The Pamphilj and the Arts

Patronage and Consumption in Baroque

aniè C. Leone Contents

Preface 7

Acknoweedgments 9

Introduction 11 Stephanie C. Leone

The Four Rivers Fountain: Art and Buieding Technoeogy in Pamphiei Rome 23 Maria Grazia D Amelio and Tod A. Marder

The Aedobrandini Lunettes: from Earey Baroque Chapee Decoration to Pamphiej Art Treasures 37 Catherine Pnglisi

Cannocchiaei Pamphiej per ee steeee, per i quadri e per tutto ie resto 47 Andrea G. De Marchi

Committenze artistiche per ie matrimonio di Anna Pamphiej e Giovanni Andrea III Doria Landi (1671) 55 Lanra Stagno

Notes on Aeessandro Stradeeea, L’avviso al Terrò giunto 77

Carolyn Giantnrco and Eleanor F. McCrickard

L’avviso al Terrò giunto (Onge Tirer had reen apprised) 78 Stradella

The Jesuit Education of Benedetto Pamphiej at the Coeeegio Romano 85

Pani F. Grendler

Too Much a Prince to be but a Cardinae: Benedetto Pamphiej and the Coeeege of Cardinaes in the Age of the Late Baroque 95 James M. Weiss

Cardinae Benedetto Pamphiej’s Art Coeeection: Stiee-eife Painting and the Cost of Coeeecting 113 Stephanie C. Leone

Cardinae Benedetto Pamphiej and Roman Society: Pestivaes, Peases, and More 139 Daria Borghese

Benedetto Pamphiej’s Suneeower Carriage and the Designer Giovanni Paoeo Schor 151 Stefanie Walker

Le conversazioni in musica: Cargo Prancesco Cesarini, virtuoso di Sua Ecceeeenza Padrone 161 Alexandra Nigito

Pamphiej as Phoenix: Themes of Resurrection in Handee’s Itaeian Works 189 Ellen T. Harris

The Power of the Word in Papae Rome: Pasquinades and Other Voices of Dissent 199 Lanrie Shepard

“PlORlSCONO Dl SPEENDORE EE DUE COSPICUE LIBRARIE DEE SIGNOR CARDINAEE BENEDETTO PaMEIEIO”: STUDI E RICERCHE SUGEI INVENTARI INEDITI Dl UNA PERDUTA BiBEIOTECA 211 Alessandra Mercantini

Appendice. La perduta Bibeioteca dee cardinaee Benedetto Pamphiej: Acquisti, rieegature e restauri 231 Alessandra Mercantini

Cardinae Benedetto Pamphiej as Penicio Larisseo and the Arcadian Academy in Rome 303 Vernon Hyde Minor

Peates 313 Pamphilj as Phoenix: Themes oe Resurrection in Handel’s Italian Works Ellen T. Harris

At the end of 1706, Benedetto Pamphilj had been a cardi- himself “wholly to the Spirit.”^ If so, the arrival of the nal for twenty-five years and was distingnished as one of twenty-one-year-old in Rome,

Rome’s great patrons of the arts. His art collection, inclnd- seems to have given the cardinal a jolt of yonthfnl energy. ing some works inherited from his father, is still highly At least this is what is implied in the text of a cantata he esteemed today. His important mnsical establishment wrote for Handel to set, Hendel, non può mia musa. is less easy to evalnate, mnsic being more ephemeral by Pamphilj describes Handel’s mnsic in this cantata text natnre than the visnal arts. Records of the mnsicians Pam- as having led to the rebirth of his poetic talents. He states philj employed and the mnsic performed at his palazzo that Orphens conld stop birds in flight and beasts in their appear in his acconnt books and conjnre images of a con- tracks and make trees and rocks move bnt was nnable to stant stream of front-rank mnsicians and compositions.^ make any of these things sing. Pamphilj therefore ranks

Pamphilj ’s collection of mnsical scores, to which later gen- Handel higher, saying that the composer had bronght his erations of the Pamphilj family continned to add, is now mnse back to life after it had fallen silent.^ We will need considered “one of the finest private collections of mnsic to come back to this poem and consider more than one in . The pictnre (or sonndscape) wonld, however, be reading of Pamphilj ’s reawakening, bnt the central idea of incomplete withont the awareness of Pamphilj ’s personal rebirth and the possibility of new beginnings is essential participation in the creation of many of these works. Not to all the poetry Pamphilj wrote for Handel and points to jnst a patron, he was an anthor and wrote many orato- the importance this theme had for the cardinal—not, of rio and cantata texts set to mnsic and performed nnder conrse, that any Catholic (or Christian for that matter) his anspices and elsewhere in Italy. Is it possible, given all wonld consider the concept of resnrrection nnimportant this artistic activity, that in 1707 when Pamphilj was fifty- bnt rather that for Pamphilj it appears to have held a spe- three, he had begnn to slow down or to lose some of his cial, and perhaps personal, resonance. earlier passion for or interest in cnltnral endeavors? Connt All members of the literary Arcadian Academy

Orazio d’Elci describes the Cardinal in 1700 as having adopted fictional pastoral names. The one Pamphilj chose. given np the “lively Conversations” and “pnblick Actions” Fenicio Farisseo, not only allndes to the phoenix {fenice) to which he had been committed formerly and devoting with its powers of rebirth bnt also specifically to Qneen

189 Ellen T. Elarris

190 Christina of Sweden, in whose honor the Academy had ately recognized when he sat down to play the harpsichord

been fonnded, as “the symbolic phoenix nnder whose as either “the famons Saxon [referring to Handel’s birth-

inflnence Pamphilj had spent his yonth.”’ Qneen Chris- place in Germanic Saxony] or the Devil. Handel’s first

tina was, of conrse, a high-profile Protestant convert to pnblic appearance in Rome was as a performer, and the

Catholicism. Pamphilj ’s choice of Arcadian name and its sensation he created snggests that his repntation had pre-

relationship to Qneen Christina nnderscore his personal ceded him. Pamphilj seems to have been one of Handel’s

identification with the themes of conversion and rebirth. first hosts in Rome, and it may be that Cardinal Erancesco

As I have already stated, all of the texts he gave Handel to Maria de’ Medici, a “grande amico” of Cardinal Renedetto

set address this theme. Pamphilj, and someone with whom he shared mnsical

Handel arrived in Italy sometime between the middle interests, had corresponded abont the yonng German.

of 1705 and the end of 1706 at the age of abont twenty. Handel’s earliest pnblic appearance in the Holy

He had begnn his professional operatic career a few years City—in Jannary 1707—^was a solo organ recital at

earlier, when he moved from Halle (the city of his birth) John Eateran, the ecclesiastical seat of the pope in his role

to the cosmopolitan seaport of Hambnrg. There, accord- as Rishop of Rome. Given Handel’s German-Protestant

ing eighteenth-centnry reports, he met a Medici prince backgronnd, this was an event that snrely conld not have

(not specifically identified, bnt snrely Gian Gastone) who occnrred withont the direct intervention of Pamphilj, who

invited him to Italy with the pnrpose of imbibing the mod- had been archpriest of the Eateran since 1699 (a post

ern Italian style at its font. Handel declined to travel as he continned to hold nntil his death in 1730). Erancesco

part of the prince’s entonrage, however. Using his own Valesio mentions in a diary entry of Jannary 14, 1707, a

resonrces he was able to make the jonrney a short time concert at which “nn sassone eccelente sonatore di cem-

later “on his own bottom,” as it is phrased by John Main- balo e compositore di mnsica” who had recently arrived

waring in a biography of Handel pnblished only a year in Rome and who had that day demonstrated his skill “in

after the composer’s death. sonare l’organo nella chiesa di S. Giovanni [Eaterano] con

One imagines, given the princely invitation, that stnpore di tntti.”^*^ In an nndated travel memoir (pnblished

Handel first went to Elorence, an assnmption now snp- anonymonsly in 1737), Handel is specifically mentioned

ported by a letter from one official of the Elorentine conrt by name as having played a recital at Saint John Eat-

to another, advising him in October 1707 of Handel’s eran and also, the day before, of playing the clavecin at

“retnrning from Rome.”^ As no compositions by Handel a private mnsical gathering with snch astonishing facil-

can be placed secnrely in Italy dnring the year and a half ity that some members of the andience thonght he had

between mid- 1705 and the beginning of 1707, Handel special magical powers hidden in his hat!^^ This anecdote

may have spent this time absorbing the Italian style by adds some weight to an identification of Handel as the

stndying, listening, and performing. The per- sassone mentioned by Valesio.'^ If so, then his dated diary

formed in Elorence in snccessive antnmn seasons dnring entry offers the earliest docnmentary evidence of Handel’s

this period certainly comprise many that later served as presence in Rome—some short time before mid-Jannary

1 '^ sonrces for his Eondon operas. It seems as if Handel mnst 1707 .

have made a collection of the libretti (little books) that Jnst as Handel’s first pnblic appearance in Saint John

were sold at performances and contained the words of Eateran points strongly to the inflnence of Pamphilj, the

the operas. His operas ^ ^ ^ first docnmentary evidence of Handel’s mnsical composi-

Sosarme^ ^ and Berenice all derive from texts of tions in Rome can be tied to him as well.'^ An entry in the

operas performed in Elorence between 1706 and 1710. cardinal’s acconnt books dated Eebrnary 12, 1707, pro-

Handel probably bnilt his repntation in Italy at first vides a detailed bill for copying “di mnsica nella Cantata

on virtnoso keyboard playing rather than on his composi- intitolata // delirio amoro^io. . .Composta in mnsica dal S.re

tions. His biographer Mainwaring writes of a masqnerade Giorgio Hendel.”'^ It is the first in a snccession of works

in at which Handel, himself in a mask, was immedi- Handel wrote for Pamphilj, all of which have texts by the —

Pamphilj as Phoenix: Themes ofResurrection in Plandel’s Italian Works cardinal. These include the oratorio II trionfo del Tempo beneath the surface—but also the cantata texts themselves 191 e del Disinganno^ which appears in Pamphilj’s account and the surviving musical sources document contempo- books on May 14, 1707, and the cantatas Tra le fiamme rary allusions behind the pastoral fagade. Pamphilj writes

(6 July 1707), Sarei troppo felice (billed for copying in Hendel, non può mia musa in first person and, of course, the account books of the Marchese Francesco Maria Rus- mentions Handel by name. Ruspoli is mentioned by his pali on September and Hendel, non può mia Arcadian Name, Olinto [Arsenio] in Handel’s cantata Oh, 22, 1707), , musa (copied for Ruspoli on August 9, 1708, and almost come chiare, which specifically comments on the War of certainly composed for Pamphilj in the spring of 1707). the Spanish Succession and directly refers to the reigning

All but one of the cantatas written by Pamphilj and pope, Clement XI, as an astro clemente (a goodly star). set by Handel are in the pastoral mode (like the vast The association of these conventionally pastoral can- majority of cantatas in general), describing shepherds tata texts with the lives of their authors and auditors is and shepherdesses in the throes of love. Viewing the texts also indicated in watercolor miniatures (perhaps by Pier solely in this superficial manner, however, overlooks a Leone Ghezzi) that appear in two cantata manuscripts great deal. Not only is the poetic model for these texts, the compiled for the Andrea Adami, a singer in resi- pastoral poetry of Theocritus and Virgil, itself complex dence at Cardinal Pietro Ottoboni’s palace from 1686 to with political, religious, and personal messages lying just 1740.^*’ Here, the shepherds are not situated in an imag-

Fig. 12.1: Pier Leone Ghezzi (1674-1755), Caricature illustrating Alessandro Scarlatti’s cantata Lwci vaghe (Rome, 1693). Gilmore Music Library (Mise. Ms. 166, fob 63r), Yale University (photograph provided by the Gilmore Music Library, Yale University) .

Ellen T. Elarris

192 ined Arcadian landscape bnt rather in Rome itself, clearly A level of specificity appears in the seeming self-

illnstrating the association of the seemingly anonymons description and in the apparent insertion of Handel into

pastoral characters with living mem hers of the andience or the story as un leggiadro giovinetto (a gracefnl yonng

the artists (fig. 11.1). Of conrse, the vaine of the pastoral man) in Piacere’s palace who has della destra Vali (wings

generally resided in its ambignity, in the ability to sng- on his hand) and awakens bel diletto (sweet delight)

gest withont naming, an aesthetic aptly captnred by the with allnring sonnds. This anonymons yonth then plays

miniatnres whose settings hint at Roman analogies with- a brilliant organ concerto (called a sonata in the score)

ont portraying specific places or people. Althongh this is of his own composition. The personification of Handel is

generally trne of the texts by Pamphilj that Handel set, the snfficiently clear from the textnal narrative and the role

repeated emphasis on the theme of conversion or rebirth he wonld have played in the performance as composer

directly reflects back to the anthor, sometimes specifically directing from the keyboard. One conld also assnme the

identified as the phoenix. identification from the specific repntation Handel had

The most important of Pamphilj ’s texts for Handel, achieved in Italy as a virtnoso on the organ. Mainwaring,

the oratorio II trionfo del Tempo e del Disinganno^ pres- for example, writes of a competition on keyboard instrn-

ents a Hercnles-at-the-Crossroads dilemma for Bellezza ments between Handel and Domenico Scarlatti arranged

(Reanty), who is, I believe, a representation of the hnman nnder the anspices of Cardinal Ottoboni. The resnlt of this

soni. She mnst choose between the ephemeral delights of mnsical dnel was that some accorded Scarlatti the winner

Piacere (Pleasnre) and the eternal verities represented by on the harpsichord. Rnt “when they came to the Organ

Tempo wad Disinganno (Time and Good Connsel).^^ That there was not the least pretence for donbting to which of

Pamphilj inclndes in Piacere’s catalog of temptations not them it belonged. Scarlatti himself declared the snperior-

only yonthfnl beanty and sensnality bnt also mnsic and ity of his antagonist, and owned ingennonsly, that till he

visnal art is particnlarly striking—given that he was a had heard him npon this instrument, he had no concep-

lover of mnsic, a prolific anthor of oratorio and cantata tion of its powers. As it was Pamphilj who snrely had

texts, and a collector of a vast and distingnished collection been the driving force behind the organ recital given by

of visnal art. Did he now consider these things a distraction Handel in Saint John Eateran, which stnnned the aris-

from the path of trnth? Connt d’Elci writes of the cardinal tocratic andience and seems to have served as Handel’s

that “being overcharged with Semples and Melancholy, pnblic introdnetion to Rome, Handel’s repntation in Rome

with which he is greatly tronbled, he has laid aside all his as a virtnoso was closely tied to the cardinal. That both

Divertisements he so mnch delighted in, and his Eove of Pamphilj and Handel recognized, if not intended, the

Intrigues, living at present in great Devotion. association of the composer with the organist in Pleasnre s

In the oratorio, when Rellezza accepts Tempo rather palace can be evidenced throngh alterations made for

than Piacere, she renonnees the vanity of the world, reject- later performances of the oratorio. The scene was ent from

ing personal pride by discarding her locks of golden hair the libretto, when Pamphilj ’s maestro di cappella^ Carlo

and asking for a hair shirt and a solitary cell. It is not Erancesco Cesarmi, set the text in 1725. When Handel

snrprising that scholars have typically viewed this story first revived his setting in Eondon in 1737 and 1739, he

as a conversion “from preocenpation with the sinfnl flesh recomposed the scene by changing the instrnment to violin

to the spiritnal life,”'’’ one commentator snggesting that then to carillon (diverting attention from himself); then, in

it specifically portrays the conversion of Mary Magda- the final revival of 1757, he too eliminated it.^'^

len. Given Pamphilj ’s honoring of her, it conld refer to Given the role Handel played in the original narrative

the conversion of Qneen Christina, althongh her rebirth it wonld seem that in 1707 Pamphilj saw the composer

hardly led her to adopt a hair shirt. Perhaps, most simply, and his mnsic as a temptation, was drawn to Handel’s

II trionfo depicts the choice of the righteons path as an compositions, and perhaps physically attracted to the

ongoing process.^' It is possible Pamphilj has written a yonng man. This possibility becomes clearer in the can-

very personal narrative. tata Hendel, non può mia rnusa^ in which Pamphilj relates — .

Pamphilj as Phoenix: Themes ofResurrection in Plandel’s Italian Works in first person how Handel’s ninsic has led to the rebirth 1799, William Coxe states that “Handel was too prndent 193 of his poetic talents. What he writes specifically is that to enconrage an attachment, which might have occasioned

Handel “forced my mnse into song, jnst when it had hnng the rnin of both.”^** Again, specnlation does not lead ns my motionless plectrum on a dry tree.”^^ The analogy of far, bnt if Coxe is correct abont Handel’s prndence, then the pfectrnm hanging on a dry tree to describe his sleeping Pamphilj may have played a role in leading Handel to this mnse barely conceals a sexnal reading. Althongh it may decision by asking him to set the text II consiglio (Advice) be, as d’Elci states, that Pamphilj had given np pnblic Retter known by its incipit. Tra le fiamme^ the cantata diversions, he continned writing oratorios and cantatas is a cantionary tale. Its little-nsed actnal title. Il Consiglio^ thronghont his life withont any discernible hiatns before brings ns back to II trionfo and the character of Disin-

1707. That is, his poetic imagination, based on the texts ganno, who is at times referred to as Consiglio. Enrther, that snrvive, did not need reawakening. the warning in the cantata’s first aria against a “charming

Specnlation on Pamphilj’s sexnal proclivities does not beanty who deceives” reminds one perhaps of Rellezza’s lead far, and it is not especially frnitfnl. Michael Ranft, escape from Piacere. The text compares the singer’s in his late eighteenth-centnry collection of biographies attraction to that charming beanty to “a thonsand moths” of the cardinals of the Roman Catholic Chnrch, writes of drawn into a flame, from which only the phoenix can rise

Pamphilj : again if it goes to its death. In the second aria, “Pien di

nnovo e bel diletto,” the singer changes metaphors and

As to his character, he was a very contemplates the story of Daedalns and his son learns.

learned, diplomatic and generons man Daedalns fashions wings from feathers and wax for both

who had many good attribntes, which of them; when learns flies too near the snn, the wax melts,

made him worthy enongh to ascend the plummeting the yonth to his death in the sea. The third

papal throne; what hindered him we aria, “Voli per l’aria,” sets np the moral by providing, in

cannot say given the lack of informa- contrast to the indiscriminate moths in the first aria and

tion. In his yonth he was fnll of vanity, learns in the second, the example of “the man born to

bnt, whenever possibfe, he always ascend to heaven” [Tuorno che nacque per salire al cielo)

avoided injnring his good name with who alfows himself only imaginary flights. The cantata

nnpleasant excesses. conclndes nnnsnally, with a grand da capo^ repeating

once again the A section of the opening aria and retnrn-

Engène Michand claims that Pamphilj was described ing the story to the phoenix and the personal sitnation of in a pasqninade as “a Ganymede” after he was named the singer: “Among the flames yon flitter playfnlly, oh my cardinal, bnt 1 have been nnable to trace his reference, heart.” and 1 donbt it wonld be possibfe. More snbstantive are Jndith Peraino identifies a nnmber of verbaf simi-

Michand’s allegations concerning Pamphilj ’s relationships larities between the depiction of the organist in II trionfo with women. (nnderstood as Handel) and of learns in Tra le fiamme:

Handel, too, was the snbject of rnmors concerning a both of the yonths [giovinetti) have “wings” [Tali—in II refationship in Italy with the prima donna Vittoria Tar- trionfo they are on his hands) and both are associated with qnini, who was married to a composer and the mistress new and sweet delights [nuovo e bel diletto) This wonld of prince Eerdinando de’ Medici. It is obvions, given the seem to associate Handel with learns, bnt Peraino makes prince’s importance as a patron, snch a liaison conld the snrprising snggestion that Handel is the fignre of and probably wonld—have had a negative impact on both Daedalns, whose art enables him to fly bnt who, with the mnsicians. Mainwaring claims that Tarqnini was willing to possible exception of Pamphilj the phoenix, attracts oth- ignore the risk, stating that the singer was “so little sen- ers to their rnin. 1 think rather that Pamphilj is the older

sible. . .of her exalted sitnation, that she conceived a design Daedalns who can take flight and retnrn safely (jnst as he of transferring her affections” to Handel. Writing in is the phoenix who can fly into the flame and rise again Ellen T. Elarris

194 from the ashes). If so, then the cantata may be advising theme of death and resnrrection: examples range from

Elandel against trying the same and, perhaps, warning Heinrich Schiitz’s Historia der Auferstehung in the sev-

him specifically against an intimate relationship with Vit- enteenth centnry to Johann Sebastian Bach’s passions.

toria Tarqnini. Given her position as mistress of Prince Handel’s only other nse of the gamba in his Italian works

Eerdinando de’ Medici, she certainly wonld have been a ocenrs in the oratorio written in 1708

dangerons flame to chase. for Rnspoh. In Tra le fiamme^ the instrument appears to

In contrast to the promise of second chances in the have a similar significance as in the sacred works bnt is

other texts by Pamphilj that were set by Elandel—Clori’s associated now with the image of the phoenix. The nse

dream of carrying her lover ont of Elades into the Elysinm of the gamba may have been, therefore, a special mnsi-

Eields in the cantata II delirio amoroso^ rebirth after a life cal tribnte to Pamphilj’s belief in the possibility of rebirth

of pleasnre in II trionfo^ or revival of poetic (or sexnal) and to the phoenix himself, who dnring Handel’s first

facility after a dry period in Hendel, non può mia musa— six months in Rome had been his patron and his artistic

Tra le fiamme strikes a more somber tone in the example collaborator.

of learns, whose desires and ambitions lead to his downfall Among Roman patrons of mnsic at this time, it is

withont, it wonld seem, any hint of redemption. I wonder Ottoboni, not Pamphilj, who stands ont as the most

whether Pamphilj’s choice of this story for the cantion- extravagant and, argnably, the most important. In the

ary tale he writes relates to the painting of Dedalo e Icaro biography of Handel by Mainwaring, Ottoboni is the

by Endovico Eana (1597-1646) that had been part of only Roman patron mentioned by name; yet no works by

the Pamphilj family’s collection from 1652.^^ The visnal Handel can be associated definitely with his patronage.

depiction is tonching (plate 14). The vast majority of Handel’s Roman works can be con-

Daedalns holds a single feather in his left hand and nected to the patronage of the Marchese Rnspoli, who may

with his right seems to be choosing from among feathers have honsed Handel thronghont his two Roman sojonrns,

held np by learns. His eyes are drawn to the gronnd where despite the patronage of Pamphilj and others; bnt Main-

three feathers have already fallen, presnmably becanse waring does not mention Rnspoli. The diary of Anton

learns has not been holding them carefnlly. learns pays Ulrich, Prince of Sachsen-Meiningen, written dnring his

no attention and impatiently gestnres npward. Pamphilj sojonrn in Rome from April to October 1707 mentions

seems to describe this very scene in the cantata: “Dae- many mnsical gatherings at Rnspoli’s residence at which

dalns was already weaving the Incky (specially chosen?) Handel performed and Ottoboni was in attendance. He

feathers with a bold hand, joining pinion to pinion with does not mention Pamphilj. Ottoboni’s lavish spending

soft wax, bnt learns, the boy, often mnddled the ingenions nltimately led to financial rnin. Already in 1717, George

work.”'^^ It may be that Pamphilj chose this story as he Berkeley wrote from Rome to John Percival, later first Earl

had already seen himself and Handel in Eana’s painting: of Egmont, that “Cardinal Ottoboni has let off his enter-

the fifty-fonr-year-old anthor and patron (whose identity tainments, and Prince Rnspoli is the man who now gives

as a writer conld be represented by Daedalns holding aloft mnsick every week to Strangers. Pamphilj’s absence

a single feather or pen) trying carefnlly to advance (or from these varions records, given his continned mnsical

feather?) the career of the twenty-two-year-old mnsician patronage, points not to a lack of inflnence in mnsical

(like learns), whose impatient ambition is threatening to patronage, bnt, it wonld seem, to a less pnblic persona.

bring him rnin. In the case of Handel’s arrival in Rome, Pamphilj

If Pamphilj was thinking of Handel in writing his text, appears to govern Handel’s introdnetion to the city, even

Handel also may have been thinking of Pamphilj in his if from behind the scenes. He mnst have sponsored his

setting. Tra le fiamme contains an nnnsnally rich orches- first pnblic concert at Saint John Eateran; he provided

tration: in addition to two recorders, oboe, violins, and texts for significant instrnmentally accompanied cantatas

, it inclndes a virtnoso part for viola da gamba. In and wrote the libretto that gave Handel an opportnnity

Germany, the gamba was freqnently connected with the to write his first major composition in Italy, the oratorio Pamphilj as Phoenix: Themes ofResurrection in Plandel’s Italian Works

II trionfo del Tempo e del Disinganno . If this work was 1 See the paper by Alexandra Nigito in this volume. 195 first performed in the Palazzo della Cancelleria nnder 2 Otto E. Albrecht and Stephen Roe, “Collections, Private,” Grove

Ottoboni’s anspices, as has been snggested, then it was Mnsic Online, ed. L. Macy, Oxford University Press, http://vx\'W. probably Pamphilj who arranged it. And it may well be grovemnsic.com (accessed September 12, 2010). that he arranged for Rnspoli, at the beginning of his sig- [Connt Orazio d’Elci] The Present State the Court Rome: Or, 3 , of of nificant patronage of mnsic, to honse Handel from the The Lives of the Present Pope Clement XI and of the Present College time of his arrival; yet, years later, Handel referred to ofCardinals. Written Originally in Italian, by a Gentleman Belong-

Pamphilj as “an old Fool” for excessively flattering him.'^^ ing to the Court of Rome, and Newly Translated into English from

If Handel refnsed Pamphilj s interest and advice while the Italian Manuscript, Never as Yet Made Puhlick. With a Preface he was in Rome in favor of the greater extravagance of by the Publisher, Containing / Some Few Remarks on the Rise and

Ottoboni and the rising star of Rnspoli, Pamphilj, given Nature of the College ofCardinals, on the Maxims of Their Govern-

Connt d’Elci’s characterization of him as having largely ment, and a Short Account of the Present Pope’s Elevation to the withdrawn from society, may not have minded. Neverthe- Papacy, and ofthe Most remarkable Occurrences in His Pontificate less, word smith that he was, he may have inserted a rather (London: Printed and Sold by the Booksellers, 1706), 328; 1 am scathing commentary abont the relative importance of his indebted to Professor James Weiss for this reference. The original patronage and mnsicians in general into the moral of Tra Italian mannscript has been published in Sabrina M. Seidler, II le fiamme: “Althongh there is many an learns, there is only teatro del mondo: Diplomatische undjourcdistische Relationen vom one Daedalns.” romischen Hofaus dem 1 7..Iahrhundert, Beitriige znr Kirchen- und

Kidturgeschichte, ed. Christoph Weber (Frankfurt: Lang, 1996),

3:460-62.

4 The Italian text and an English translation of Hendel, non può mia

musa can be found in Ellen T. Harris, Handel as Orpheus: Voice

and Desire in the Chamber Cantata (Cambridge: Harvard Univer-

sity Press, 2001), 317-18; see below, note 24.

5 Lina Montalto, Un mecenate in Roma barocca: Il cardinale Bene-

detto Pamphilj (1653-1730) (: Sansoni, 1955), 193.

6 John Mainwaring, Memoirs of the Fife of the Fate George Frederic

Handel (London: Printed for R. and J. Dodsley, 1760), 41.

7 Carlo Vitali and Antonello Fnrnari, “Handels Italienreise—nene

Dokumente, Hypothesen und Interpretationen,” Gottinger Hcindel-

Beitràge 4 (1991): 60-62.

8 Mainwaring, 52.

9 Lina Montalto, 232, describes the Medici cardinal as a “grande

amico” of Pamphilj.

10 The diary of Francesco Valesio, Archivio Storico Capitolino, Rome,

V. 15, bk. 6, f. 360, as qtd. in Ursula Kirkendale, “Orgelspiel im

Lateral! und andere Erinnerungen an Handel: Lin unbeachteter

Bericht in ‘Voiage historique’ von 1737,” Die Musikforschung 41A

(1988): 1-9, at 1; and Otto Erich Deutsch, Handel: A Documentary

Biography (New York: Da Capo, 1974), 19 (in English translation).

11 Voiage historiciue et politiciue de suisse cTitalie et cPallemagne

(Frankfurt: Varrentrapp, 1737), 2:176-78, qtd. in the original

French by Kirkendale, “Orgelspiel im Laterali.” Ellen T. Elarris

196 12 Werner Braun, “Handel und der ‘romische Zanberhut’ (1707),” 1987), 113-52; see aiso Harris, Handel as Orpheus, 86-87. Zach

Gottinger Handel Beitràge 3 (1989): 71-86. Brami identifies the Victor, a PhD candidate at Yaie Uniyersity, is currentiy undertak-

author of this travef memoir as Denis Nolhac based on an articfe by ing further research into the meaning of these miniatures, and 1 am

,)ean-Daniel Candaux then in press. 1 have not been abfe to trace gratefid to him for sharing with me his unpublished paper “The Ink

that publication, but Candaux later published a correction (the ref- Miniature and the Cantata in Handel’s Italy” (paper presented at

erence he gives to his earlier publication is “Un anonyme identifié. the American Handel Society Festiyal, Santa Fe, 2005).

Les souvenirs de voyage de Denis Nolhac, réfugié, marchand et 17 The discussion of U trionfo del Tempo e del Disinganno is based

manufacturier huguenot,” Revue frangaise d’histoire du livre^ no. on my articfe, “Sacred and Profane Loye: Handei and the Roman

85: 691-709) after having determined that the author was not Cardinals f Analecta Musicologica 44 (2010): 216-31.

Nofhac but Jacques Aunant [“Communications,” Bulletin de la 18 D’Eici, 328.

Société d’histoire et d’archéologie de Genève 18 (1986): 359]. It is 19 Mary Ann Parker, “Handei’s ‘11 Trionfo del Tempo e del Disin-

not clear how this new attribution affects the possibfe dating of the ganno’: A Petrarchan Vision in Baroque Style, ” Music and Letters

anecdote. 84, no. 3 (2003): 413 (abstract).

13 That Handel inscribed “Roma 1706” on a set of duets by Agos- 20 Huub yan der Linden, “Benedetto Pamphilj as Librettist: Mary

tino Steffani (1654-1728) does not suggest a significantfy earfier Magdalen and the Harmony of the Spheres in Handei’s U trionfo del

arrivai, since he was most likeiy using the caiendar then customary Tempo e del Disinganno.” Recercare 16 (2004): 133-61. Pamphilj

in Fiorence (where he had likeiy been earfier), in which city the vTote other oratorios specifically on the subject of Mary Magdaien:

new year began on March 25. Compelling evidence in favor of this U trionfo della gratia, overo La conversione di Madalena (com-

resides in the Roman autograph of ^ which Handei posed by Aiessandro Scariatti, 1685); performed under the titie

dated April 1707, but first wrote 1706 before changing it to 1707. Santa Maria Maddalena de’ Pazzi (composed by Gioyanni Lorenzo

As Anthony Hicks pointed out, “one is unlikeiy to make a mis- Luher, 1687; Carlo Francesco Cesarmi, 1705). Another example of

take writing the year in a date uniess it has just changed [Anthony a conyersion, or second chance, oratorio by Pamphiij is U figliuol

Hicks, “Handei’s Eariy Musicai Deveiopment,” Proceedings of prodigo (composed by Cesarmi, 1707). See Sayerio Franchi, Dram-

the Royal Musical Association 103 (1976-77): 83]. There is not, maturgia romana, yol. 1 of Repertorio bibliografico cronoiogico

however, unanimous agreement on this point. Ursuia Kirkendaie dei testi drammatici pubbiicati a Roma e nei Lazio, Secoio XVll

argues that “contrary to Ellen T. Harris... it is extremely unlikely (Rome: Edizioni di Storia e Letteratura, 1988); yol. 2, with Orietta

that the German Handel used here the stile fiorentino” (“Handel Sartori, Annodi dei testi drammatici e libretti per musica pubblicati

vith Ruspoli: New Documents from the Archivio Segreto Vaticano, a Roma e nel Lazio dcd 1701 al 1750... (Rome: Edizioni di Storia

December 1706 to December 1708,” Studi musicali 32, no. 2 e Letterature, 1997).

(2003): 303nl5). 21 Ruth Smith first moyed the discussion of 11 trionfo away from a

14 Sections of this paper are informed by my prior publications and generai consensus that it depicted a “moment of conyersion” to

extensive research on Handel’s cantatas. Specific instances are indi- an understanding of the work as a psychoiogicai study of choice:

viduaiiy cited. Fubiications of mine that provide background to “[Mary Ann] Parker. . .refers to Beiiezza experiencing a ‘moment

the foiiowing discussion incfude, “Sifence as Sound: Handei’s Sub- of conyersion’, but that seems to me to be exactiy what does not

lime Pauses,” /owma/ of Musicology no. 4 (2005): 521-58; and happen: rather, her conyersion is a process that occupies the whoie

Handel as Orpheus. work, and that process is the subject of this paper” (“Psychoiogicai

15 ADP Sc. 3.9, as qtd. in Hans Joachim Marx, “Die ‘Giustificazioni realism in 11 trionfo del tempo e del disinganno ” Llandel-Jahrbuch

deiia casa Pamphilj’ ais Musikgeschichtiiche Queiie,” Studi Musi- 54 (2008): 220n6).

cali 12, no. 1 (1983): 177. This document, of course, does not 22 Mainwaring, 61.

prove that R delirio amoroso was the first cantata Handei wrote in 23 Although Handel himself piayed the carillon in the performances

Itaiy or in Rome, only that it is the first cantata for which we have of 1739, he was not associated with that instrument in the same

documentary eyidence. way as he was specificaliy identified as an organ yirtuoso in Rome;

16 Reinhard Strohm, ‘Scariattiana at Yaie,” in Handel e gli Scarlatti indeed, the attraction of the cariiion cieariy was not in the per-

a Roma., ed. Nino Pirrotta and Agostino Ziino (Fiorence: Oischki, former but rather in the magicai sound of the instrument. Pamphilj as Phoenix: Themes ofResurrection in Plandel’s Italian Works

24 “Dunque maggior d’Orfeo / Tu sforzi al canto / La mia musa all’ora tions outwardly clear, they do not, 1 believe, play a large role in the 197

/ Che il plettro appeso avea / A un tronco annoso, e immobile gia- meaning of the work. Bellezza, as 1 have argued, represents the

cea ”: the Italian text and an English translation of Hendel, non può human soul; and Piacere, given “her” use of allure and deceit, is

mia musa given in Harris, Handel as Orpheus^ 317-18. certainly given a traditionally feminine characterization. See Har-

25 Michael M. Ranft, Bernhardus Pamfili, ein Romer^ voi. 2 of ris, “Sacred and Profane Love,” 227n41.

Merkwurdige Lebensgeschichte aller Cardinale der Rom. Cathol. 32 Judith A. Peraino, “The Phoenix of Sodom,” in Listening to the

Kirche... (Regensburg: Montag, 1769), 109: “Seinem Character Sirens: Musical Technologies of Queer Identity from Homer to

nach war er ein sehr gelehrter, staatskliiger und genereuser Herr, “Hedwig'” (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2006), 208-27.

der viele gute Eigenschaften batte, so ihn wiirdig machten, den 33 The work is first mentioned in 1652 in an inventory of the col-

Fapstl. Stilili zn besteigen; was ihn aber daran verhindert, konnen lection of Camillo Pamphilj, Benedetto’s father. At the time of his

vir in Ermangelnng genaner Nachricht nicht sagen. In der Jugend death in 1666, it was listed among the paintings at the Villa di

war er der Eitelkeit sehr ergeben, dodi hat er sich, wo moglich, Belrespiro (now known as the Villa Doria Pamphilj); it is currently

allezeit gehiitet, dnrch argerliche Ausschweifnngen seinen gnten in the Galleria Doria Pamphilj (in the Palazzo Pamphilj al Corso).

ISamen zu verletzen.” See Ludovico Lana, Uamorevole maniera e la pittura emiliana

26 “Lorsque Pamfili fut nomme cardinal, une pasquinade I’appela del primo Seicento, ed. Daniele Renati and Lucia Peruzzi (Milan:

” Rn Ganimede^ E[ugène] Michaud, Louis XIV et Innocent XI Silvana, 2003), 90. A painting in the Galleria Doria Pamphilj by

d’apres les correspondances diplomatiqnes inedites dn Ministere Andrea Sacelli also portraying Daedalus and Icarus does not relate

des Affaires Etrangeres de (Paris: Charpentier, 1882-83), to the cantata as the fashioning of the feathers is not depicted;

1:216. See the paper by Laurie Shepard in this volume. indeed, the Lana painting is nnusual in this regard. The most com-

27 In detailing a country trip Pamphilj made with Cardinal Chigi and mon visual depiction of Icarus shows him falling.

“two notable coquettes from Rome” (deux coquettes considerables 34 Benedetto Pamphilj, Tra le fiamme, ed. and trans. Terence Best, in

de Rome), Michaud (1:215-16) writes that after Pamphilj was Georg Friedrich Handel, Kantaten mit Instrumenten, ed. by Hans

made cardinal at the age of twenty-eight, he sought to provide Joachim Marx (Kassel: Biirenreiter, 1999), 3:xxv-xxvi; the transla-

for his future: “However, there were two considerations, political tion here by the author: “Dedalo già le fortunate penne / tessea

and moral; and if Pamphilj looked out for the one, he somewhat con mano ardita, / e con tenera cera / piuma a piuma aggiungea. /

neglected the other” (Toutefois il y avait menagements politiques Icaro, il fanciulletto, / sovente confondea / l’ingegnoso lavoro.”

et menagements moraux; s’il gardait ceux-là, il négligeait quelque 35 Lucy Robinson, “Viol (7),” Grove Music Online, ed. L. Macy,

pen ceux-ci); see also Michaud, 1:205, 210. See the paper by James Oxford University Press, http://www.grovemnsic.com (accessed

Weiss in this volume. September 28, 2007).

28 In 1710, the electress of Hanover, Sophie, writes to her granddaugh- 36 Rashid-S. Regali, “‘Anno 1707’: Neue Forschungsergebnisse zur

ter of Handel’s arrival in that city: “He is quite a handsome man Tàtigkeit VOI! G. E Handel in Rom und Florenz,” Die Musikforsc-

and gossip says that he has been in love with Victoria” (Merseburg, hungCl, no. 1 (2009): 2-13.

Zentrales Staatsarchiv, HA Rep 46 T18, Voi. 1.2, If. 156-57, as 37 British Library Add. MS 47028, 364. George Berkeley was an

qt d. in Donald Rurrows, “Handel and Hanover,” in Bach, Handel, Anglican priest; later bishop of Cloyne in the of Ireland;

Scarlatti: Tercentenary Essays, ed. Peter Williams (Cambridge: and a Fellow of College, Dublin.

Cambridge University Press, 1985), 39, his translation from the 38 Winton Dean, “Charles Jennens’s Marginalia to Mainwaring’s Life

French). of Handel,” Music and Letters 53, no. 2 (1972): 164.

29 Mainwaring, 50-51.

30 William Coxe, Anecdotes of George Frederick Handel and John

Christopher Smith (Richmond, Surrey: Tiger of the Stripe, 2009),

12 .

31 Smith. “Psychological realism,” 221nl0, emphasizes that whereas

Rellezza is a young woman. Piacere, Tempo and Disinganno are all

male. Although the original libretto makes these gender identifica- Plates

326

14. Ludovico Lana (1597-1646), Daedalus and Icarus^ n.d. Oil on canvas, 120 x 166 cm. Galleria Boria Pampini],

Rome (fc 188) (photograph provided by Arti Boria Pamphilj srl)