CHAPTER 3: Theories of International Relations: Realism and Liberalism
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Making Autocracy Work
∗ Making Autocracy Work Timothy Besley Masayuki Kudamatsu LSE and CIFAR LSE The Suntory Centre Suntory and Toyota International Centres for Economics and Related Disciplines London School of Economics and Political Science Houghton Street London WC2A 2AE DEDPS 48 May 2007 Tel: (020) 7955 6674 ∗ The first author is grateful for support from CIFAR. The authors received much helpful feedback from members of the Institutions, Organizations and Growth program of CIFAR to which a preliminary version of this paper was presented. Useful comments from Madhav Aney, Fernando Aragon, Peter Evans, Gabriel Leon, Adam Przeworski, Konstantin Sonin, and Guido Tabellini are gratefully acknowledged. Abstract One of the key goals of political economy is to understand how institutional arrangements shape policy outcomes. This paper studies a comparatively neglected aspect of this - the forces that shape heterogeneous performance of autocracies. The paper develops a simple theoretical model of accountability in the absence of regularized elections. Leadership turnover is managed by a selectorate - a group of individuals on whom the leader depends to hold onto power. Good policy is institutionalized when the selectorate removes poorly performing leaders from office. This requires that the selectorate’s hold on power is not too dependent on a specific leader being in office. The paper looks empirically at spells of autocracy to establish cases where it has been successful according to various objective criteria. We use these case studies to identify the selectorate in specific instances of successful autocracy. We also show that, consistent with the theory, leadership turnover in successful autocracies is higher than in unsuccessful autocracies. Finally, we show by exploiting leadership deaths from natural causes that successful autocracies appear to have found ways for selectorates to nominate successors without losing power - a feature which is also consistent with the theoretical approach. -
Citizen Participation in Government
Autocracy, Oligarchy, & Democracy © 2014 Brain Wrinkles In each country, the people have different rights to participate in the government. •In some countries, any citizen can run for office or vote in elections. •In other countries, there are restrictions placed on who can run for office and who can vote. •There are also countries where NO citizen can vote and there are no elections. © 2014 Brain Wrinkles Types of Government are based on two key questions: 1. Who governs the country? 2. What is the citizen participation like? The way a country answers these questions determines its government type: Autocracy Oligarchy Democracy © 2014 Brain Wrinkles • Have a single ruler with unlimited power. • Citizens cannot participate in the selection of the ruler or vote on the country’s laws. • One benefit – decisions for the country can be made quickly. • However…the needs of the citizens may be ignored. • The leader may make poor or selfish decisions that hurt the citizens. © 2014 Brain Wrinkles Generally the power to rule the country is inherited (kings/queens) or is taken by military force. There are two main types of autocracies: Dictatorshi Absolute Monarchy • Thep leader uses force • The monarch has to control the citizens. absolute power (no • Example: Hitler constitution) over the citizens. © 2014 Brain Wrinkles © 2014 Brain Wrinkles • The country is ruled by a small group of people. •The group gets their power from either religion, military force, or wealth & resources. • The citizens do not select the members of this group or vote on the country’s laws. © 2014 Brain Wrinkles The citizens hold the power of the government. -
Realism and Complex Interdependence
M02_KEOH2919_04_SE_C02.QXD 1/5/11 4:52 PM Page 19 CHAPTER2 Realism and Complex Interdependence One’s assumptions about world politics profoundly affect what one sees and how one constructs theories to explain events. We believe that the assumptions of politi- cal realists, whose theories dominated the postwar period, are often an inadequate basis for analyzing the politics of interdependence. The realist assumptions about world politics can be seen as defining an extreme set of conditions or ideal type. One could also imagine very different conditions. In this chapter, we shall construct another ideal type, the opposite of realism. We call it complex interdependence. After establishing the differences between realism and complex interdependence, we shall argue that complex interdependence sometimes comes closer to reality than does realism. When it does, traditional explanations of change in international regimes become questionable and the search for new explanatory models becomes more urgent. For political realists, international politics, like all other politics, is a struggle for power but, unlike domestic politics, a struggle dominated by organized violence. In the words of the most influential postwar textbook, “All history shows that nations active in international politics are continuously preparing for, actively involved in, or recovering from organized violence in the form of war.”1 Three assumptions are integral to the realist vision. First, states as coherent units are the dominant actors in world politics. This is a double assumption: states are predominant; and they act as coherent units. Second, realists assume that force is a usable and effective instru- ment of policy. Other instruments may also be employed, but using or threatening force is the most effective means of wielding power. -
Sorcerer's Apprentices
Faculty & Research The Spirit of Despotism: Understanding the Tyrant Within by M. Kets de Vries 2004/17/ENT Working Paper Series The Spirit of Despotism: Understanding the Tyrant Within Manfred F. R. Kets de Vries* * Raoul de Vitry d’Avaucourt Clinical Professor of Leadership Development, INSEAD, France & Singapore. Director, INSEAD’s Global Leadership Centre. 1 Abstract The objective of this article is to better understand the developmental history of despotic regimes and the existence of leadership by terror. To gain greater insight into this phenomenon, the unusual relationship between leaders and followers in despotic regimes is explored, and the self-destructive cycle that characterizes such regimes is examined. The price paid in the form of human suffering and the breakdown of the moral fabric of a society is highlighted. In this article, particular attention is paid to highly intrusive totalitarian regimes. The levers used by such regimes to consolidate their power base are discussed in detail. The role of ideology, the enforcement of mind-control, the impact of the media, the inception of the illusion of solidarity, and the search for scapegoats are part of the review. Finally, suggestions are made on how to prevent despotic leaders from gaining a hold on power. Observations are made about the newly founded International Criminal Court, a permanent international judicial body that has been specially set up to try despotic rulers for genocide, crimes against humanity, and war crimes. KEY WORDS: Despotism; tyrant; leadership; totalitarianism; autocracy; tyranny; dictatorship; societal regression; democracy; paranoia; narcissism; scapegoat; ideology; mind-control; aggression; violence; sadism; terror; genocide; war; crimes against humanity; war criminal; International Criminal Court. -
The Democratic Peace Theory: Validity in Relation to the European Union and 'Peaceful' Cooperation Between United States and China
Vol.7(2), pp. 15-17, May 2016 DOI: 10.5897/IJPDS2015.0234 Article Number: 1BC2EFE58946 International Journal of Peace and ISSN 2141–6621 Copyright © 2016 Development Studies Author(s) retain the copyright of this article http://www.academicjournals.org/IJPDS Short Communication The democratic peace theory: Validity in relation to the European Union and 'Peaceful' cooperation between United States and China Nibal Attia Department of political Science, Misr University for Science and Technology, Egypt. Recieved 20 April, 2015; Accepted 31 March, 2016 According to the democratic peace theory, democratic states are less likely to go to war with other democratic states. Consequently, the ultimate goal of the theory is to create a world of democracies that is, a world without war. However, from the realist perspective in some cases democracies go to war with other democracies to influence their power. This paper will critically analyze the validity of democratic peace theory in its assumption that democracies rarely fight each other, by providing the example of the establishment of the European Union, in which democracies are co-operating with each other to achieve their common good. The paper is divided into three parts; the first one will provide an explanation of the Peace Democratic theory and its main assumptions. The second one will evaluate to what extent these assumptions are practical ones through the application of the case studies. Then a counter-argument for one of its assumption will be included questioning the core claim of the democratic peace theory from the commercial peace theory perspective. Key words: Democracy, peace theory, war, co-operation. -
Corruption in Autocracies∗
Corruption in Autocracies∗ James R. Hollyery Yale University Leonard Wantchekon Princeton University September 2011 Abstract Corruption is typically depicted as a result of one of two factors: a lack of polit- ical accountability or insufficient state capacity. Nonetheless, substantial variation in corruption levels exists even within the set of politically unaccountable high-capacity regimes. In this paper, we examine a third determinant of corruption – the ideological appeal of the government – and demonstrate that this variable can explain variation in the types and levels of corruption experienced in politically unaccountable regimes. Using a model of both moral hazard and adverse selection, we predict that (1) regimes that inspire the intense ideological loyalty of the populace are likely to enjoy low lev- els of petty corruption and that (2) autocratic regimes that enjoy such intense support from only a narrow segment of the populace will erect credible anti-corruption insti- tutions. Political corruption, by contrast, need not covary with levels of ideological support. We illustrate the mechanisms of our model through a series of case studies that demonstrate the importance of ideology in driving levels of corruption – with a particular focus on low levels of corruption in ‘developmentalist’ regimes. Finally, we discuss the relevance of our findings to other – democratic – political settings. ∗We would like to thank José Antonio Cheibub, Sunkyoung Park, Peter Rosendorff, Kongjoo Shin, Alberto Simpser and participants in the 2011 APSA Panel on Audits and Government Accountability in the Devel- oping World and participants in the 2011 EPSA Conference Panel on the Political Economy of Authoritarian Regimes for comments and suggestions. -
WORKING PAPER Legitimizing Autocracy: Re-Framing the Analysis of Corporate Relations to Undemocratic Regimes
WP 2020/1 ISSN: 2464-4005 www.nhh.no WORKING PAPER Legitimizing autocracy: Re-framing the analysis of corporate relations to undemocratic regimes Ivar Kolstad Department of Accounting, Auditing and Law Institutt for regnskap, revisjon og rettsvitenskap Legitimizing autocracy: Re-framing the analysis of corporate relations to undemocratic regimes Ivar Kolstad Abstract Recent work in political economy suggests that autocratic regimes have been moving from an approach of mass repression based on violence, towards one of manipulation of information, where highlighting regime performance is a strategy used to boost regime popularity and maintain control. This presents a challenge to normative analyses of the role of corporations in undemocratic countries, which have tended to focus on the concept of complicity. This paper introduces the concept of legitimization, defined as adding to the authority of an agent, and traces out the implications of adopting this concept as a central element of the analysis of corporate relations to autocratic regimes. Corporations confer legitimacy on autocratic governments through a number of material and symbolic activities, including by praising their economic performance. We identify the ethically problematic aspects of legitimization, argue that praise for autocratic regime performance lacks empirical support, and outline a research agenda on legitimization. Keywords: Complicity, legitimization, legitimacy, corporate political activity, democracy Associate Professor, Department of Accounting, Auditing and Law, Norwegian School of Economics, Helleveien 30, N-5045 Bergen, Norway. Tel: +47 55 95 93 24. E-mail: [email protected]. 1 1. Introduction «China’s done an unbelievable job of lifting people out of poverty. They’ve done an incredible job – far beyond what any country has done – we were talking about mid-90s to today – the biggest change is the number of people that have been pulled out of poverty, by far. -
What Kant Preaches to the UN: Democratic Peace Theory and “Preventing the Scourge of War”
EUROPEAN PERSPECTIVES − INTERNATIONAL SCIENTIFIC JOURNAL ON EUROPEAN PERSPECTIVES VOLUME 9, NUMBER 1 (16), PP 65-84, OCTOBER 2018 What Kant preaches to the UN: democratic peace theory and “preventing the scourge of war” Bekim Sejdiu1 ABSTRACT This paper exploits academic parameters of the democratic peace theory to analyze the UN’s principal mission of preserving the world peace. It inquires into the intellectual horizons of the democratic peace theory – which originated from the Kant’s “perpetual peace” – with the aim of prescribing an ideological recipe for establishing solid foundation for peace among states. The paper argues that by promoting democracy and supporting democratization, the UN primarily works to achieve its fundamental mission of preventing the scourge of war. It explores practical activities that the UN undertakes to support democracy, as well as the political and normative aspects of such an enterprise, is beyond the reach of this analysis. Rather, the focus of the analy- sis is on the democratic peace theory. The confirmation of the scientific credibility of this theory is taken as a sufficient argument to claim that by supporting democracy the UN would advance one of its major purposes, namely the goal of peace. KEY WORDS: democracy, peace, Kant, UN POVZETEK Prispevek na osnovi teorije demokratičnega miru analizira temeljno misijo OZN, to je ohranitev svetovnega miru. Poglablja se v intelektualna obzorja teorije demokratičnega miru – ki izhaja iz Kantovega “večnega miru” – s ciljem začrtati ideološki recept za vzpostavitev čvrstih teme- ljev za mir med državami. Prispevek zagovarja hipotezo, da OZN s promoviranjem demokracije in z njenim podpiranjem predvsem prispeva k izpolnitvi svojega temeljnega poslanstva, to je preprečevati izbruh vojn. -
SS.7.C.3.1 Low Level of Complexity Sample Item Explanation
SS.7.C.3.1 Low Level of Complexity Sample Item Explanation Question Which statement correctly describes communism? The correct answer should describe communism, which is a form of government. A The central government controls all Correct – Communism is a form of government in which a single ruling economic planning. party owns and controls all production and distribution of goods. Economic planning includes the buying, selling, and production of goods and services. B Workers are considered to be the lowest Incorrect – Communism establishes a classless society. social class. C Property ownership is determined by Incorrect – Communism ends privately owned property. family status. D Wealth is distributed according to social Incorrect – Communism establishes a classless society. class. SS.7.C.3.1 Moderate Level of Complexity Sample Item Explanation Question What do an absoute monarchy and an autocracy have in common? Compare and contrast two forms of government. The correct answer should identify a characteristic shared by both an absolute monarchy and an autocracy. A a single ruler Correct – Both autocracies and absolute monarchies are forms of government where a single ruler possesses all governmental power. B a written constitution Incorrect – An absolute monarch’s power is not limited by a written constitution; a limited or constitutional monarchy would limit a monarch with a written constitution. C a national court system Incorrect – Neither form of government requires a national court system. D a single legislative house Incorrect – Neither form of government requires a single legislative house. SS.7.C.3.1 High Level of Complexity Sample Item Explanation Question The image below includes a statement influenced by an Analyze the image and text. -
Power, Interdependence, and Nonstate Actors in World Politics Is Published by Princeton University Press and Copyrighted, © 2009, by Princeton University Press
COPYRIGHT NOTICE: Edited by Helen V. Milner & Andrew Moravcsik: Power, Interdependence, and Nonstate Actors in World Politics is published by Princeton University Press and copyrighted, © 2009, by Princeton University Press. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced in any form by any electronic or mechanical means (including photocopying, recording, or information storage and retrieval) without permission in writing from the publisher, except for reading and browsing via the World Wide Web. Users are not permitted to mount this file on any network servers. Follow links Class Use and other Permissions. For more information, send email to: [email protected] CHAPTER 1 Power, Interdependence, and Nonstate Actors in World Politics RESEARCH FRONTIERS Helen V. Milner IN THE MID-1970S a new paradigm emerged in international relations. While many of the ideas in this new paradigm had been discussed previ ously, Keohane and Nye put these pieces together in a new and fruitful way to erect a competitor to realism and its later formulation, neoreal ism.1 First elaborated in Power and Interdependence, this paradigm is now usually referred to as neoliberal institutionalism. In the thirty years since Power and Interdependence, this new paradigm has developed substan tially and has become the main alternative to realism for understanding international relations. Keohane’s seminal work, After Hegemony, which is a centerstone of the neoliberal paradigm, provided the most compelling theoretical justification for the existence and role of international institu tions in world politics.2 Since then the progress of the neoliberal para digm can be plainly seen in a number of key works, such as Legalization and World Politics, The Rational Design of International Institutions, and Delegation and Agency in International Organizations.3 Each of these projects, and many others, takes the key ideas of the neoliberal in stitutionalist paradigm and pushes them forward into new areas of re search. -
Economic Interdependence and Strategic Interest: China, India, and the United States in the New Global Order
Economic Interdependence and Strategic Interest: China, India, and the United States in the New Global Order John Echeverri-Gent, April Herlevi, and Kim Ganczak Department of Politics P.O. Box 400787 University of Virginia Charlottesville, VA 22904-4787 Corresponding Author Email: [email protected] Phone: (434)924-3968 Fax: (434)924-3359 Economic Interdependence and Strategic Interest: China, India, and the United States in the New Global Order1 “If the last century was the age of alliances, this is an era of inter-dependence.” Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, Address at Tsinghua University, Beijing May 15, 2015 International political economy and strategic studies are usually analyzed by distinct scholarly communities. Thus, the consequences of the changing global economy for the pursuit of strategic interests has not been adequately analyzed. This paper calls for a new approach to analyzing the relationship between global markets and the pursuit of strategic interests by rigorously documenting changes in the global economy and employing insights from social network theory. We then elaborate on the implications of these changes for relations between China, India, and the United States. Social network theory is a promising methodology for describing these issues because it introduces concepts such as centrality and density that better measure changes in the global economy. Concepts of indirect dependence and interaction among networked actors offer novel insights that illuminate the complexity and contingency of strategic interests in the contemporary global setting. The development of global markets has made the world more economically interdependent. Our paper shows how this change is not only a matter of increased interdependence but involves qualitative change. -
Chapter-02.Pdf
Name: Class: Date: Chapter 02 1. Which of the following is derived from a set of assumptions and evidence about some phenomenon? a. a framework b. a theory c. a paradigm d. a normative proposition 2. Which of the following refers to a dominant way of looking at a particular subject, which structures our thought about an area of inquiry? a. a paradigm b. a theory c. a normative proposition d. a hypothesis 3. Which political movement in the United States calls for the use of military and economic power in foreign policy to bring freedom and democracy to other countries? a. liberalism b. realism c. defensive realism d. neoconservatism 4. Which three important applications do theories have for policy makers? a. diagnosis, prescription, and lesson-drawing b. persuasion, prescription, and prognosis c. prescription, description, and retrospection d. inference, prescription, and prognosis 5. Which of the following is the oldest of the prevailing schools of thought in international relations? a. realism b. neoconservatism c. feminism d. liberalism 6. Whose writings can the realist theory of international relations be traced to? a. St. Augustine’s b. Hugo Grotius’s c. Thucydides’s d. Carl Marx’s 7. Realists argue that the condition of anarchy typically leads to which of the following? a. chaos b. interdependence c. war Copyright Cengage Learning. Powered by Cognero. Page 1 Name: Class: Date: Chapter 02 d. self-help 8. Which of the following statements best describes the notion of relative gains? a. “Winning is more important than doing well.” b. “Doing well is more important than winning.” c.