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THE WELSH of the UNITED STATES and PLAID CYMRU 1925-1945 a Study in the Response of Emigrants to Nationalism in the Home Count

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THE WELSH of the UNITED STATES and PLAID CYMRU 1925-1945 a Study in the Response of Emigrants to Nationalism in the Home Count THE WELSH OF THE UNITED STATES AND PLAID CYMRU 1925-1945 A study in the response of emigrants to nationalism in the home country Sulien Morgan Thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Cardiff University 2015 Acknowledgements I would like to express my gratitude to my two supervisors, Professor Bill Jones and Professor E. Wyn James for their support and guidance. I would also like to thank all the members of my family for their patience, love and understanding. I would like to dedicate this thesis to two special people: Dr Gordon Skinner and my niece, Eira Mair. SUMMARY The history of contact between Plaid Cymru and Welsh expatriate communities has been a neglected narrative. This thesis goes part of the way to remedying that situation by focusing on the interaction that occurred between Welsh-Americans and Plaid Cymru from 1925 to 1945. The party of 1925-1945 was not the same political entity as it is in 2015 and hence this study seeks to explore and understand Plaid’s essence during the specified time period. The ‘Welshness’ of Welsh-America is also explored, in order to better understand the ‘Welsh identity’ that was in existence at the time. The engagement between Plaid Cymru and Welsh-America occurred at an individual level, through personal correspondence, and also at an institutional level, through the Welsh- American press. That press, both English and Welsh medium, took a great interest in the party and played a part in Plaid’s fund-raising strategy. By interpreting these levels of engagement we arrive at a fuller understanding of how Plaid Cymru and Welsh-America interacted during the years from 1925 to 1945. CONTENTS Introduction 1 Chapter 1 Plaid Cymru and its immediate antecedents 10 Chapter 2 Emigration and the matter of identity: the Welsh in the United States 40 Chapter 3 Proactive expatriates: making contact with Plaid Cymru 67 Chapter 4 An incalculable bankroll?: seeking financial support from the United States 103 Chapter 5 Y Drych and Plaid Cymru 131 Chapter 6 The Druid and Plaid Cymru 170 Conclusion 215 Appendix 220 Bibliography 239 1 INTRODUCTION When the Sufi sailor Sheikh Abdullah Ali al-Hakimi 1 became one of the leaders of the nationalist political organization, the ‘Free Yemen Movement’, and founded the Arabic newspaper Al-Salam, he did so whilst serving as the Imam of the Butetown mosque in Cardiff during the 1930s and 1940s.2 The mosque which was established by Sheikh Abdullah was the first in Wales, but of more significance in the context of this thesis is the fact that the newspaper which he produced and published was one of the first Arabic newspapers in Britain to voice dissent against Imamic rule.3 Al-Salam provided a channel in Britain for the ‘Free Yemen Movement’ to disseminate its opposition to the Imamic rule of the rulers of Yemen at the time, namely Imam Yayha and, later, Imam Amhad and the newspaper was an example of how Yemeni communities overseas, amongst which was the Cardiff Yemeni community, were supporting the cause of freedom in the home country.4 Whilst the specific cause espoused by Sheikh Abdullah is inconsequential to this study the fact that he lived in Cardiff is highly relevant, as he is an example of an emigrant who had taken up residence in another country but who, nevertheless, was attempting to influence the political situation in his fatherland. The story of Sheikh Abdullah, and that of the other Yemenis in Wales who supported the ‘Free Yemen Movement’, may not be one that is well-known but the activities of these emigrants in the sphere of struggle for freedom in the Yemen contribute to a genre of study encompassing emigrants who involve themselves with the politics of their home countries and seek to instigate change. The most well-documented relationship between émigrés and the political movements or parties in the country that they had left behind is that of Irish expatriates and the national movement in Ireland. The attention which this interaction has received, specifically the involvement of Irish-Americans in the nationalist politics of Ireland, is unrivalled by any other emigrant group, be it in the USA5 or elsewhere, and the volume of academic work on 1 Dick Lawless, ‘Sheikh Abdullah Ali al-Hakimi,’ accessed February 15, 2014, http://www.al- bab.com/bys/articles/lawless93.htm. 2 Patricia Aithie, ‘From the roof of Arabia to the coal cellar,’ accessed February 16, 2014, http://www.al- bab.com/bys/articles/aithie94.htm. 3 Patricia Aithie, ‘The Burning Ashes of Time,’ accessed February 16, 2014, http://www.al- bab.com/bys/books/aithie06.htm. 4 Lawless, ‘Sheikh Abdullah Ali al-Hakimi.’ 5 ‘USA,’ ‘US,’ ‘United States’ and ‘America’ will be used as interchangeable names. 2 the subject is vast and impressive, especially when compared with academic output concerning the relationship of other emigrant nationalities with their home countries.6 The attention that has been given to the support that Irish-Americans provided for the nationalist politics of Ireland may be due to the fact that it was strong, consistent and effective. The huge numbers of Irish-Americans vociferously demanding freedom for the land of their forefathers and actively working to that end are an integral part of the history of Irish nationalism. Such was the strength of Irish-American backing for Irish nationalism and its aims that the Irish-American journalist, Patrick Ford,7 wrote the following declaration to the Prime Minister of Britain in 1881: All this force and fraud will fail, Mr Gladstone. You are now, unlike the past, dealing with two Irelands. The Greater Ireland is on this side of the Atlantic. This is the base of operations. We in America furnish the sinews of war. We in America render moral aid.8 The rhetoric was threatening, but the same type of pronouncement was made by Michael Davitt who had toured America in 1878, who had met members of Clan-na-Gael9 and had called for Irish independence; he had called the Irish in America ‘the avenging Wolfhound of Irish Nationalism’.10 This was a belligerence that could be harnessed and the potential for support for the Irish cause, which it implied, led the Irish nationalist leaders in Ireland to view Irish-Americans not only as purveyors of fine words but also as financial backers or, in the words of one commentator: as an incalculable bankroll for political projects ranging from land reform to violent overthrow.11 Thus Irish-America was a power house of energy and aid, invigorating and sustaining the compatriots in the home country and providing a voice for the struggle that rang out across the New World and fired warning shots across the bows of the British Government. 6 For further reading see Seamus P. Metress, The American Irish and Irish Nationalism: A Sociohistorical Introduction (Lanham, MD: Scarecrow, 1995); Paul Darby, Gaelic games, Nationalism and the Irish Diaspora in the United States (Dublin: University College Dublin Press, 2009); Thomas N. Brown, Irish-American Nationalism, 1870-1890 (Philadelphia, PA: JB Lippincott Company, 1996). 7 Editor of the newspaper, Irish World, which became the principal paper of Irish-America and leader of ‘Irish World Land League’: Metress, The American Irish and Irish Nationalism, 6. 8 Matthew Frye Jacobson, Special Sorrows: The Diasporic Imagination of Irish, Polish and Jewish Immigrants in the United States (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1995), 13. 9 An organization founded in 1867, on the demise of the Fenian Brotherhood, which boasted local branches across the United States. Its aim was to work closely with conspirators in Ireland towards an armed Irish revolt: Jacobson, Special Sorrows: The Diasporic Imagination of Irish, Polish and Jewish Immigrants in the United States, 27. 10 John Lawrence McCaffrey, The Irish Diaspora in America (Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 1976), 130. 11 Jacobson, Special Sorrows: The Diasporic Imagination of Irish, Polish and Jewish Immigrants in the United States, 22. 3 Irish-American involvement in the politics of the home country began at least as early as the 1840s with Daniel O’Connell’s Repeal Movement and continued until the realisation of Irish nationalist aims. The Repeal Movement, which aimed to sever the union between Ireland and Britain, enlisted vast numbers of Irish-Americans thereby raising millions of dollars for the cause and providing the means to exert pressure on American politicians to declare their support. Consequently many prominent politicians, either out of sympathy with the aim or to garner votes, declared for the Movement. This was an early example of Irish emigrant activity on behalf of the home country that was to recur many times until Ireland gained its freedom: Irish-American involvement again became evident during the time of the Great Famine between 1845 and 1852 when funds were raised to enable ‘Young Ireland’12 to purchase weapons. Charles Stuart Parnell13 also gained funding as a result of his visit to America and the money raised enabled his party to become one of the most effective in Parliament. Roger Casement, who was furnished with $10,000 by Clan-na-Gael,14 is another example where Irish-Americans were providing financial support to further Irish matters in the home country, as was the aid that De Valera received on his visit in 1919, which was specifically made with the intention of raising ‘funds and gather[ing] more support for the struggle against Britain’.15 Irish-American involvement in the fight of their compatriots at home also engendered organizations which were founded in support of the nationalist cause. The Fenian Brotherhood, for example, was formed in 1858 and was a movement consisting of two groups, one that advocated military measures and the other that saw its work in terms of providing practical aid, but, possibly, the above-mentioned Clan-na-Gael was the most famous of Irish-American organisations that worked towards the goal of Irish independence.
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