعلق
وحرر بالرباط في 5 جمادى 1439 )22 فبراير 2018 (.
وقعه بالططف : ، رئيس الحكومة اإلمضاء ;سعد الدين العثمانى
182 Official PDF from Morocco http://adala.justice.gov.ma/production/legislation/ar/Nouveautes/%D9%85%D8%AD%D8%A7%D8%B1%D8%A 8%D8%A9%20%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%B9%D9%86%D9%81%20%D8%B6%D8%AF%20%D8%A7%D9%8 4%D9%86%D8%B3%D8%A7%D8%A1.pdf
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103.13 قانون رقم
يتعلق بمحاربة العنف ضد النساء
الياب األول :تعريف
المادة األولى ;من أجل تطبيق أحكام هذا القانون، يراد بما يلي العنف ضد المرأة; كل فعل مادي أو معنوي أو امتناع أساسه التمييز بسبب الجنس، ٠بترتب عليه ضور جسدي أو نفسى أو جنسى أو اقتصادي للم رأة؛ ٠٠ ٠٠ ٠٠ ٠٠ العنف الجسدي; كل فعل أو امتناع يمس، أو من شأنه المساس، بالسالمة الجسدية للمرأة، أيا كان مرتكبه أو وسيلته أو مكان ارتكابه؛ الم رأة جسد بحرمة المسا س استغالل من شأنه أو ف عل أو قول كل ;العنف الجنسي .ألنراض جنسية أو تجارية، أيا كانت الوسيلة المستعملة في ذلك العنف النفسي; كل اعتداء لفظي أو إكراه أو تهديد أو إهمال أو حرمان، سواء كان بفض المس بكرامة المرأة .وحريتها وطمأنينتها، أو بغرض تخويفها أو ترهيبها العنف االقصادي; كل فعل أو امتناع عن فعل ذي طبيعة اقتصادية أو مالية يضر، أو من شأنه أن .يضر، بالحقوق االجتماعية أو االقتصادية للمرأة الياب الثاني :أحكام زجرية 2 المادة من مجموعة القانون الجنائي 503-1و 481و 446و 431و 404 تفير وتتمم على النحو التالي أحكام الفصول كما وقع تغييره (1962 نوفمبر 26) 1382 من جمادى اآلخرة 28 بتاريخ 1.59.413 المصادق عليه بالظهير الشريف رقم وتتميمه183;
العنف أو اإليذاء ضد امرأة ...... يعاقب كل 404 الفصل بسبب جنسها أو ضد امرأة حامل، إذا كان حملها بينا أو معلوما لدى الفاعل، أو في وضعية إعاقة أو معروفة بضعف قواها العقلية، أو ضد أحد األصول أو ضد كافل أو ضد زوج أو خاطب، أو ضد شخصى له والية أو سلطة عليه أو ككلف برعايته ;أو ضد طليق أو بحضور أحد األبناء أو أحد الوالدين كما يلي
183بالمصادقة على مجموعة القانون (1962 توبير 26) 1382 جمادى الثانية 28 صادر في 1.59.413 ظهير شريف رقم .كما تم تغييره وتتميمه ، 1253 ص ،(1963 يونيو 5) 1383 محرم 12 كررر بتاريخ 2640 الجنائي، الجريدة الرسمية عدد
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1. في الحاالت (الباقي بدون تفيير) من أمسك عمدا...... ألي خطر، يعاقب بالحبس من - 431 أ١لفصل .درهم 10.000 إلى 2.000 ثالثة أشهر إلى سنتين وغرامة من تضاعف العقوبة، إذا كان مرتكب الجريمة زوجا أو خاطبا أو طليقا أو أحد األصول أو أحد الفروع أو أحد اإلخوة أو كافال أو شخصا له والية أو سلطة على الضحية أو مكلفا برعايته، أو إذا كان ضحية الجريمة ق اصر أو في وضعية إعاقة أو معروفة بضعف قواها العقلية، وكنا في حالة العودأ
.عشرين ألف درهم ...... األطباء والجراحون - 446 أ١لفصل ;في الفقرة السابقة ...... غير أن األشخاص 1...... إذا
بلغوا عن إجهاض ...... بهذا التبليغ؛ 2...... إذا بلغوا السلطات القضائية ...... أو
في الفقرة أعاله، فإنهم يكونون ملزمين ...... إذا استدعي باإلدالء بشهاداتهم، ويجوز لهم، عند االقتضاء، اإلدالء بها كتابة.اا المستحق للنفقة أو ...... إلى جانب المحاكم - 481 أ١لفصل ،480-1 و 480و 479 المطرود من بيت الزوجية، تختص هي أيضا بالنظر في الدعاوى المرفوعة تنفيذا لمقتضيات الصول ال ي جوز رفع هذه الدعاوى، إال بناء على شكاية من الشخص المطرود من بيت الزوجية أو الشخصن المهمل أو المستحق من طرف النيابة العامة عندما يكون ...... ،للجريمة النائب الشر عي يجب أن يسبق المتابعة، إعنار المحكوم عليه بالنفقة بأن يقوم بما عليه في ظرف ثالثين ،يوما ،وذلك بناء على تعليمات من النيابة العامة ...... ويتم هذا االستجوابأ٠ ...... إذا كان المحكوم عليه هاربا أو يعاقب بالحبس من سنة إلى ثالث سنوات وبالغرامة من جنسية أ -.503-1 أ١لفصل 3 المادة يغير على النحو الغالي عنوان الفرع السابع من الباب الثامن من الكناب الثالث من مجموعة القانون الجنائي ;المشار إليها أعاله
;7 الفرع .فى االستغالل الجنسى وفى إفساد الشباب
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4 المادة :من مجموعة القانون الجنائي المشار إليها أعاله 407 و 61 تتمم على النحو الغالي أحكام الفصلين :التدابير الوقائية الشخصية هي -.61 أ١لغصل االقصاء؛ 1-
9- سقوط الحق في الوالية الشرعية على األبناء؛
10- منع المحكوم عليه من االتصال ب الضحية؛
11- إخضاع المحكوم عليه لعالج نفسي مالئم.اا
.إلى خمس ...... من ساعد 407 أ الفصل تضاعف العقوبة إذا ارتكبت الجريمة ضد قاصر أو ضد امرأة بسبب جنسها، أو من طرف أحد الزوجين في حق الزوج اآلخر، أو إذا ارتكبت من طرف أحد الخروع أو أحد ...األصول أو الكافل أو الطليق أو الخاطب أو شخصى له والية أو سلطة على الضحية أو ككلف برعايتها 5 المادة 323-1و 88-3و 88-2و 88 -1 تتمم على النحو الغالي أحكام مجموعة القانون الجنائي المشار إليها أعاله بالفصول 503-1-2و 503-1-1و481-1و 480-1و 447-3و 447-2و 447-1و 444-2و 444-1و 436-1و 429-1و 323-2و في حالة اإلدانة من أجل جرائم التحرش أو االعتداء أو االستغالل الجنسي أو -.88-1 العصل.. -346-1,. 503-2-1و :سوء المعاملة أو العنف ضد المرأة أو القاصرين، أيا كانت طبيعة الفعل أو مرتكبه، يمكن للمحكمة الحكم بما يلي منع المحكوم عليه من االتصال بالضحية أو االتتراب من مكان تواجدها، أو التواصل معها بأي وسيلة، لمدة 1 ال تتجاوز خمس سنوات ابتداء من تاريخ انتهاء العقوبة المحكوم بها عليه أو من تاريخ صدور المقرر القضائي، إذا كانت العقوبة بد٠ يلة؛ السالبة للحرية المحكوم بها موقوفة التنفين أو غرامة فقط أو عقوبة 2. يضع الصلح المبرم بين الزوجين حدا التنفين المنع من االتصال ب الضحية؛ 3. أعاله أو أثناء تنفين العقوبة السالبة للحرية، )1( خضوع المحكوم عليه، خالل المدة المشار إليها في البند
.لعالج نفسي مالئم يمكن أن يتضمن المقرر القضائي بالمؤاخذة األمر بتنفين هذا التدبير مؤقتا، بالرغم من استعمال أي طريق من .طرق الطعن
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يجوز للمحكمة أن تحكم بمنع المحكوم عليه من االتصال بالضحية أو االقتراب من مكان
.تواجدها أو التواصل معها بصفة نهائية، ع لى أن تعلل قرارها بهذا الشأن
استقر رأي الطبيب المعالج على إنهاء هذا التدبير قبل الوقت المحدد له فإنه، يخطر إذا .منفصل يبرر ذلك قاضى تطبيق العقوبات بواسطة ررير إشعار الضحية بنتيجة نررير الطبيب المعالج بقرار القاضي الككلف بتطبيق يجب
يعد الطبيب المعالج تقريرا عن تطور حالة المحكوم عليه بالخضوع 88-2 الغصل للعالج، كل ثالثة أشهر على األقل ويوجهه إلى قاضي تطبيق العقوبات، للتأكد من تحسن سلوكه وتفادي عودته إلى نفس .األفعال التي أدين من أجلها .العقوبة ي جوز للنيابة العامة أو لقاضي التحقيق، أو للمحكمة عند االقتضاء أو 88-3 ا٠الفصل أعاله، األمر بمنع الشخصن المتابع 88-1 بطلب من الضحية في حالة المتابعة من أجل الجرائم المشار إليها في الفصل من االتصال بالضحية أو االتتراب من مكان تواجدها، أو التواصل معها بأي وسيلة، ويبقى هذا األمر ساريا إلى حين بت .المحكمة في القضية إلى 2.000 يعاقب با لحبس من ستة أشهر إلى سنتين وغرامة من - 323-1 الفصل 20.0 درهم أو بإحدى هاتين العقوبتين، من خرق تدبير المنع من االتصال بالضحية أو االقتراب منها أو التواصل .أعاله 88-3و 88-1 معها بأي وسيلة، أو رفض الخضوع لعالج نفسي مالئم تطبيقا سصول إلى 5000 يعاقب بالحبس من شهر إلى ثالثة أشهر وغرامة من -.323-2 ا٠الفصل 20.0 من قانون 82-5-2 درهم أو بإحدى هاتين العقوبتين فقط على مخالفة تدابير الحماية المشار إليها في المادة المسطرة الجنائية.أ من هذا 429و 427و 426و 425 تضاعف العقوبة المنص وص عليها في الفصول -.429-1 أ١ لفصل أو أحد األصول أو ،القانون، إذا كان مرتكب الجريمة أحد الزوجين ضد الزوج اآلخر أو الطليق أو الخاطب أو شخصا له والية أو كافال أو أو أحد اإلخوة الفروع أحد سلطة على الضحية أو مكلفا برعايته، وكذا في حالة العود، أو إذا كان ضحية الجريمة قاصرا أو في وضعية إعاقة أو .معروفة بضعف قواها العقلية أو الزوجين أحد طرف من االحتجاز أو االختطاف ارتكب إذا -.436-1 أ١لفصل الطليق أو الخاطب أو أحد األصول أو أحد الفروع أو أحد اإلخوة أو الكافل أو شخص له والية أو سلطة على الضحية أو :مكلف برعايته أو إذا تعرض الضحية لعنف آخر كيفما كان نوعه ترفع العقوبة السالبة للحرية إلى 436 السجن من عشر إلى عشرين سنة، في الحالة المنص وص عليها في الفقرة األولى من الفصل .1 من هذا القا نون؛ من 436 السجن من عشرين إلى ثالثين سنة، في الحالة المنص وص عليها في الفقرة التانية من الفصل .2 .هذا القانون
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يعاقب على السب المرتكب ضد المرأة بسبب جنسها بغرامة مالية -.444-1 ا٠الغصل درهما٠ 60.000 إلى 12.000 من يعاقب على القنف المرتكب ضد المرأة بسبب جنسها بغرامة من -.444-2 أ١لغصل 12.0 درب 120.000 إر درهم، 20.000 إلى 2.000 يعاقب بالحبس من ستة أشهر إلى ثالث سنوات وغرامة من -.447-1 أ١لغصل كل من قام عمدا، وبأي وسيلة بما في ذلك األنظمة المعلوماتية، بالتقاط أو تسجيل أو بث أو ت وزيع أقوال أو .معلومات صادرة بشكل خاص أو سري، دون موافقة أصحابها يعاقب بنفس العقوبة، من قام عمدا وداي وسيلة، بتثبيت أو تسجيل أو بث أو ت وزيع صورة شخصى أثناء .تواجده في مكان خاص، دون موافقته يعاقب بالحبس من سنة واحدة إلى ثالث سنوات وغرامة من -.447-2 أ١لغصل 2.0 درهم، كل من قام بأي وسيلة بما في ذلك األنظمة المعلوماتية، ببث أو 20.000 إلى توزيع تركيبة مكونة من أقوال شخص أو صورته، دون موافقته، أو قام ببث أو توزيع ادعاءات أو وقائع كاذبة، بقصد المس بالحياة الخاصة لالشحاص أو التشهير بهم.أ يعاقب بالحبس من سنة واحدة إلى خمس سنوات ونرامة من -.447-3 أ١لغصل 5.0 في حالة العود وفي 447-2و 447-1 درهم، إذا ارتكبت األفعال المنصوص عليها في الغصلين 50.000 إلى حالة ارتكاب الجريمة من طرف الزوج أو الطليق أو الخاطب أو أحد األصول أو الكافل أو شخصى له والية أو سلطة .على الضحية أو ككلف برعايتها أو ضد امرأة بسبب جنسها أو ضد قاصر درهم، عن 5.000 إلى 2.000 يعاقب بالحبس من شهر واحد إلى ثالثة أشهر وغرامة من -.480-1 ا٠الغصل 53 الطرد من بيت الزوجية أو االمتناع عن إرجاع الزوج المطرود من بيت الزوجية، وفقا لما هو منص وص عليه في المادة .من مدونة األسرة، وتضاعف العقوبة في حالة العود من هذا القانون، فإن تنازل 480-1و 480و 479 في الحاالت المنصوص عليها في الفصول -.481-1 ا٠الغصل المشتكي عن الشكاية يضع حدا للمتابعة وآلثار المقرر القضائي المكتسب لقوة الشيء المقضي به في حالة صدوره.اا يعتبر مرتكبا لجريمة التحرش الجنسي ويعاقب بالحبس من شهر -.503-1-1 أ١لعصل درهم أو بإحدى هاتين العقوبتين كل 10.000 إلى 2.000 واحد إلى ستة أشهر وغرامة من ;من أمعن في مضايقة الفير في الحاالت التالية في الغضاءات العمومية أو غيرها، بأفعال أو أقوال أو إشارات نات طبيعة جنسية أو ألغراض جنسية؛ 1 نات صور أو تسجيالت أو إلكترونية أو هاتفية أو رسائل مكتوبة بواسطة .2 .طبيعة جنسية أو ألغراض جنسية
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تضاعف العقوبة إذا كان مرتكب الفعل زميال في العمل أو من األشخاص المكلفين بحفظ النظام واألمن في الفضاءات .العمومية أو غيرها درهم، إذا 50.000 إلى 5.000 يعاقب بالحبس من ثالث إلى خمس سنوات وغرامة من -.503-1-2 ا٠الفصل ارتكب التحرش الجنسي من طرف أحد األصول أو المحارم أو من له والية أو سلطة على الضحية أو مكلفا برعايته أو كافال .له، أو إذا كان الضحية قاصرا دون اإلخالل بالمقتضيات الجنائية األشد، يعاقب بالحبس من ستة أشهر إلى سنة وغرامة -.503-2-1 ا٠الفصل .درهم أو بإحدى هاتين العقوبتين فقط، من أكره شخصا على الزواج باستعمال العنف أو التهديد 30.000 إلى 10.000 من تضاعف العقوبة، إذا ارتكب اإلكراه على الزواج باستعمال العنف أو التهديد، ضد امرأة بسبب جنسها أو قاصر أو .في وضعية إعاقة أو معروفة بضعف قواها العقلية .ال تجوز المتابعة إال بناء على شكاية الشخص المتضرر من الجريمة .يضع التنازل عن الشكاية حدا للمتابعة وآلثار المقرر القضائي المكتسب لقوة الشيء المقضي به في حالة صدوره درهم أو 10.000 إلى 2.000 يعاقب بالحبس من شهر واحد إلى ستة أشهر وغرامة من -.526-1 ا٠الفصل بإحدى هاتين العقوبتين، أحد الزوجين في حالة تبديد أو تفويت أمواله، بسوء نية وبقصد اإلضرار أو بالزوج اآلخر أو األبناء أو التحايل على مقتضيات مدونة األسرة المتعلقة بالنفقة أو السكن وبالمستحقات المترتبة عن إنهاء العالقة الزوجية أو .باقتسام الممتلكات .ال تجوز المتابعة إال بناء على شكاية الزوج المتضرر من الجريمة .يضع التنازل عن الشكاية حدا للمتابعة وألثار المقرر القضائي المكتسب لقوة الشيء المقضي به في حالة صدوره الباب الثالث :أحكام سطرية 6 المادة المتعلق بالمسطرة الجنائية الصادر بتنفيذه 22.01 من القانون رقم 302 تفير وتتمم على النحو التالي أحكام المادة كما وقع تغييره وتتميمه183: (2002 أكتوبر 3( 1423 من رجب 25 بتاريخ 1.02.255 الظهير الشريف رقم .الجلسة سرية ...... إذا اعتبرت المحكمة أن :302 أ١لمادة
183 من وجب 25 بتاريخ 1.02.255 المتعلق بالمسطرة الجنائية الصادر بتنفيذه الظهير الش ريف رقم 22.01 القانون رقم كما وقع ،315 ص ،(2003يذا ير 30( 1423 ذي القعدة 27 بتاريخ 5078 الجريدة الرسمية عدد ، )2002 أكتوبر 3( 1423 .تغييره وتتميمه
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إذا تعلق األمر بقضية عنف أو اعتداء جنسي ضد المرأة أو القاصر يمكن للمحكمة، أن تعقد جلسة سرية بطلب من .الضحية
ال منكورة في الفقرتين أعاله، فإنها تشمل ...... إذا تقررت سرية .المناقشات ...... أيضا 7 المادة ;المتعلق بالمسطرة الجنائية المشار إليه أعاله 22.01 من القانون رقم 5 تتمم على النحو الغالي أحكام المادة .الجريمة مباشرة ...... يرجع الحق في إقا مة ;7 أ١لمادة
.في قانونها األساسى ...... يمكن للجمعيات المعلن
،غير أنه، بالنسبة للجمعيات ال منكورة والتي تعنى بقضايا مناهضة العنف ضد النساء حسب قانونها األساسي، فإنه ال يمكنها أن تنتصب طرفا إال بعد حصولها على إذن كتابي من |لض حي.ة
.الجاري به العمل ...... يمكن للدولة والجماعات الترابية 8 المادة -5-2 المتعلق بالمسطرة الجنائية المشار إليه أعاله بالمادة 22.01 تتمم على النحو الغالي أحكام القانون رقم 82: أعاله، تتخن في قضايا 5-82و 4-82 عالوة على التدابير المنص وص عليها في المادتين -.82-5-2 أ١لمادة ;العنف ضد النساء، ف ورا، تدابير الحماية التالية
- إرجاع المحضون مع حاضنته إلى السكن المعين له من قبل المحكمة؛ - إننار المعتدي بعدم االعتداء، في حال التهديد بارتكاب العنف، مع تعهده بعدم االعتداء؛
- إشعار المعتدي بأنه يمنع عليه التصرف في األموال المشتركة للزوجين؛ - إحالة الضحية على مراكز االستشفاء قصد العالج؛ - .األمر باإليداع بمؤسسات اإليواء أو مؤسسات الرعاية االجتماعية للمرأة المعنفة التي تحتاج وترغب في ذلك
الباب الرابع :آليات التكفل بالنساء ضحايا ا لع نف
9 المادة ،تحدث للتكفل بالنساء ضحايا العنف، خاليا ولجان مشتركة بين القطاعات وفقا للمنصوص عليه في هذا الباب
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10 المادة تحدث خاليا التكفل بالنساء ضحايا العنف بالمحاكم االبتدائية ومحاكم االستئناف وبالمصالح ال مركزية والالممركزة للقطاعات المكلفة بالصحة وبالشباب وبالمرأة وكنا للمديرية العامة لالمن الوطني والقيادة العليا للدرك .الملكي .تتولى هده الخاليا مهام االستقبال واالستماع والدعم والتوجيه والمرافقة، لفائدة النساء ضحايا العنف تتكون الخاليا المحدثة على مستوى المحاكم االبتدائية ومحاكم االستئناف، باإلضافة لممثلي اإلدارة، من نائب وكيل .الملك وقاضي األحداث والمساعد أو المساعدة االجتماعية يحدد بنص تنظيمي تأليف الخاليا المحدثة على مستوى المصالح المركزية و الالممركزة للقطاعات المكلفة بالعدل وبالصحة وبالشباب وبالمرأة وكنا للمديرية العامة لالمن الوطني والقيادة العليا للدرك الملكي، وكنا .ممثلي اإلدارة بالخاليا المحدثة على مستوى المحاكم االبتدائية ومحاكم االستئناف .يراعى فى تكوين هده الخاليا مبدأ التخصحى ومبدأ المناصفة 11 المادة اللجنة الوطنية
تحدث لجنة وطنية للتكفل بالنساء ضحايا العنف تتولى ممارسة المهام واالختصاصات المنصوص عليها في المادة .الثانية عشر بعده .يعين رئيس الحكومة رئيس اللجنة الوطنية باقتراح من السلطة الحكومية المكلفة بالمرأة يمكن أن يحضر أشغال اللجنة الوطنية شخصيات وممثلون عن الهيئات الوطنية والمنظمات المعنية بقضايا .المرأة إذا رأت اللجنة فائدة في ذلك تعقد اللجنة الوطنية اجتماعاتها مرة في السنة على األقل، وكلما دعت الضرورة إلى ذلك، بدعوة من رئيسها أو .أغلبية أعضائها .يتولى القطاع الككلف بالمرأة كتابة هده اللجنة يحدد نصى تنظيمي تأليف وكيفيات سير عمل اللجنة الوطنية
12 المادة تناط باللجنة ;الوطنية المهام التالية المعنية بموضوع العنف ضد النساء؛ ضمان التواصل - والتنسيق وطنيا بين تدخالت القطاعات الحكومية واإلدارات المركزية
93
- ا بعده، وتتبع تنفيذها؛5و 13 إبداء الرأي في مخططات عمل اللجن الجهوية والمحلية، المشار إليها في المواد - تلقي تقارير اللجن الجهوية والمحلية وفحصها؛ - رصد واقتراح إمكانات تطوير عمل اللجن المحلية والجهوية؛ - أعاله، واللجن الجهوية 10 المساهمة في وضع آليات لتحسين تدبير عمل الخاليا المشار إليها في المادة والمحلية ومواكبة عملها مركزيا؛ - تقوية وتفعيل آليات الشراكة والتعاون بين اللجن الجهوية واللجن المحلية وجمعيات المجتمع المدني وباقي .المتدخلين
- .إصدار تقرير سنوي عن حصيلة العمل 13 المادة الجان الجهوية
نحدث لجنة جهوية للتكفل بالنساء ضحايا العنف على مستوى الدائرة القضائية لكل محكمة استئناف وتننألف ;من - الوكيل العام للملك أو نائبه رئيسا؛ - قاض للتحقيق ومستشار للحكم ومستشار ككلف باألحداث، يعينهم الرئيس األول لمحكمة االستئناف؛
- رئيس كتابة النيابة العامة أو من يمثله؛
- رئيس كتابة الضبط أو من يمثله؛
- المساعد أو المساعدة االجتماعية بالمحكمة ال منكورة؛ - ممثلي اإلدارة؛ - ممثل مجلس الجهة؛ - محام؛ يعينه نقيب هيئة المحامين بالدائرة القضائية االستئنافية؛ - . مفوض قضائي، يعينه رئيس المجلس الجهوي للمقوضين القضائيين كما يمكن أن يحضر أشغال اللجنة، كل شخصية معروفة باهتمامها وخبرتها بقضايا المرأة، وكذا ممثلو .الهيئات والمؤسسات والجمعيات التى ترى اللجنة فائدة في دعوتها 14 المادة ;تناط باللجان الجهوية للتكفل بالنساء ضحايا العنف المهام التالية - إعداد خطط عمل جهوية في إطار االختصاصات الموكولة لها؛
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- ضمان التواصل والتنسيق بين السلطة القضائية وباقي القطاعات واإلدارات المعنية بقضايا التكفل بالنساء ضحايا العنف على المستوى الجهوي؛
- التواصل والتنسيق مع جمعيات المجتمع المدني العاملة في هذا المجال؛ - العمل على توحيد كيفيات اشتغال الخاليا واللجن المحلية، بما يكفل تجانس وتكامل الخدمات على مستوى الدوائر القضائية التابعة لنفوذ محكمة االستئناف وباقي القطاعات واإلدارات المعنية؛ - رصد اإلكراهات والمعيقات المرتبطة بعمليات التكفل بالنساء ضحايا العنف واقتراح الحلول المناسبة لها بشكل تشرركي وفي حدود صالحيات وإمكانيات كل قطاع؛ - رصد اإلكراهات والمعيقات المرتبطة بعمليات التكفل بالنساء ضحايا العنف التي تقتضي تدخال على الصعيد المركزي؛
- ترصيد مختلف الخبرات والتجارب الناجحة وتعميمها على مختلف اآلليات المحلية؛ - إعداد تقارير دورية وتقرير سنوي حول سير وحصيلة عملها وعمل اللجان المحلية وكذا خاليا التكفل .بالنساء ضحايا العنف .ترفع تقارير اللجان الجهوية، بما في ذلك تقريرها السنوي، إلى اللجنة الوطنية للتكفل بالنساء ضحايا العنف .تعقد اللجان الجهوية اجتماعاتها مرتين في السنة على األقل، وكلما دعت الضرورة ذلك، بدعوة من رئيسها ،تعقد اللجان الجهوية للتكفل بالنساء ضحايا العنف اجتماعاتها بحضور نصف أعضائها .على األقل، وتتخذ قراراتها بأغلبية األعضاء الحاضرين .تتولى كغابة النيابة العامة بمحكمة االستئناف مهام كتابة اللجنة الجهوية
15 المادة
اللجان المحلية تحدث لجنة محلية للتكفل بالنساء ضحايا العنف على مستوى الدائرة القضائية لكل محكمة ابتدائية وتتألف ;من - وكيل للملك أو نائبه رئيسا؛
- قاض للتحقيق وقاض للحكم وقاض األحداث، يعينهم رئيس المحكمة؛
- رئيس كتابة النيابة العامة أو من يمثله؛
- المساعد أو المساعدة االجتماعية بالمحكمة المنكورة؛
- ممثلي اإلدارة؛
- ممثل المجلس اإلقليمي؛
95
- محام، يعينه نقيب هيئة المحامين بالدائرة القضائية االستئنافية؛
- مفوض قضائى، يعينه رئيس المجلس الجهوي للمغوضين القضائيين؛ - كما يمكن أن يحضر أشغال اللجنة، كل شخصية معروفة باهتمامها بقضايا المرأة، وكنا ممثلو .الهيئات والمؤسسات والجمعيات التى ترى اللجنة فائدة فى دعوتها 16 المادة اختصاصات الثجان المحلية
;تناط باللجان المحلية للتكفل بالنساء ضحايا العنف المهام التالية
- إعداد خطط عمل محلية فى إطار االختصاصات الموكولة لها؛ - ضمان التواصل والتنسيق بين السلطة القضائية وباقى القطاعات واإلدارات المعنية بقضايا التكفل بالنساء ضحايا العنف وجمعيات المجتمع العاملة فى المج ال؛ - رصد اإلكراهات والمعيقات المرتبطة بعمليات التكفل بالنساء ضحايا العنف واقتراح الحلول المناسبة لها بشكل تشاركى وفى حدود صالحيات وإمكانيات كل قطاع؛ - رصد اإلكراهات والمعيقات المرتبطة بعمليات التكفل بالنساء ضحايا العنف التى تقتضي تدخال على الصعيد الجهوي أو المركزي؛ - .إعداد تقارير دورية .ترفع اللجان المحلية تقاريرها الدورية إلى اللجان الجهوية حول سير وحصيلة عملها تعقد اللجان المحلية للتكفل بالنساء ضحايا العنف اجتماعاتها أربع مرات فى السنة على األقل، وكلما دعت .الضرورة ذلك، بدعوة من رئيسها ،تعقد اللجان المحلية للتكفل بالنساء ضحايا العنف اجتماعاتها بحضور نصف أعضائها على األقل، وتتخن قراراتها بأغلبية األعضاء الحاضرين.
تتولى كتابة النيابة العامة بالمحكمة مهام كتابة اللجنة الباب الخامس : التدابير والمبادرات للوقاية من العنف
17 المادة
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تتخن السلطات العمومية كل التدابير واإلجراءات الالزمة للوقاية من العنف ضد النساء، ومن أجل ذلك تسهر السلطات العمومية على إعداد وتنفيذ سياسات وبرامج تهدف إلى التحسيس بمخاطر العنف ضد المرأة .وتصحيح صورتها فى المجتمع، و العمل على إذكاء الوعى بحقوقها
الباب السادس :دخول حيز التنغيذ المادة 18 يدخل هذا القانون حيز التنغيذ بعد ستة أشهر من تاريخ نشوه بالجريدة الرسمية.فهرس
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Works Cited
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