The Death Penalty/死刑 (日本政府報告書パラ5)
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GJAA Nishimura.Pdf (936Kb)
Nishimura | Chasing the Conservative Dream Research Chasing the Conservative Dream: Why Shinzo Abe Failed to Revise the Constitution of Japan Rintaro Nishimura This paper examines the role of domestic actors in shaping Japan’s constitutional debate during Shinzo Abe’s time as prime minister. Based on a holistic analysis of the prevailing literature and the role of the public, leadership, and other political actors, this study finds that Abe was unable to garner enough support from the public or fellow lawmakers to push his version of proposed revisions to the Constitution of Japan. The paper identifies the wide spectrum of views that exist on the issue and how revising the constitution is viewed as a challenge against prevailing norms. Public opinion remains opposed to revision and the inability of lawmakers to build consensus on what to amend stymies the process further. Abe seems to have had a grasp on the political climate, opting to pursue constitutional revision largely for electoral purposes. Introduction Prime Minister Shinzo Abe announced his decision to step down in August 2020.1 Japan’s longest-serving prime minister left behind a mixed legacy defined by electoral and foreign policy achievements, as well as a period of economic stagnation and string of political scandals.2 But what best defines Abe’s political career will undoubtedly be his desire, and ultimate failure, to revise the seventy-four-year-old Constitution of Japan (COJ). Although Abe’s failure to amend the COJ is often attributed to institutional hurdles, this paper argues that varying interests among domestic actors—from public resistance to militarism, to the prime minister’s agenda, and lawmakers’ scattered inter- ests regarding what exactly to amend—ultimately determined the fate of his political 1 Eric Johnston and Satoshi Sugiyama, “Abe to resign over health, ending era of political stability,” Japan Times, August 28, 2020, https://www.japantimes.co.jp/news/2020/08/28/national/politics-di- plomacy/shinzo-abe-resign/. -
2013-JCIE-Annual-Report.Pdf
Table of Contents 2011–2013 in Retrospect .................................................................................................................................3 Remembering Tadashi Yamamoto ............................................................................................................6 JCIE Activities: April 2011–March 2013 ........................................................................................................9 Global ThinkNet 13 Policy Studies and Dialogue .................................................................................................................... 14 Strengthening Nongovernmental Contributions to Regional Security Cooperation The Vacuum of Political Leadership in Japan and Its Future Trajectory ASEAN-Japan Strategic Partnership and Regional Community Building An Enhanced Agenda for US-Japan Partnership East Asia Insights Forums for Policy Discussion ........................................................................................................................ 19 Trilateral Commission UK-Japan 21st Century Group Japanese-German Forum Korea-Japan Forum Preparing Future Leaders .............................................................................................................................. 23 Azabu Tanaka Juku Seminar Series for Emerging Leaders Facilitation for the Jefferson Fellowship Program Political Exchange Programs 25 US-Japan Parliamentary Exchange Program ......................................................................................26 -
Japan-U.S. Relations: Issues for Congress
Japan-U.S. Relations: Issues for Congress Emma Chanlett-Avery, Coordinator Specialist in Asian Affairs William H. Cooper Specialist in International Trade and Finance Mark E. Manyin Specialist in Asian Affairs January 13, 2011 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov RL33436 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress Japan-U.S. Relations: Issues for Congress Summary The post-World War II U.S.-Japan alliance has long been an anchor of the U.S. security role in East Asia. The alliance facilitates the forward deployment of about 36,000 U.S. troops and other U.S. military assets in the Asia-Pacific, thereby undergirding U.S. national security strategy in the region. For Japan, the alliance and the U.S. nuclear umbrella provide maneuvering room in dealing with its neighbors, particularly China and North Korea. U.S.-Japan relations have been adjusting to the Democratic Party of Japan’s (DPJ) landslide victory in the August 30, 2009, elections for the Lower House of Japan’s legislature. The DPJ’s victory appears to mark the end of an era in Japan; it was the first time Japan’s Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) was voted out of office. The LDP had ruled Japan virtually uninterrupted since 1955. Since the resignation of the DPJ’s first prime minister, Yukio Hatoyama, in June 2010, bilateral relations have been smoother under the leadership of Naoto Kan. Although in the past some members of the DPJ have questioned and/or voted against several features of the alliance, the party appears to have shifted its strategic thinking after a series of provocations from North Korea and indications of growing assertiveness from the Chinese military in disputed waters in 2010. -
Remarks at the Fukuda Doctrine Memorial Plaque Unveiling Ceremony Yasuo Fukuda, Former Prime Minister of Japan October 1, 2018 Manila Hotel, Manila, Philippines
Remarks at the Fukuda Doctrine Memorial Plaque Unveiling Ceremony Yasuo Fukuda, Former Prime Minister of Japan October 1, 2018 Manila Hotel, Manila, Philippines 1. Opening His Excellency Mr. Francis C. Laurel, President of the Philippines-Japan Society, H. E. Ginandjar Kartasasmita, Chairman of the Indonesia-Japan Friendship Association (PPIJ), Ladies and Gentlemen, As just introduced, I am Yasuo Fukuda. Before I begin my remarks, I must express my deepest condolences to the victims in the northern Philippines who suffered from the terrible devastations of Typhoon Ompong two weeks ago. Many precious lives were lost and many people went missing. And on Sept. 28, huge earthquakes and tsunami caused enormous destructions to Sulawesi Island in Indonesia. I offer my sincere condolences to the Indonesian victims. Japan, like the Philippines and Indonesia, is a country that suffers from frequent natural disasters. Living in a similar disaster-prone environment, it is especially heart-wrenching to see the devastation following the typhoon. Japan has cooperated in a variety of ways with these countries in the area of disaster prevention, and I hope that further close collaboration will be planned in the future. I would like to express my heartfelt gratitude for the great honor of speaking to you on this day, when the memorial plaque of the "Fukuda Doctrine" announced by my father, Takeo Fukuda, was just installed at this illustrious Manila Hotel. A short while ago, the plaque was unveiled by H. E. Mr. Francis C. Laurel and other representatives from the Philippines, and the following persons from Japan witnessed the memorable ceremony: My siblings -- in other words sons and daughters of Takeo Fukuda -- his grandchildren, Ambassador Tanino who took part in drafting the Fukuda Doctrine, former Minister of Justice, Mr. -
Citizen Judges in Japan: a Report Card for the Initial Three Years
CITIZEN JUDGES IN JAPAN: A REPORT CARD FOR THE INITIAL THREE YEARS Hon. Antoinette Plogstedt* I. INTRODUCTION Previous literature is critical of the European features of the Japanese jury system, including the joint deliberation by judges and citizens on juries, majority voting, non-waiver of jury trial by the defense, as well as juror confidentiality requirements. This Article presents contrary arguments that the Japanese should maintain the current features of their system and expand the jury system to cover even more criminal offenses, to eventually covering civil cases. The offered recommendations include eliminating prosecutor appeals to maintain legitimacy of the jury system and promulgating procedural rules requiring that lay jurors deliberate and vote separately from the professional judges. During the past twelve years as an Orange County Judge in Orlando, Florida, I had the privilege of presiding over many criminal jury trials. I prosecuted state crimes early in my legal career. Recently, I observed the public's reaction to one of the highly publicized jury trials to take place inside the courthouse where I presided. In the case of Florida v. Case Anthony,' the extensive international media coverage furthered the public's interest in our local state jury system. When the verdict was published, groups and individuals expressed their adamant pleasure or displeasure with the verdict. As it typically occurs with intense media coverage of trials, citizens begin to take a closer look at the role of juries. Those who agreed with the verdict praised the modem US jury system. Those who disagreed with the verdict discredited the jury. During my years of judicial service, I also had unique opportunities to meet with foreign judges from Brazil and South Korea. -
Japan's ''Coalition of the Willing'
Japan’s ‘‘Coalition of the Willing’’ on Security Policies by Robert Pekkanen and Ellis S. Krauss Robert Pekkanen ([email protected]) is assistant professor of international studies at the University of Washington. Ellis S. Krauss ([email protected]) is professor of interna- tional relations and Pacific studies at the University of California, San Diego. This paper is based on a paper presented at fpri’s January 27, 2005, conference, ‘‘Party Politics and Foreign Policy in East Asia,’’ held in Philadelphia. The authors thank Michael Strausz for his research assistance. n 1991, Japan was vilified by many for its ‘‘failure’’ to contribute boots on the ground to the U.S.-led Gulf War. Prime Minister Toshiki Kaifu (1989– I 91) found it difficult to gain support for any cooperation with the U.S.-led coalition in that conflict. Today, Japan’s Self-Defense Forces are stationed in a compound in Samuur, Iraq, part of President Bush’s ‘‘coalition of the willing,’’ and four of its destroyers are positioned in the Indian Ocean to aid the counterterrorism effort in Afghanistan. While many of the United States’ nato allies have been reluctant to aid current American security efforts, especially in Iraq, Japan has been among the staunchest supporters of American military ventures in the Middle East and of its stance toward North Korean nuclear development. As a result, Washington has moved from ‘‘bashing Japan’’ in the 1980s over trade policy and ‘‘passing Japan’’—ignoring it in favor of the rest of Asia—to lauding it for surpassing most of American’s other defense partners. -
Japan's Democracy Diplomacy
JAPAN’S DEMOCRACY DIPLOMACY Daniel M. Kliman Daniel Twining JULY 2014 © July 11, 2014 The German Marshall Fund of the United States. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means without permission in writing from the German Marshall Fund of the United States (GMF). Please direct inquiries to: The German Marshall Fund of the United States 1744 R Street, NW Washington, DC 20009 T 1 202 683 2650 F 1 202 265 1662 E [email protected] This publication can be downloaded for free at www.gmfus.org/publications. GMF is grateful to the U.S.-Japan Commission on the Future of the Alliance, the Sasakawa Peace Foundation, and the Sasakawa Peace Foundation USA for supporting this project. GMF Paper Series The GMF Paper Series presents research on a variety of transatlantic topics by staff, fellows, and partners of the German Marshall Fund of the United States. The views expressed here are those of the author and do not necessarily represent the views of GMF. Comments from readers are welcome; reply to the mailing address above or by e-mail to [email protected]. About GMF The German Marshall Fund of the United States (GMF) strengthens transatlantic cooperation on regional, national, and global challenges and opportunities in the spirit of the Marshall Plan. GMF does this by supporting individuals and institu- tions working in the transatlantic sphere, by convening leaders and members of the policy and business communities, by contributing research and analysis on transatlantic topics, and by providing exchange opportunities to foster renewed commitment to the transatlantic relationship. -
POSITION NAME HR/HC PARTY Honorary Chair Mr. Yasuo FUKUDA
POSITION NAME HR/HC PARTY Honorary Chair Mr. Yasuo FUKUDA Former Prime Minister Chair Mr. Sadakazu TANIGAKI H.R. LDP Senior Vice-Chair Mr. Ichiro AISAWA H.R. LDP Vice-Chair Mr. Ichiro AISAWA H.R. LDP Vice-Chair Mr. Naokazu TAKEMOTO H.R. LDP Vice-Chair Mr. Masayoshi YOSHINO H.R. LDP Vice-Chair Mr. Teruhiko MASHIKO H.C. DPJ Vice-Chair Mr. Hiroyuki NAGAHAMA H.C. DPJ Vice-Chair Ms. Tomoko ABE H.R. INDP Vice-Chair Ms. Yuriko KOIKE H.R. LDP Vice-Chair Mr. Tetsuo SAITO H.R. Komei Executive Director Mr. Keizo TAKEMI H.C. LDP Deputy �Executive Director Mr. Kenya AKIBA H.R. LDP Deputy �Executive Director Ms. Toshiko ABE H.R. LDP Deputy �Executive Director Mr. Tetsuro FUKUYAMA H.C. DPJ Director Mr. Ichiro TSUKADA H.C. LDP Director Mr. Issei KITAGAWA H.C. LDP Director Mr. Yoshimasa HAYASHI H.C. LDP Director Mr. Ryuhei KAWADA H.C. JRP Director Mr. Asahiko MIHARA H.R. LDP Secretary-General Ms. Aiko SHIMAJIRI H.C. LDP Deputy� Secretary-General Mr. Masahiro ISHIDA H.C. LDP COMMITTEES International Cooperation Chair Mr. Keizo TAKEMI H.C. LDP Vice-Chair Mr. Tatsuo FUKUDA H.R. LDP Domestic Measures Chair Mr. Tetsuo SAITO H.R. Komei Vice-Chair Mr. Issei KITAGAWA H.C. LDP Vice-Chair Ms. Emiko TAKAGAI H.C. LDP Gender Issues Chair Ms. Toshiko ABE H.R. LDP Vice-Chair Ms. Aiko SHIMAJIRI H.C. LDP Vice-Chair Ms. Karen MAKISHIMA H.R. LDP Global Issues Chair Ms. Yuriko KOIKE H.R. LDP Vice-Chair Mr. -
Lympic Proportions Oby Régis Arnaud Author Régis Arnaud
COVER STORY • “Amazing Tokyo” — Beyond 2020 • 5-3 lympic Proportions OBy Régis Arnaud Author Régis Arnaud Olympic Enthusiasm one-third of the country’s annual budget for 1964, and 3.4% of Japan’s GDP. Most of this investment was spent in the layout of the The 2020 Tokyo Olympics seem to have become the rationale for Tokyo-Osaka Shinkansen bullet train (which started only nine days any political and economic decision in Japan. Each public speech before the opening ceremony of the 1964 Olympics), the Shuto must now mention at some point the 2020 Olympics to be taken kosoku (the suspended highway that runs above the streets of seriously. Most policies seem to have this event as a final goal. At the Tokyo) (Photo 1), and many subway lines. In the following years, same time, the country is bathing in nostalgia for the 1964 Tokyo Japan laid down the Meishin Nagoya-Osaka highway (1965), the Olympics, by almost all accounts a stunning success for Japan and Tomei Tokyo-Osaka highway (1969), and, last, the Sanyo Shinkansen Tokyo. between Osaka and Fukuoka (1975). In short, much of Japan’s It is indeed inevitable to put in parallel the 1964 Olympics and the transport infrastructure of today rests on the foundations of what 2020 Olympics. The decision to give the first Olympics to Tokyo was was drawn up at the time and on the occasion of the 1964 Tokyo announced in 1959, when the prime minister was no other than Olympics. Nobusuke Kishi, the very grandfather of current Prime Minister The impact of this event was also felt on the global stage. -
ASIAN HUMAN RIGHTS DEFENDER 1 Contents
ASIAN HUMAN RIGHTS DEFENDER 1 Contents Main Feature: A regional human rights mechanism for South Asia Establishing a Robust Regional Human Rights Mechanism ..........................4 FORUM-ASIA is a membership-based regional Kathmandu Declaration ............................................... 8 human rights organisation committed to the promotion SAARC and Human Rights ..........................................10 and protection of all human rights including the right People’s SAARC: Enhancing inter-people to development. linkages towards alternative regionalization .............12 FORUM-ASIA was founded in 1991 in Manila Cooperation needed to challenge and its regional Secretariat has been located in Bangkok regional impunity ..........................................................14 since 1994. At present, FORUM-ASIA has 46 member organisations across Asia. Country Focus Lingering issues besetting democracy Head O ce Rue de Varembé 1, 2nd Floor, 1202 Geneva, in Pakistan ..................................................................... 17 Switzerland Thailand: Both sides must restrain from violence immediately ......................................... 20 Regional o ce Violence will not solve Thailand’s crisis ...................23 Room 12-01 12th Floor., Times Square Building, A new hope for human rights in Japan? ...................27 246 Sukhumvit Road, Between Soi 12-14, Klongtoey, Klongtoey, 10110 Bangkok, ASEAN and Human Rights ! ailand Assessing AICHR’s potential to protect Tel: +66 (0)2 653 2940-1 Fax: +66 (0)2 653 2942 -
Cyclone Mora Wreaks Havoc, Cuts Power in Maungtaw
MTSH stOCK TRADING VOLUME ROSE WITH ALL-TIME LOW PRICE P-5 (BUSINEss) Vol. IV, No. 44, 6th Waxing of Nayon 1379 ME www.globalnewlightofmyanmar.com Wednesday, 31 May 2017 NATIONAL Natural disaster management committee discusses 2016 survey PAGE-3 NATIONAL Senior General holds talks with Turkish Ambassador PAGE-9 NATIONAL Parkland rental fees in Yangon to be examined Firefighters remove debris left by Cyclone Mora as it brushed past Maungtaw, Rakhine State yesterday on its way to Bangladesh. PHOTO: YE HTUT PAGE-3 Cyclone Mora wreaks havoc, cuts power in Maungtaw NATIONAL India Myanmar Thailand highway: By Min Thit fied in the Bay of Bengal and tions,” said U Thant Zin, head alert due to the lack of com- Project is likely to start travelled north, making land- of the Maungtaw Township Fire munications and power supply from next month, says CYCLONE Mora wreaked hav- fall in Bangladesh but affect- Services Department. since early morning,” said U Ye Nitin Gadkari oc in Maungtaw Township in ing northern Rakhine State in The wind reached its max- Htut, Maungtaw District Com- PAGe-6 northern Rakhine State, leav- western Myanmar. imum sustained speed at about missioner. ing transportation and commu- “We have removed the 4am with heavy rain, cutting Local authorities have car- nications in chaos and causing debris in the roads since the communications around 6am, ried out evacuations, cleared LOCAL BUSINEss a loss in power to the township storm made landfall. I’m not he added. roads and started to compile a Over Ks56,000 million as it crossed into Bangladesh sure if the storm killed people “Security has also been list of damaged buildings. -
Only Shinran Will Not Betray Us
Only Shinran Will Not Betray Us: Takeuchi Ryō’on (1891-1967), the Ōtani-ha Administration, and Burakumin Jessica L. Main Faculty of Religious Studies McGill University, Montreal April 2012 A thesis submitted to McGill University in partial fulfillment of the requirements of the degree of Doctor of Philosophy © Jessica L. Main, 2012 Table of contents Table of contents i Abstract iii Résumé v Acknowledgements vii A note on usage and conventions x Introduction: Buddhist ethics and buraku discrimination 1 Shin Buddhism and burakumin 2 The story of a burakumin, “Satoru Kawada” 5 Institutional ethics and conflict within the Ōtani-ha sect 15 Buddhist ethics and socially engaged Buddhism 26 Dissertation outline: reading Shin Buddhist ethics in modern history 40 PART I Causing discrimination: Shin Buddhism’s historical responsibility 47 1 Theories of buraku discrimination and the role of Buddhism 47 The study of burakumin in English language scholarship 49 Buddhism as source of discriminatory beliefs: 67 Shin Buddhist preachers deploying discriminatory beliefs 70 2 Shin Buddhism, devotion, and separating the pure from the polluted 81 Shin Buddhism in a nutshell 84 Purity, pollution, and devotion 99 Historical discrimination in Shin Buddhism 107 PART II Curing discrimination: Shin Buddhism’s revolutionary potential 125 3 Buddhism and human rights: egalitarian doctrine and charitable work 125 Shimaji Mokurai’s “The Theory of Human Rights” 126 Contemporary arguments for Buddhism and human rights 135 Ahistorical arguments about “Buddhism” and “human