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American Cultural Anthropology and British Social Anthropology
Anthropology News • January 2006 IN FOCUS ANTHROPOLOGY ON A GLOBAL SCALE In light of the AAA's objective to develop its international relations and collaborations, AN invited international anthropologists to engage with questions about the practice of anthropology today, particularly issues of anthropology and its relationships to globaliza- IN FOCUS tion and postcolonialism, and what this might mean for the future of anthropology and future collaborations between anthropologists and others around the world. Please send your responses in 400 words or less to Stacy Lathrop at [email protected]. One former US colleague pointed out American Cultural Anthropology that Boas’s four-field approach is today presented at the undergradu- ate level in some departments in the and British Social Anthropology US as the feature that distinguishes Connections and Four-Field Approach that the all-embracing nature of the social anthropology from sociology, Most of our colleagues’ comments AAA, as opposed to the separate cre- highlighting the fact that, as a Differences German colleague noted, British began by highlighting the strength ation of the Royal Anthropological anthropologists seem more secure of the “four-field” approach in the Institute (in 1907) and the Associa- ROBERT LAYTON AND ADAM R KAUL about an affinity with sociology. US. One argued that this approach is tion of Social Anthropologists (in U DURHAM Clearly British anthropology traces in fact on the decline following the 1946) in Britain, contributes to a its lineage to the sociological found- deeper impact that postmodernism higher national profile of anthropol- ing fathers—Durkheim, Weber and consistent self-critique has had in the US relative to the UK. -
Environmental Anthropology Engaging Ecotopia an Introduction
Environmental Anthropology Engaging Ecotopia An Introduction Joshua Lockyer and James R. Veteto We are living in a utopian moment. The majority of humans are already be- ing negatively affected by a number of coupled social and environmental crises. These conditions are created in large part by hegemony of thought and practice that ontologically separates humans from nature, rationalizes the externalization of the social and environmental costs of production and consumption, justifi es extreme inequality, and sees solutions only in a continuation of the same systems that generated the problems in the fi rst place. Together these and other problems constitute a crisis that demands imaginative responses and viable alternatives. We contend that anthropol- ogy must fi nd ways to engage with such existing possibilities. The present crises are not new; the fundamental idea that the current situation cannot continue was recognized decades ago with the rise of international discourse on the topic of sustainable development (Brundt- land 1987). The widely promoted concept of sustainability is ultimately utopian in nature; it is the good state that we must strive for but may not actually exist except in theory. Despite our best efforts, we do not know exactly what a sustainable society looks like. This has been the paradox of utopianism since Sir Thomas More ([1516] 1906) coined the term “utopia” in 1516, and it is the paradox of sustainability today. The premise underlying this volume is the basic belief that, at its best, anthropology has always -
Structuralism 1. the Nature of Meaning Or Understanding
Structuralism 1. The nature of meaning or understanding. A. The role of structure as the system of relationships Something can only be understood (i.e., a meaning can be constructed) within a certain system of relationships (or structure). For example, a word which is a linguistic sign (something that stands for something else) can only be understood within a certain conventional system of signs, which is language, and not by itself (cf. the word / sound and “shark” in English and Arabic). A particular relationship within a شرق combination society (e.g., between a male offspring and his maternal uncle) can only be understood in the context of the whole system of kinship (e.g., matrilineal or patrilineal). Structuralism holds that, according to the human way of understanding things, particular elements have no absolute meaning or value: their meaning or value is relative to other elements. Everything makes sense only in relation to something else. An element cannot be perceived by itself. In order to understand a particular element we need to study the whole system of relationships or structure (this approach is also exactly the same as Malinowski’s: one cannot understand particular elements of culture out of the context of that culture). A particular element can only be studied as part of a greater structure. In fact, the only thing that can be studied is not particular elements or objects but relationships within a system. Our human world, so to speak, is made up of relationships, which make up permanent structures of the human mind. B. The role of oppositions / pairs of binary oppositions Structuralism holds that understanding can only happen if clearly defined or “significant” (= essential) differences are present which are called oppositions (or binary oppositions since they come in pairs). -
What, If Anything, Is a Darwinian Anthropology?
JONATHAN MARKS What, if anything, is a Darwinian anthropology? Not too many years ago, I was scanning the job advertisements in anthropology and stumbled upon one for a faculty post in a fairly distinguished department in California. The ad specified that they were looking for someone who ‘studied culture from an evolutionary perspective’. I was struck by that, because it seemed to me that the alternative would be a creationist perspective, and I had never heard of anyone in this century who did that. Obviously my initial reading was incorrect. That department specifically wanted someone with a particular methodological and ideo- logical orientation; ‘evolutionary perspective’ was there as a code for something else. It has fascinated me for a number of years that Darwin stands as a very powerful symbol in biology. On the one hand, he represents the progressive aspect of science in its perpetual struggle against the perceived oppressive forces of Christianity (Larson 1997); and on the other, he represents as well the prevailing stodgy and stultified scientific orthodoxy against which any new bold and original theory must cast itself (Gould 1980). Proponents of the neutral theory (King and Jukes 1969) or of punctuated equilibria (Eldredge 1985) represented themselves as Darwinists to the outside worlds, and as anti-Darwinists to the inside world. Thus, Darwinism can be both the new and improved ideology you should bring home today, and is also the superseded Brand X ideology. That is indeed a powerful metaphor, to represent something as well as its opposite. Curiously, nobody ever told me in my scientific training that scientific progress was somehow predicated on the development of powerful metaphors. -
How Do Aesthetics Affect Our Ecology?
Journal of Ecological Anthropology Volume 10 Issue 1 Volume 10, Issue 1 (2006) Article 5 2006 How do Aesthetics Affect our Ecology? Zsuzsi I. Kovacs Northern Arizona University Carri J. LeRoy Northern Arizona University Dylan G. Fischer The Evergreen State College Sandra Lubarsky Northern Arizona University William Burke Northern Arizona University Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/jea Recommended Citation Kovacs, Zsuzsi I.; LeRoy, Carri J.; Fischer, Dylan G.; Lubarsky, Sandra; and Burke, William. "How do Aesthetics Affect our Ecology?." Journal of Ecological Anthropology 10, no. 1 (2006): 61-65. Available at: https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/jea/vol10/iss1/5 This Crib Notes is brought to you for free and open access by the Anthropology at Scholar Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Journal of Ecological Anthropology by an authorized editor of Scholar Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Vol. 10 2006 Kovacs et al. / Aesthetics and Ecology 61 CRIB NOTES How do Aesthetics Affect our Ecology? Zsuzsi I. Kovacs, Carri J. LeRoy, Dylan G. Fischer, Sandra Lubarsky and William Burke Abstract Beauty is a powerful force that affects both our emotions and our ecological practices, yet aesthetic values remain understated and under-discussed in ecology. Here we invite discussion about the influence of beauty on ecological research by outlining: 1) how aesthetics affect the practice of ecology, and 2) how aesthetics affect the implementation of ecological research on the landscape. The aesthetic sensibilities of ecologists develop through personal experiences and are enriched by professional training, including ecological coursework, fieldwork, research and discussion. -
Social Anthropology
SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY by E. E. EVANS-PRITCHARD Profesior of Social Anthropology and Fellow of All Souls College, Oxford LONDON : COHEN & WEST LTD COPYRIGHT MACLEHOSE AND CO. LTD. PRINTtD IS GRKAT BRITAIN BY ROBERT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS, GLASGOW b-ZV PREFACE These six lectures were given on the Third Programme of the B.B.C. in the winter of 1950. Except for a few minor verbal alterations they are printed as they were delivered. I thought it unwise to change, or add to, what was written to be spoken within the limits imposed by the medium of expression and for a particular purpose and audience. Social anthropology is still little more than a name to most people, and I hoped that broadcast talks on the subject would make its scope and methods better known. I trust that their publication as a book will serve the same purpose. As there are few brief introductory guides to social anthropology I believe that this book may also be of use to students in anthropological departments in British and American universities. I have therefore added a short bibliography. I have expressed many of the ideas in these lectures before, and sometimes in the same language. I am grateful for permission to use them again to the Delegates of the Clarendon Press and to the Editors of Man, Black- friars, and Africa} I thank Mr. K. O. L. Burridge for assistance in the preparation of the lectures and my colleagues at the Institute of Social Anthropology at Oxford and Mr. T. B. Radley of the B.B.C. -
Ecological Humanities
Teksty Drugie 2015, 1, s. 186-210 Special Issue – English Edition Ecological Humanities Ewa Domańska http://rcin.org.pl 186 the humanities and posthumanism Ewa Domańska Ecological Humanities DOI: 10.18318/td.2015.en.1.12 Ewa Domańska is associate professor of theory and history of historiography in the Department of History, Adam Mickiewicz University his article strives to make a preliminary attempt at in Poznan, Poland and defining specific features of ecological humanities1 since 2002 visiting T associate professor at as a symptom of the emergence of a new paradigm. I am the Department of particularly interested in the trend of ecological hu- Anthropology, Stanford manities which has been developing at an accelerated University. Her rate since the late nineties in the frame of posthumanist teaching and research interests include comparative theory 1 In the literature of the subject, ecological humanities is often also of the humanities defined as environmental humanities or sustainable humanities un- and social sciences, derstood as a domain that is actively involved in the sustainable de- history and theory velopment and future oriented conviviality (Stephanie LeMenager of historiography, and Stephanie Foote, “The sustainable humanities”, PMLA, vol. 127, posthumanities and no. 3 (May 2012): 572-578.). In this article I will be using the term eco- ecological humanities. logical humanities (or ecoposthumanities), in order to distinguish She is the author and it from both postmodernist movements of „deep ecology” (which editor of many books, I am referencing), and from „social ecology” tied to the left-wing recently: Existential movements and Marxism, and from technocratic understanding History (in Polish, of environmental and sustainable research, which, according to the 2012); History and critics, are conserving a destructive development of the global the Contemporary capitalism. -
Ethnography, Cultural and Social Anthropology
UC Berkeley Anthropology Faculty Publications Title Ethnography, Cultural and Social Anthropology Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/9t13v9kz Journal American Anthropologist, 55(4) Author Lowie, Robert H. Publication Date 1953-10-01 Peer reviewed eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California ETHNOGRAPHY, CULTURAL AND SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY By ROBERT H. LOWIE HE discussion by Professors Murdock and Firth, Professor Fortes's T contribution to the debate, Professor Radcliffe-Brown's illuminating letter in a recent issue of this journal, and a number of other statements by American and British colleagues (Murdock 1951; Firth 1951; Radcliffe-Brown 1952; Fortes 1953; Evans-Pritchard 1951) stimulate reflections on cultural and social anthropology. In the present, wholly uncontroversial article I shall first define the aims of cultural anthropology as I understand them and shall then inquire intQ the relations of that discipline with social anthropology as defined by British scholars. I Whatever differences may divide cultural from social anthropologists, they are hardly greater than those which divide self-styled cultural anthropologists. IndeedJ I should say that many of us feel incomparably closer to the English anthropologists referred to above than, say, to Goldenweiser in his later phases. A concrete example will illustrate the issue. In one of his books (Golden weiser 1922) this writer devotes a chapter to the Baganda, relying as he was bound to do on Roscoe's well-known work. He tells us that "maize is perhaps the principal staple food, but plantain trees are also cultivated on a large scale." Now the primary source (Roscoe 1911: 5, 432) states in unmistakable terms that plantains "furnish their staple food," whereas maize "was never grown in any quantity .. -
Culture and Sustainability: Environmental Anthropology in the Anthropocene
PERSPECTIVES: AN OPEN INTRODUCTION TO CULTURAL ANTHROPOLOGY SECOND EDITION Nina Brown, Thomas McIlwraith, Laura Tubelle de González 2020 American Anthropological Association 2300 Clarendon Blvd, Suite 1301 Arlington, VA 22201 ISBN Print: 978-1-931303-67-5 ISBN Digital: 978-1-931303-66-8 http://perspectives.americananthro.org/ This book is a project of the Society for Anthropology in Community Colleges (SACC) http://sacc.americananthro.org/ and our parent organization, the American Anthropological Association (AAA). Please refer to the website for a complete table of contents and more information about the book. Perspectives: An Open Introduction to Cultural Anthropology by Nina Brown, Thomas McIlwraith, Laura Tubelle de González is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International License, except where otherwise noted. Under this CC BY-NC 4.0 copyright license you are free to: Share — copy and redistribute the material in any medium or format Adapt — remix, transform, and build upon the material Under the following terms: Attribution — You must give appropriate credit, provide a link to the license, and indicate if changes were made. You may do so in any reasonable manner, but not in any way that suggests the licensor endorses you or your use. NonCommercial — You may not use the material for commercial purposes. 1414 CULTURE AND SUSTAINABILITY: ENVIRONMENTAL ANTHROPOLOGY IN THE ANTHROPOCENE Christian T. Palmer, Windward Community College [email protected] Learning Objectives • Identify the methods and theories anthropologists use to examine human interactions with the environment. • Define political ecology and explain its relationship to anthropology. • Describe the Anthropocene and discuss how anthropology contributes to understanding the human role in environmental destruction. -
Agustín Fuentes Department of Anthropology, 123 Aaron Burr Hall, Princeton University, Princeton NJ 08544 Email: [email protected]
Agustín Fuentes Department of Anthropology, 123 Aaron Burr Hall, Princeton University, Princeton NJ 08544 email: [email protected] EDUCATION: 1994 Ph.D. Anthropology, University of California, Berkeley 1991 M.A. Anthropology, University of California, Berkeley 1989 B.A. Anthropology and Zoology, University of California, Berkeley ACADEMIC POSITIONS: 2020-present Professor, Department of Anthropology, Princeton University 2017-2020 The Edmund P. Joyce, C.S.C., Professor of Anthropology, University of Notre Dame 2013-2020 Chair, Department of Anthropology, University of Notre Dame 2008-2020 Professor, Department of Anthropology, University of Notre Dame 2008-2011 Director, Institute for Scholarship in the Liberal Arts, University of Notre Dame 2005-2008 Nancy O’Neill Associate Professor of Anthropology, University of Notre Dame 2004-2008 Flatley Director, Office for Undergraduate and Post-Baccalaureate Fellowships, University of Notre Dame 2002-2008 Associate Professor, Department of Anthropology, University of Notre Dame 2000-2002 Associate Professor, Department of Anthropology, Central Washington University 1999-2002 Director, Primate Behavior and Ecology Bachelor of Science Program, Interdisciplinary Major-Departments of Anthropology, Biological Sciences and Psychology, Central Washington University 1998-2002 Graduate Faculty, Department of Psychology and Resource Management Master’s Program, Central Washington University 1996-2000 Assistant Professor, Department of Anthropology, Central Washington University 1995-1996 Lecturer, -
History, Anthropology and the Study of Communities: Some Problems in Macfarlane's Proposal
C. J. Calhoun History, anthropology and the study of communities: some problems in Macfarlanes proposal' In a recent paper, Alan Macfarlane advertises a new approach to the study of communities in which 'a combination of the anthropological techniques and the historical material could be extremely fruitful'.2 Unfortunately, he fails to make clear just what the approach he advocates is, and with what problems and phenomena it is intended to deal. He thus exacerbates rather than solves the methodological and conceptual problems which face social historians who would study community. The present paper is primarily polemical in intention. It is in agreement that community can be the object of coherent and productive study by historians and social scientists, working together and/or drawing on the products of each other's labours. It argues, however, that Macfarlane's conceptual apparatus is seriously problematic, and does not constitute a coherent approach. I have outlined elsewhere what I consider to be such a coherent approach.3 It makes community a comparative and historical variable. Macfarlane dismisses the concept as meaningless at the beginning of his paper, but then finds it necessary to reintroduce it in quotation marks in the latter part - without ever defining it. He introduces several potentially useful anthropological concepts, but vitiates their value by both a misleading treatment and the implication that they are replacements for, rather than supplements to, the concept of community. In the following I attempt to give a more accurate background to and interpretation of these concepts, and to correct several logical and methodological errors in Macfarlane's presentation. -
01 Young JOHN ARUNDEL B
Vol. 29, Complimentary special issue, 2011 Communications to the authors should be addressed to them c/o Cambridge Anthropologtj, in memory of John Barnes Department of Social Anthropology, Free School Lane, Cambridge CB23RF. CONTENTS Articles: Introduction Susan Drucker-Brown 1 John Arundel Barnes (1918 - 2010) EDITORS: Michael Young 4 Susan Drucker-Brown John Barnes - an appreciation Geoffrey Hawthorn Paul Henley 13 Retrait Lignager - some thoughts on an old European familial Production assistant: Bobbie Coe institution Ray Abrahams 16 The snowball state and the perils of oblivion Harri Englund 30 Across the fields: John Barnes in Cambridge Geoffrey Hawthorn 35 IT Sociology in Cambridge: an inaugural lecture J.A. Barnes 45 Cambridge Anthropalagt): Cumulative Index 61 ISSN 0305-7674 4 John Arundel Barnes (1918 - 2010) 5 Medal (1959); he was a Fellow of Churchill College, Cambridge, and an JOHN ARUNDEL BARNES (1918 - 2010)1 Honorary Life Member of the Australian Anthropology Society. The son of a piano-tuner, John Barnes was born in Reading, Berkshire, into what he called 'a lower middle class kin network'. He MICHAEL YOUNG won a scholarship to Christ's Hospital (a public school founded by Edward VI in 1552), and went up to Cambridge on a St John's College scholarship to do the Mathematics Tripos, taking courses in anthropology during his final year and graduating with a B.A. in 1939. Humping my drum, modesty subtitled 'a memoir' in lowercase, which He joked about his choice of anthropology as an option: it was John Barnes wrote towards the end of his long and well-travelled life, is advertised as explaining the meaning of civilisation and the origin of an engaging ramble up and down the years, from his birth in Reading, culture; he thought he would like to find out about that, 'but I never did' Berkshire, to his encroaching blindness in 2007 in a Cambridgeshire (Hiatt 1996: 4-15).