The Apothecary As Progenitor
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
The Eagle 1946 (Easter)
THE EAGLE ut jVfagazine SUPPORTED BY MEMBERS OF Sf 'John's College St. Jol.l. CoIl. Lib, Gamb. VOL UME LIl, Nos. 231-232 PRINTED AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS FOR SUBSCRIBERS ON L Y MCMXLVII Ct., CONTENTS A Song of the Divine Names . PAGE The next number shortly to be published will cover the 305 academic year 1946/47. Contributions for the number The College During the War . 306 following this should be sent to the Editors of The Eagle, To the College (after six war-years in Egypt) 309 c/o The College Office, St John's College. The Commemoration Sermon, 1946 310 On the Possible Biblical Origin of a Well-Known Line in The The Editors will welcome assistance in making the Chronicle as complete a record as possible of the careers of members Hunting of the Snark 313 of the College. The Paling Fence 315 The Sigh 3 1 5 Johniana . 3 16 Book Review 319 College Chronicle : The Adams Society 321 The Debaj:ing Society . 323 The Finar Society 324 The Historical Society 325 The Medical Society . 326 The Musical Society . 329 The N ashe Society . 333 The Natural Science Club 3·34 The 'P' Club 336 Yet Another Society 337 Association Football 338 The Athletic Club 341 The Chess Club . 341 The Cricket Club 342 The Hockey Club 342 L.M.B.C.. 344 Lawn Tennis Club 352 Rugby Football . 354 The Squash Club 358 College Notes . 358 Obituary: Humphry Davy Rolleston 380 Lewis Erle Shore 383 J ames William Craik 388 Kenneth 0 Thomas Wilson 39 J ames 391 John Ambrose Fleming 402 Roll of Honour 405 The Library . -
Henry More, Richard Baxter, and Francis Glisson's Trea Tise on the Energetic Na Ture of Substance
Medical History, 1987, 31: 15-40. MEDICINE AND PNEUMATOLOGY: HENRY MORE, RICHARD BAXTER, AND FRANCIS GLISSON'S TREA TISE ON THE ENERGETIC NA TURE OF SUBSTANCE by JOHN HENRY* The nature of the soul and its relationship to the body has always proved problematical for Christian philosophy. The source ofthe difficulty can be traced back to the efforts of the early Fathers to reconcile the essentially pagan concept of an immaterial and immortal soul with apostolic teachings about the after-life in which all the emphasis is placed upon the resurrection of the body. The tensions between these two traditions inevitably became strained during the sixteenth century when Protestant reformers insisted on a closer adherence to Scripture. Furthermore, even when leaving the problems of Scriptural hermeneutics aside, the dualistic approach to the question, in which soul (or spirit) and body are held to be categorically different in essence, had to overcome a number of intractable philosophical problems. So, it was not simply coincidence that when the new mechanical philosophy began to be formulated in a systematic way in the seventeenth century, it was couched in vigorously dualistic terms. In fact, three of the earliest fully elaborated systems of mechanical philosophy, those of Descartes, Digby, and Charleton, were explicitly intended to provide a philosophical prop for dualist theology.' Moreover, it was because of its usefulness in promoting dualism that Cartesianism was first popularized in England not by a natural philosopher but by the Cambridge Platonist and theologian, Henry More.2 *John Henry, MPhil, PhD, Wellcome Institute for the History ofMedicine, 183 Euston Road, London NWI 2BP. -
PART 3 the Employed Men
THE MOUNTRAVERS PLANTATION COMMUNITY - INTRODUCTION P a g e | 1044 PART 3 The employed men Chapter 3 Biographies of managers, 1734-1807 Father and son, James and Joseph Browne, 1734-1761 James Browne was the longest-serving manager on Mountravers but a lack of documents meant that relatively few details about his plantation management could be established. Today, the Brownes are best known for their plantation in the parish of St James Windward which was later called Eden and then Eden Browne. The setting of a tale about a death by duel, the old Browne’s estate is now one of the tourist attractions in Nevis. ◄► ▼◄► James Browne may well have come from an old, established Nevis family: in the 1670s there were eight Brownes on the island, including a ‘free Negro’ called John Brown.1 By the early 1700s the number had increased to eleven, mostly through the arrival in 1685 of several Monmouth rebels transported for Governor Stapleton. It appears that James was born in 1710 and the son of James Browne, a member of the Nevis Council.2 James Browne junior studied at Trinity College, Oxford, and was said to have joined the Inner Temple at the age of 16.3 However, he did not follow a legal career but in 1734 was installed as manager on John Frederick Pinney’s plantation. His appointment was a family affair: Jeremiah Browne, who almost certainly was an uncle of James’s,4 was John Frederick Pinney’s guardian, while 1 Oliver, VL Caribbeana Vol 3 Nevis Census 1677/8 2 UKNA, CO 186/1 3 Oliver, VL History of Antigua Vol 1 p76; also http://www.innertemple.org.uk/archive/ 4 The man Mary Pinney had appointed as her son’s guardian, Jeremiah Browne, was a wealthy landowner. -
History of Medicine in the City of London
[From Fabricios ab Aquapendente: Opere chirurgiche. Padova, 1684] ANNALS OF MEDICAL HISTORY Third Series, Volume III January, 1941 Number 1 HISTORY OF MEDICINE IN THE CITY OF LONDON By SIR HUMPHRY ROLLESTON, BT., G.C.V.O., K.C.B. HASLEMERE, ENGLAND HET “City” of London who analysed Bald’s “Leech Book” (ca. (Llyn-din = town on 890), the oldest medical work in Eng the lake) lies on the lish and the textbook of Anglo-Saxon north bank of the leeches; the most bulky of the Anglo- I h a m e s a n d Saxon leechdoms is the “Herbarium” stretches north to of that mysterious personality (pseudo-) Finsbury, and east Apuleius Platonicus, who must not be to west from the confused with Lucius Apuleius of Ma- l ower to Temple Bar. The “city” is daura (ca. a.d. 125), the author of “The now one of the smallest of the twenty- Golden Ass.” Payne deprecated the un nine municipal divisions of the admin due and, relative to the state of opin istrative County of London, and is a ion in other countries, exaggerated County corporate, whereas the other references to the imperfections (super twenty-eight divisions are metropolitan stitions, magic, exorcisms, charms) of boroughs. Measuring 678 acres, it is Anglo-Saxon medicine, as judged by therefore a much restricted part of the present-day standards, and pointed out present greater London, but its medical that the Anglo-Saxons were long in ad history is long and of special interest. vance of other Western nations in the Of Saxon medicine in England there attempt to construct a medical litera is not any evidence before the intro ture in their own language. -
The Dissenting Tradition in English Medicine of the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries
Medical History, 1995, 39: 197-218 The Dissenting Tradition in English Medicine of the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries WILLIAM BIRKEN* In England, medicine has always been something of a refuge for individuals whose lives have been dislocated by religious and political strife. This was particularly true in the seventeenth century when changes in Church and State were occurring at a blinding speed. In his book The experience of defeat, Christopher Hill has described the erratic careers of a number of radical clergy and intellectuals who studied and practised medicine in times of dislocation. A list pulled together from Hill's book would include: John Pordage, Samuel Pordage, Henry Stubbe, John Webster, John Rogers, Abiezer Coppe, William Walwyn and Marchamont Nedham.1 Medicine as a practical option for a lost career, or to supplement and subsidize uncertain careers, can also be found among Royalists and Anglicans when their lives were similarly disrupted during the Interregnum. Among these were the brilliant Vaughan twins, Thomas, the Hermetic philosopher, and Henry, the metaphysical poet and clergyman; the poet, Abraham Cowley; and the mercurial Nedham, who was dislocated both as a republican and as a royalist. The Anglicans Ralph Bathurst and Mathew Robinson were forced to abandon temporarily their clerical careers for medicine, only to return to the Church when times were more propitious. In the middle of the eighteenth century the political and religious disabilities of non-juring Anglicanism were still potent enough to impel Sir Richard Jebb to a successful medical career. But by and large the greatest impact on medicine came from the much larger group of the displaced, the English Dissenters, whose combination of religion and medicine were nothing short of remarkable. -
2859 Alumninews to Prnt
AlumniAlumniNewsDukeDukeMedMed News In TheirTheir NextNext LifeLife WINTER 2001 What’s it like to enter medical school after years in the working world? p.10 6 Meet the New MAA President 8 Diary of a Tragedy: Alumni Respond to the Events of September 11 DukeMed In Brief ALUMNI NEWS ALUMNI NEWS Reynolds Chronicles Lincoln Hospital History Many Duke pediatrics and general medicine residents can remember seeing patients at Lincoln Community Health Center in downtown Durham. Now a new book by P. Preston Reynolds, T’79, G’81, MD’85, PhD’87, of Baltimore, Md., chronicles the history of the original Lincoln Hospital, which served Durham’s black community from 1901 to 1976. In 1976, Lincoln and Watts Hospital, Durham’s “white” hospital, merged to form Durham County General Hospital—now Durham Regional Hospital. The Lincoln name was given to the community health center, which stands on the site of the old hospital campus. During the Jim Crow era, Lincoln was a rare model of interracial collaboration, according to Reynolds. “I think, because of those professional relations—at the The Next Best Thing to Being Here: trustee level, at the physician level, at the staff level— DukeMed Interactive [Lincoln] served a critical role when the community Potential medical students can now check out Duke merged Watts and Lincoln in Durham General,” School of Medicine without leaving their desks. says Reynolds. DukeMed Interactive, a Web site for medical school Lincoln served a thriving black community in admissions, is designed to help applicants understand Durham, which was home to two of the nation’s what makes Duke one of the nation’s top medical largest African-American-owned institutions: N.C. -
Restoring Thymic Function Then And
Cytokine 120 (2019) 202–209 Contents lists available at ScienceDirect Cytokine journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/cytokine Restoring thymic function: Then and now T ⁎ Abed El-Hakim El-Kadirya,b, Moutih Rafeic,d,e, a Department of Biomedical Sciences, Faculty of Medicine, Université de Montréal, Montréal, Qc, Canada b Montreal Heart Institute, Montréal, Qc, Canada c Department of Pharmacology and Physiology, Université de Montréal, Montréal, Qc, Canada d Department of Microbiology, Infectious Diseases and Immunology, Université de Montréal, Montréal, Qc, Canada e Department of Microbiology and Immunology, McGill University, Montréal, Qc, Canada ARTICLE INFO ABSTRACT Keywords: Thymic vulnerability, a leading cause of defective immunity, was discovered decades ago. To date, several Thymopoiesis strategies have been investigated to unveil any immunorestorative capacities they might confer. Studies ex- Immune reconstitution ploiting castration, transplantation, adoptive cell therapies, hormones/growth factors, and cytokines have de- Aging monstrated enhanced in vitro and in vivo thymopoiesis, albeit with clinical restrictions. In this review, we will GVHD dissect the thymus on a physiological and pathological level and discuss the pros and cons of several strategies Bone marrow transplantation esteemed thymotrophic from a pre-clinical perspective. Finally, we will shed light on interleukin (IL)-21, a IL-21 pharmacologically-promising cytokine with a significant thymotrophic nature, and elaborate on its potential clinical efficacy and -
Margaret Cavendish, Jan Baptista Van Helmont, and the Madness of the Womb
[Please note this is an earlier version of a published essay: Jacqueline Broad, ‘Cavendish, van Helmont, and the Mad Raging Womb’, in The New Science and Women’s Literary Discourse: Prefiguring Frankenstein, edited by Judy A. Hayden (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2011), pp. 47-63. Please cite the published version.] Margaret Cavendish, Jan Baptista van Helmont, and the Madness of the Womb Jacqueline Broad In April 1667, Mary Evelyn wrote to her son’s tutor, Ralph Bohun, describing a visit that she had paid to Margaret Cavendish, the Duchess of Newcastle (1623-73). Evelyn reports that Cavendish was with the physician and natural philosopher, Walter Charleton (1619- 1707), and that he was “complimenting her wit and learning in a high manner; which she took to be so much her due that she swore if the schools did not banish Aristotle and read Margaret, Duchess of Newcastle, they did her wrong, and deserved to be utterly abolished.”1 Evelyn left the meeting declaring that “Never did I see a woman so full of herself, so amazingly vain and ambitious.”2 And her complete description of the encounter does not leave the reader with a favorable impression of Cavendish’s humility: enthusiastically recounting the details of her philosophy (citing “her own pieces line and page”), Cavendish paused for breath apparently only in order to greet the arrival of new admirers. While Evelyn may have had a personal grudge against Cavendish,3 her detail about “banishing Aristotle from the schools” still rings true with our present-day opinions 52 about Cavendish’s natural philosophy. -
The Apothecary As Man of Science
Iv THE APOTHECARY AS MAN OF SCIENCE INTRODUCTION The development and use of rational scientific methods was well established by the mid-seventeenth century. The collection of data and the systematic arrangement of ideas, the application of mathematics and sound reasoning, and, above all, the experi- mental testing of hypotheses, advocated by men of the calibre of Johan Kepler (1571-1630), Galileo Galilei (1564-1642), Francis Bacon (1561-1626), and Rene Descartes (1596-1650) were, by the time of the Commonwealth, accepted roads to the advancement of knowledge. A new intellectual outlook had evolved, as noted by John Aubrey (1626-97) in 1671, "Till about the year 1649 'twas held a strange presumption for a man to attempt an innovation of learning". The English apothecary was, of course, much influenced by these changes. He developed methods of inquiry and investigation, he experimented, he joined societies, he wrote to like-minded contemporaries, he published his findings, and, above all, he had the good fortune to be caught in the toils of collectors' mania, be it "curiosities" or new information. The apothecary had a particular interest in those fields that most closely impinged upon his own profession - botany, chemistry, and medicine. Although considerable advances in the description and classification of plants and animals had been made by 1760, no great theoretical principles or "laws" of biology had been developed. It should be noted, though, that the generation of scientists arriv- ing on the scene after 1760 was able to study an immensely richer collection of natural history specimens from distant lands, which helped towards developing new interpretations of Nature based on sounder doctrines. -
The Education and Cultural Interests Of-The Apothecary
v THE EDUCATION AND CULTURAL INTERESTS OF-THE APOTHECARY The apothecary obtained his professional training by apprenticeship, a system which, at its best, as Clark has said .. was fully justified".257 Amongst its benefits was the direct transmission to the apprentice of a fund of clinical experience, the advantage of continuously attending the same patients and thereby seeing the progression of a disease, and a practical training that was free from the detrimental interference of both theorists and theories. This last point was not solely confined to the study of medicine. Pilkington believed that Boyle was able to demolish "the four-element system of the scholastics" and "the three-principle notion of the alchemists" because, amongst other things, ". he had not been to the university and so he escaped prolonged indoctrination with scholastic teaching . .''258 The Statute of Artificers (1563) made apprenticeship a legal necessity for the practice of all trades and crafts, and demanded that it should last for seven years.259 Cameron stated that the apothecaries of the London company chose their apprentices with care and that in the time of Queen Anne their education, at least in pharmacy, was efficient.260 A boy aged between fourteen and sixteen was taken to the Hall and there orally examined before the Private Court as to his general knowledge. The examiners laid particular stress on his ability to read and write Latin, and we know of at least one boy who was rejected for insufficiency in that subject.261 After his time was finished, the young man was again examined by the court; most passed, but by no means all. -
No Rules, No Minutes!
NO RULES, NO MINUTES! A RECORD OF THE BRISTOL SCIENTIFIC CLUB By RAYMOND HOLLAND November 2002 Updated Feb 2010 J S Littler BRISTOL SCIENTIFIC CLUB ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS In undertaking this project I have made extensive use of the early editions of the Journal of the Society of Chemical Industry and Sir William A Tilden’s book ‘Sir William Ramsay KCB, FRS Memorials of his life and work’. Published by MacMillan in 1918. I should like to record special thanks to: Beryl Corner, one of the original lady members and the first lady to present a subject for discussion, for her memories of the first ladies elected to membership and of other Club members over her long membership. Aitken Couper, a former Secretary Bristol Scientific Club, for his valuable advice, and the documentation covering the admission of ladies to membership. Anne Hollowell, Hon Librarian Bristol Naturalists Society, for allowing me access to the records of the Bristol Naturalists Society and for her help in providing copies of BNS records of the period immediately before and after 1886. John Littler, currently Senior Secretary Bristol Scientific Club, for inviting me to undertake this challenging project, giving me access to all the available Club records and for giving me his invaluable advice and support leading to the publication of this record. I would welcome the correction of my errors and inconsistencies together with any additional information that should be included in the Club’s archives. I hope that my efforts will encourage others to pad out these ‘bare bones’ in the future, for example, there must be much that could be written about the individual members. -
Download a PDF Version of the Guide to African American Manuscripts
Guide to African American Manuscripts In the Collection of the Virginia Historical Society A [Abner, C?], letter, 1859. 1 p. Mss2Ab722a1. Written at Charleston, S.C., to E. Kingsland, this letter of 18 November 1859 describes a visit to the slave pens in Richmond. The traveler had stopped there on the way to Charleston from Washington, D.C. He describes in particular the treatment of young African American girls at the slave pen. Accomack County, commissioner of revenue, personal property tax book, ca. 1840. 42 pp. Mss4AC2753a1. Contains a list of residents’ taxable property, including slaves by age groups, horses, cattle, clocks, watches, carriages, buggies, and gigs. Free African Americans are listed separately, and notes about age and occupation sometimes accompany the names. Adams family papers, 1698–1792. 222 items. Mss1Ad198a. Microfilm reels C001 and C321. Primarily the papers of Thomas Adams (1730–1788), merchant of Richmond, Va., and London, Eng. Section 15 contains a letter dated 14 January 1768 from John Mercer to his son James. The writer wanted to send several slaves to James but was delayed because of poor weather conditions. Adams family papers, 1792–1862. 41 items. Mss1Ad198b. Concerns Adams and related Withers family members of the Petersburg area. Section 4 includes an account dated 23 February 1860 of John Thomas, a free African American, with Ursila Ruffin for boarding and nursing services in 1859. Also, contains an 1801 inventory and appraisal of the estate of Baldwin Pearce, including a listing of 14 male and female slaves. Albemarle Parish, Sussex County, register, 1721–1787. 1 vol.