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A SULTAN OF , MUDAFFAR SJAH, AND THE LOCAL POLITICS CONSOLIDATION DURING THE NEW ORDER ERA FROM 1966 TO 1998

Rustam Hasim1, Syawal Abdulajid2, Mohtar Kamisi3

1Study Program of Pancasila and Civic Education, Universitas Khairun Ternate 2Faculty of Law, Universitas Khairun Ternate 3 Study Program of Pancasila and Civic Education, Universitas Khairun Ternate

[email protected], [email protected], [email protected]

Abstract This paper defines the political strategy of the 48th Sultan of Ternate, Mudaffar Sjah, in reorganizing his power base after the death of the 47th Sultan of Ternate, Iskandar Djabir Syah, in 1975. This paper also discovers any kind of strategies used by Sultan Mudaffar Sjah in rebuilding his power base during the New Order power with three main forces, namely: military, bureaucracy, and GOLKAR (Indonesian Party of Functional Groups). This paper emphasizes two strategies of the elite of the Sultanate of Ternate to maintain their political existence in the local political sphere. The first is associated with government parties: During the era of the Soeharto government, the elite of the sultanate took political decisions to support the government party, the GOLKAR. The support of the Sultanate of Ternate to the GOLKAR Party was understood as an accommodating strategy, and to maintain it in authoritarian and centralist power. The accommodating approach was aimed at surviving the destruction as occurred in the Soekarno government, as well as being able to utilize the resources possessed by the force of the New Order. The second is the cultural arena: In building the power, the strategies used by the elite of the Sultanate of Ternate were not only through political parties, but also laid the power base in the fields of art, religious theology, and culture. The manifestation as the centre of palace retention kept maintaining the traditional palace ceremonies, such as Kololi Kie (a ritual of encircling the island) and Fire Kie (a ritual of climbing the mountain). These palace rites keep being carried out since those are the sources of cultural legitimacy that the palace still has the magical, sacred, and symbolic authority. Moreover, building a kinship network (kinship, politics) by presenting honorary titles to officials or former officials, both central and regional. At least, the cultural strategy as an entry point to make the palace a centre for caretaker, preservation, and development of the Ternate culture. Keywords: Sultan Mudaffar Sjah, Sultanate of Ternate, New Order and Cultural Politics.

A. Mudaffar Sjah: The Third Son who Since the beginning of his life, he had became the 48th Sultan of Ternate experienced a heavy struggle with his family during the Japanese Occupation in Ternate. Mudaffar Sjah was born in Ternate They had to be evacuated to Brisbane, on April 13, 1938, and was the 3rd son of , to avoid attempts at exploiting and four siblings from Sultan Iskandar Djabir killing the Japanese Occupation Army. Such Sjah and Boki Mariyam Cili Gunung Sibela sacrifices and struggles made the children of (the daughter of the Sultanate of Bacan). Sultan Iskandar Djabir Sjah (the 47th Sultan)

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appeared as warrior figures and heirs of the Dutch schools; by a reason that the Dutch empire who had a political vision to become were all infidels, therefore naturally the a great king. Mudaffar Sjah was one of schools were infidel as well; thus, all of his them, later becoming the heir to the throne, children were sent to the Malay School. In and also becoming became a political 1967, he continued his higher education at maestro in in the journey of Universitas Khairun Ternate and obtained his history. Unlike the children of the sultans his Bachelor of Laws degree in 1970, and in other regions who distinguished the status then continued his higher education at of aristocrats in their daily interactions, Universitas (UI), majoring in Mudaffar Sjah was raised by villagers Philosophy, and obtaining his bachelor (Dufa-dufa) and lived outside the palace. degree in 1984. Although Mudaffar Sjah came from the In this last education, he had a major aristocracy, however, he was educated by role in introducing and re-establishing the his parents to mingle with the common ideology of the Sultanate of Ternate, namely society (Djafar, 2005). Jou se Ngofa Ngare (the leader and the This is in line with the philosophy of people) which had long been the philosophy the Sultanate of Ternate, namely dadah of Moloku Kie Raha and in various seminars madopo (yellow and eggs). Thus, it is or writings. For Mudaffar Sjah, the not surprising that Mudaffar Sjah grew philosophical Jou se Ngofa Ngare is not normally like most children at that time only limited to the relationship between since he was not raised in a palace leaders and the people. The ideology has environment where his father and mother undergone a process of materialization to lived. From the association which did not form the symbol of the Sultanate of Ternate, distinguish the status, he grew up as a free Goheba Dopolo Romdidi (a two-headed, kaicil (prince), including in terms of one-bodied, and one-hearted bird), even deciding his soulmate. This occurred the developing into religious thought (God and Kaicil (prince) Mudaffar Sjah once married His Servants) which is contained in the form a Christian wife from Minahasa. Whenever of two shahada sentences in Islamic they went to church, Mudaffar Sjah drove teachings. This argument would certainly be his wife to church for worship. Until the polemic if Jou se Ngofa Ngare philosophy, worship was over, then both of them went which was only limited to cultural and back home to the palace; and so on before political matters, was converted in terms of his wife became a mualaf (a person who just belief (religion). Therefore, this aspect needs moves to Islam from another religion), a limitation for the philosophy of Jou se something which is contrary to the Sultanate Ngofa Ngare (leader and people) to be only values adhered by the people of Ternate limited to the matter of political culture and (Hasan, 2000). is not related to the religious dimension at His formal education (primary, all, moreover, equating the sultan is the middle, and high school) was all in Ternate, representative of God as the beliefs of some in Christian schools; although at that time, other traditional kingdoms in Indonesia there were already public schools or Islamic (Syah, 2009). schools in Ternate. This is different from During his exile in (1950 to what was done by his grandfather (Sultan 1975), Sultan Iskandar Djabir Sjah issued Usman Sjah) who was a very anti-Dutch so idin kolano (fatwa) which referred to the that his children were not allowed to enter implementation of daily duties to four

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indigenous stakeholders (bobato madopolo) replace the king is the son of four clans/soa from four main clans, namely: Ahmad (sabua raha) who is chosen based on the Yusup Madjid from the Marsaoli Clan, results of deliberations by the Royal Abdul Habib Djoko from the Djiko Clan, Council. Valentijn further says that there is a Samaka Ali from the Payahe Clan, and tradition in Ternate that the one being Saleh Badrudin from the Tabala Clan. With crowned as the king is not the king's son, but their respective positions, namely: Ahmad the king's brother, or the son of a brother, or Yusup Madjid as the jogugu (prime the son of a sister of a deceased king (FSA minister), Abdul Habib Djoko as the Law of de Clercq, 1879). However, the entire Soa-Sio (minister of home affairs), Samaka council of ministers and the society wanted Ali as the Law of Sangaji (minister of the kaicil Mudaffar Sjah who would later foreign affair), and Saleh Badrudin as the become the sultan since his authority and Tullamo (royal secretary); these indigenous charisma were acceptable to all people. stakeholders implemented the fatwa of Mudafar Sjah was occupied with his kolano (sultan), reorganized a person's activities such as running his business, custom or by running the governmental managing the earth resource by cooperating wheel until the inauguration of a new sultan. with several companies. Besides that, he In 1969, the Jo Gugu (prime also worked as a student of the Faculty of minister), Ahmad Yusup Madjid, died and Law at Universitas Khairun Ternate. At the had not yet completed his task of same time, he was also appointed as the inaugurating the new sultan as instructed chairman of BAPARDA (Regional Tourism (idin kolano) by Sultan Djabir Sjah. In the Board) to promote North Maluku regional structure of the Sultanate of Ternate, the tourism. jogugu was the second man after the sultan, Sultan Iskandar Djabir Sjah passed and both were equally bound by their duties away in Jakarta in 1975. Bobato Nyagimo and responsibilities in an inseparable whole. se-Tufkange or the eighteen councils Both are likened to a sword with a sheath as (legislative board) decided to appoint contained in the philosophy of Ternate, Mudaffar Sjah as the 48th Sultan of Ternate rubu-rubu fo ma moi-moi doka saya rako on November 29, 1976, in the sultan moi (in droves of us all like a series of coronation ceremony called Jou Khalifah, flowers). At the same time, all hopes of bala Jou Kolano. kusu se kano-kano (society) were wishing The coronation ceremony of the for having a crown prince (kaicil) prepared sultan, Jou Khalifah, Jou Kolano, is the by the bobato madopolo (council of most important and biggest state ceremony, ministers) as a replacement for sultan and witnessed by all members of the royal Iskandar Djabir Sjah who was temporarily family, the Prime Minister (Jojugu), the exiled to Jakarta (Rajilun, 1980). Ministers, as well as all participants of 18 Although the Sultanate of Ternate members of the House of Representatives, does not have the term for ‘the crown elders, heads of Soas, ulama, kadhi, imam, prince’, even according to the tradition of and preachers. The crown prince sits on the the Sultanate of Ternate, a prospective sultan throne, then the Head of Soa, Kimalaha is not always appointed a son of the Marsaoli, as the chairman of the House of governing sultan. Antonio Galvao states that Representatives, accompanied by the chief the Sultanate of Ternate do not have the of the traditional palace and the head of the term for the crown prince; the one entitled to palace, step forward to pay their respects.

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Then two special officers, called Sawohi and raha, seni bala, seni rakyat, seni sahabat ya Sadaha, carrying a crown (stampa), mukaram hoframintu walandawi, ma approaching the throne, and wear it on the sitiadat sema kabasarangma adat sema crown prince's head. Since that moment, the troran, ma galib sema lukudi, mangale se crown prince has become the Sultan (Jou macara, mangaro sema biasa, ngofangare Khalifah, Jou Kolano), accompanied by ngom mi ma moi-moi mihadir saddia tatap prayers, by the mufti and five palace imam lengkap mi tede semi saha, zaman mula (Imam Jiko, Imam , Imam Sangaji, akhirin itola ua moju toma safutu se wange Imam Moti, Imam Nation). At the moment, isi dutu hari qiamat saililla suba jou kolano the guests stand up (from their seats) to offer lamo-lamo no khalifat ma gori-gori. Kum- the oath of confinement to the new Sultan. kum ua moju ni sosyusyu ngofagare Jojugu Then the Prime Minister (jojugu) comes he abdulhabib djiko tolede rusuba paksan forward, stops a few steps before the Sultan, (Soelastro, 1982) makes a prayer, and delivers a special report Every era must have a leader with (Suba) in the coronation ceremony of the different characteristics. The adagium is Sultan. The report is read in Ternate as right when paired with different political follows: roles between Iskandar Djabir Syah (the 47th ‘Saililla suba Jou Kolano lamo-lamo Sultan) and Mudaffar Sjah (the 48th Sultan). toma kaus Kolano, toma hadrat nan calamoi If Iskandar Djabir Sjah's political maadu-adu.Saililla suba Jou Kolano lamo- engagement at the beginning of laamo no khalifat magori-gori No Khalifat- independence was to take a political stand ur-Rasyid, no tubaddilur-Rasul. No gugu that opposed most Indonesian nationalists, tabdir parenta amar se nahi toma alam involving himself as a member of the NIT daerah Moloku istana baldan Ternate, no (State of East Indonesia) senate, tego toma singgasana Kolano, ni jo joko no representing North Maluku at the Malino sijoko toma thinil molok, ni momina seni and Denpasar conference in 1946, initiated gogise mangganggungagu intan se yakut by Herbertus J. Van Mook to form the State malili parmata jambrut, mabobela ratna mut of East Indonesia, so that in his progress he jaohar manikam, ma cahaya isi woro toma was appointed as the Minister of Home alam daerah Moloku istana baldan Ternate, Affairs of NIT on December 27, 1949, in the limau duko se gapi, gapi se seki, matubu la J. E. Tatengkeng Cabinet. The implication of idadi ka cahaya akal ikhsan kolano. Saililla this policy was when RIS ( of suba jou kolano lamo-lamo no khalifat Indonesia) was dispersed on August 17, magori-gori. Kum-kum ua moju ni sosyusyu 1950. As a federalist figure, Iskandar Djabir kani ra’sul wajir fangare jojugu he abdul- Sjah was exiled by President Soekarno to habib Djiko to tede re suba paksaan Jakarta and placed as one of the Ministry of mangale tosi waje-waje ni molok kier aha Home Affairs employees until he passed Ternate se , Baca se , sema mie away in 1975 (Amal, 2003). gudu-gudu Tobuku se Banggai, sama sare Having learnt from the political gudu-gudu Sula se Taliabo seni ronga seni failure of Sultan Iskandar Djabir Sjah in the bobato dunya se akhirat, soa sio se Sangaji, Old Order era, which was opposite to the Heku se cim, seni bangsa bara bangsa seni political interests of the central government. ngofa-ngofa Kolano, seni ngofangare pehak Getting into the New Order era, the national ber pehak se agama rasulullah majojaga political map underwent fundamental Jo kalem, se jo Imam se jo khatib bobula changes. As Soeharto's political vehicle,

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GOLKAR tried to cooperate with traditional who had passed away, the sultan's candidate powers in Indonesia. In that era, since the was proposed by the Bobato Nyagimo se inauguration of the 48th Sultan of Ternate on Tufkange or the eighteen councils November 29 1976, the Sultanate of Ternate (legislative board) to the Gam Raha (highest under the leadership of Sultan Mudaffar council/People’s Consultative Assembly). Sjah took the political decision to support The two institutions decided to appoint the Soeharto government party (GOLKAR). Mudaffar Sjah as the 48th Sultan of Ternate The support of the Sultanate of Ternate to on November 29, 1986, in the coronation the politics of GOLKAR was understood as ceremony of the sultan called Jou Khalifah, an accommodating strategy, and to maintain Jou Kolano. Since being appointed as the it in the authoritarian and centralized power 48th sultan of Ternate, Sultan Mudaffar Sjah of the New Order government with three has been reorganizing and filling the new main forces, namely: military, bureaucracy, administrators of the sultanate institutions, and GOLKAR. consisting of the central government (bobato madopolo) and regional government B. Sultanate Bureaucracy Regulation (Sangaji and Salahan) according to the customs of the sultanate. As explained previously, after RIS In the structure of the Sultanate of was dismissed in 1950, Sultan Iskandar Ternate, the sultan is the highest head of Djabir Sjah was exiled to Jakarta by the government. In carrying out his government, Soekarno Government because he was the sultan is assisted by the Council of accused of being a federalist figure and a Ministers or Bobato Madopolo. These are supporter of RMS (Republic of South the core officials of the political structure in Maluku). Meanwhile, in Jakarta, he was the central government, consisting of positioned as a staff of the Ministry of Home Jogugu (Prime Minister), Kapita Lau Affairs until he passed away in June 1975. (Minister of Defense and Security), Soa-sio During his exile, the Sultanate of Ternate Law (Minister of Home Affairs), Sangaji experienced emptiness in the government. Law (Minister of Foreign Affairs), Tulilamo All governmental activities and (Minister of State Secretariat). Therefore, implementation in the Sultanate of Ternate the first step he took was to inaugurate were carried out by the Bobato Madopo Kaicil Afendi as the Jogugu, and Kaicil Board (Council of Ministers), appointed by Hamid as the Kapita Lau. (Shaleh A. Sultan Iskandar Djabir Syah. Such Putuhena, 1982). emptiness had an impact on the power of the In the field of government, Jogugu sultanate's elite to decline, due to the loss of and Kapita Lau play a strategic role. political and bureaucratic control in the Jogugu's position is the first person under territory. Their capacity was only limited to the king. Jogugu's relationship with the complementing the structure of government, sultan is likened to a dagger and a sheath. and only taking care of the palace household This means that all the actions of the sultan interests. It was all because the leading and Jogugu must always be the same. In authority in the Sultanate of Ternate was in addition to Jogugu, Kapita Lau is a person the hands of the sultan. close to the king. If he comes in, his seat is After the death of Sultan Iskandar not far from the king. As a protector of the Djabir Sjah in June 1975, in accordance with king, his position is at the same level. These the tradition of the sultanate, every sultan positions have an important role. Therefore,

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Sultan Mudaffar Sjah was looking for the on the Local Content subject. Third: right figures to occupy these positions. cooperating with universities in cultural In addition, to inaugurate the main development, in this case, making several positions in the central government, it is also universities, such as the University of inaugurating the regional officials consisting Khairun Ternate and STAIN Ternate, as of Sangaji (Regent), Kapita (Head of cultural partners. This step is expected to Security), Fanyira (Head of Village), establish the palace relationship with the Kimalaha (Head of Customary), and academic world (Kutoyo, 1978). Salahakan (Messenger of the Sultan), in the By making the palace a cultural regions of North , West centre, the palace since then has placed its Halmahera, and Ternate Island. Even some power base on hegemony in the fields of art, Sangaji scattered around North Maluku, religious theology, and culture. Arts, which was once the territory of the Sultanate religious rituals, and cultural performances of Ternate, such as Sangaji Kao, , do not stand alone but are the medium to , and , are revived by show the power. It is not strange if the presenting them honorary titles. (Tabloid palace, then arranges ceremonies, starting Parada, edition 1, 2002). from births, marriages, birthdays, and To utilize the palace as a centre for funeral, which are often used to show the preservation of Ternate culture, the grandeur to have political weight before the central government confirmed the status of general public. This step made the palace a the Ternate Palace as a cultural legacy No. centre for the preservation and development KC-IV/III-3/606/77 in 1977 through the of Ternate culture. (Abdulrahman, et al., Minister of Education and Culture of the 2002). Republic of Indonesia, Daoed Joesoef, Besides, to utilize the palace which must be preserved as a cultural asset economically, the elite of the sultanate and tourism (memorial museum, Rajiloun, developed relationships with the government 1982). of the North Maluku and the Since then, there have been some central government. Thus, the palace policies implemented by the palace to received regular assistance from the socialize or expand knowledge to the public. Regional Tourism Office and the Ministry of First: make the palace a centre of knowledge Tourism. The assistance is used for the about history, art, education, and so on, so management, maintenance, and financing of that people are free to visit the kadaton the palace household, as well as organizing (palace) that was not previously open to the the legu gam event (the Sultan's birthday public. Second: in order to preserve the anniversary), every year in April. In 1992, culture of Ternate, cooperation is carried out the Sultanate of Ternate received 2 billion by the Government Tourism Office and the IDR from the central government to Education Authority. Some of the activities renovate and restore some parts of the being conducted are: (1) Establishing several Ternate Palace. traditional villages such as Dufa-dufa, When facing economic pressures, the Sangaji, and Tubo; (2) holding events such elite gets income from controlling the lands as dances, regional language contests, in the form of ngase (tax). In terms of land drama, regional literature, etc., through ownership, the Sultanate of Ternate has celebrations and ceremonies at the palace; three levels of land, namely: sultan's land (3) fostering regional culture and language (ahakolano), clan's land (aha soa), and

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community land (kaha cacu). Each has a palace, the elite of the sultanate make different position and function. For changes in work orientation. If during the Ahakolano (Sultan's land) is only intended Soekarno period, they were only absorbed in for the Sultan. In addition to permanent land the government bureaucracy, then during the ownership, there is also a temporary Sultan's Soeharto period, besides, some still chose to land rights, namely: Tolagumi Rights, Safa enter the state bureaucracy sector and Rights, Ruba Bangga Rights, and Jurami become bureaucrats, some of them began to Rights. The land is the sultan's right granted enter the non-bureaucratic sector or enter the to one of the soa or clan in the form of a plot business world and become traders. In of land for the benefit of the clan itself addition, to reduce dependence on called kaha soa. These lands are prohibited government subsidies, the strategy adopted from moving to other clans or other by the Sultanate of Ternate to meet the individuals. At the same time, kaha cacu is economic needs of the palace is to also land given by the sultan to be managed promote the Sultan's birthday (legu gam). individually with a profit-sharing system in Some palace buildings such as pandopo, the form of ngase (tax). Until now the sultan ngara lama, are commercialized for had a monopoly over some lands in his meetings, seminars, and art performances. domain. These lands are spread in several Likewise, in education, the elite uses areas on North Ternate Island and West an education strategy as a way to survive. Halmahera. In addition to this income, there Their children are sent to schools outside is also another income of the Sultanate of North Maluku such as in Makassar, Ternate, which generally comes from taxes Surabaya, and Jakarta. They also do not (ngase) from the territories of authority. hesitate to send their children overseas, such From various sources been interviewed, as Australia and Singapore. This strategy is each year before the holy month of done not to isolate themselves from the Ramadan, the territories, especially in modern world, as well to provide access for northern Ternate and West Halmahera, are their descendants to get a formal education. subject to pay tribute (ngase) in the form of Thus, playing with modern criteria is a very earth resources such as rice, oil, accurate effort to stay survive. sago, firewood, wicker baskets, boats, and During the New Order era, the several unmarried women to work as the Sultanate of Ternate was revived under the palace maids during Ramadan. The same auspices of GOLKAR, politically and obligation is also imposed on the people of culturally. Since being inaugurated as the Hiri and North Halmahera in the form of 48th Sultan of Ternate on November 29 forest product taxes such as resin ngase; 1976, Mudaffar Sjah appeared in political garden ngase, wood ngase, boat ngase, events during the five-year general election bamboo ngase, deer jerked meat ngase, and as a functionary of the GOLKAR party. The fish and shells ngase. Thus, it can be involvement of Sultan Mudaffar Sjah's said that the income of the sultanate in the family was also followed by his brothers form of taxes (ngase) until now still comes such as Ismunandar Syah, Hidayat Syah, and from the areas of his authority, sourced from Talabudin Yusuf, who was then heavily the forest and marine products. (Hasim, involved in the GOLKAR management of 2003). the North Maluku Regency. (Tryatmoko, Apart from relying on taxes (ngase) 2005). and the lands that are still owned by the With the support of Golkar, this

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strategy was used to be more effective in power did not come naturally but was maximizing the interests of the palace, both achieved by revitalizing customary economically, politically, and culturally. institutions and creatively utilizing the Through this party, they could also organize inheritance obtained from his predecessors. their political careers into bureaucrats, One of the political policies was to donate politicians, and entrepreneurs. By utilizing the palace’s lands to local governments for the GOLKAR network and their capacity as the construction of public facilities such as nobles, they easily became local journalists Hospitals, Universities, Airports, and so on and academics at several universities in (Muchdar Abdullah, 2006). North Maluku. There were some reasons why those Such a large political position pushed lands were donated for the public interests. Sultan Mudaffar Sjah to build influence First, it was hoped that the palace would through other cultural arenas, for example, have access to government bureaucratic forming a royal security troop called the policies, and the palace would not be Young Generation of Sultan Babullah disadvantaged. Second, the palace built a (GEMUSBA) in 1996, which was later new patron-client relationship. For the referred to as the "Yellow Troops". Besides culture that is still patrimonialism like being intended as a security guard, the Ternate, a sultan who holds ceremonies at Yellow Troops were expected to be able to the palace, then the regent assists as in the attract the sympathy of the people of era of Regent Mansur and Abdullah Ternate. Besides that, the Sultanate of Assagaf. This implies a position as a patron Ternate also formed several local media is a guarantee to get loyalty and economic such as The Tabloid Parada, The Media benefits from the clients. This can be seen in Gamalama Media, and The Foramadiahi, the local government, which then assists which were chaired by Hidayatullah M. Sjah with the renovation of several palace (son of the Sultan of Ternate, Muchtar, et buildings (Barron, et al., 2012). al., 2003). Although the political dimension is In addition to functioning as a means very prominent, the sultan has a role in of information and education, the maintaining the function of the palace as a establishment of some of these media is as a cultural centre. All this can be done because funnel for the delivery of political the sultan is seen as a role model who aspirations related to several political controls the symbolic and actual world. This agendas faced by the Sultanate of Ternate, can be seen in the implementation of the such as the election of the Mayor of Ternate ceremonies held by the Ternate Palace, in 1997, and the election of the Governor of which are increasingly intensified so that the North Maluku 2001. These media are also function of the ceremony turns into a symbol used for vocalizing political interests in to show its greatness and authority. several district head elections in West Halmahera, North Halmahera, and the Sula C. The Support of Sultan Mudaffar Sjah Islands, where these regions still have a for the GOLKAR Party in the New cultural and historical relationship with the Order 5-year General Election Sultanate of Ternate. During the reign of Sultan Mudaffar In the New Order era, the national Sjah, the position of the palace as a political political map underwent fundamental centre was very prominent. The sultan's changes. GOLKAR, as a Soeharto's political

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vehicle, tried to cooperate with traditional supporting GOLKAR allowed the powers in Indonesia. It was in that context of establishment of a mutualistic relationship. changing the political constellation that the Presence of several members of the Sultanate of Ternate politically decided to aristocrats, who occupied the structures in support GOLKAR. Since being inaugurated the palace and had influence in the as the 48th Sultan of Ternate on November community, were empowered to support 29 1976, Mudaffar Sjah took political their political party programs, including decisions to support the party of the building access to take strategic positions in Soeharto Government (GOLKAR). The the government. support of the Sultanate of Ternate to Since the Sultanate of Ternate joined GOLKAR is understood as an the GOLKAR Party at the beginning of the accommodating strategy, and to keep it in Soeharto government, since that time the authoritarian and centralized power of GOLKAR had always dominated the votes the New Order government. gained from the 5-year Elections in the New Even before being inaugurated as the Order era. If in the previous Election (1955), 48th Sultan of Ternate in 1976, Mudaffar the Sultanate of Ternate relied on the Sjah had been a functionary of the dominance of religious parties such as the GOLKAR Party at the beginning of the MASYUMI (Council of Indonesian Muslim Soeharto government. Therefore, he was Associations) Party (45%) and PARKINDO able to be a member of the DPRD (Regional or Indonesian Christian Party (22%), since People’s Representative Council) Level II the 1971 Election the Sultanate had to shift Region in the first 5-year election in 1971. towards a single majority of GOLKAR. With this support, it became important to With the support of the bureaucratic and give political legitimacy to the government military networks, GOLKAR won the most in carrying out the policies he made. In this votes in the 1971 Election by obtaining case, through the election, the people were 243,492 votes (63%), surpassing the votes of given the freedom and opportunity to choose other parties further such as PARKINDO the policies offered by political parties by with 98,379 votes (13%), PARMUSI their political preferences, including (diffusion from MASYUMI) with 75,893 choosing people who were deemed worthy votes (10%), and PNI (Indonesian National of carrying out these policies. (Tabloid Party) who only managed to get 21,614 Parada, edition 3, 2002) votes (7%) (Tri Ratnawati, 2006). As The surveillance strategy used by the illustrated in the following table: elite of the Sultanate of Ternate by

Table 1 The Results of the North Maluku Regency General Election in 1971

No. Party Vote Valid Invalid Total Vote Vote Voter 1 Catholic Party 16,367 2 PSII (Indonesian Islamic Union Party) 15,415 3 NU (Indonesian traditionalist Sunni Islam movement) 33,653 4 PARMUSI (Muslim Party of Indonesia) 75,893 510,645 24,987 535,632 5 GOLKAR (Functional Groups Party) 243,492

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6 PARKINDO (Indonesian Christian Party) 98,379 7 MURBA (‘national communist’ political party) 2,004 8 PNI (Indonesian National Party) 21,614 9 PERTI (Islamic Education Movement) 2,321 10 IPKI (League of Indonesian Independence Supporters) 1,507 Source: Directorate of Social and Political Affairs of the Maluku Governor Office of KDH Level I Region of 1971

The Sultanate of Ternate's support to Order era which showed the tendency of GOLKAR in the period of 1971 to 1997 was rising the GOLKAR votes in the areas which transformed into a tremendous force. The were the territory of the Sultanate of victory of GOLKAR in North Maluku in the Ternate. In its development, GOLKAR elections in the Soeharto era was fully continued to increase the percentage of its supported by the Sultanate of Ternate whose votes, from 63% in the 1971 Election to mass bases were almost scattered in most of 78% in the 1977 election. Likewise, the North Maluku Regency. With the motto subsequent elections rose sharply, starting Jou kasa ngom kage (where there is a sultan, from the 1982 Election (81%), 1987 there is where we are), the sultan utilized the Election (89%), Elections 1992 (90%) to the areas in his territory such as Ternate Island, 1997 Elections (95%). The absolute Hiri Island and Halmahera, West and North; GOLKAR victory in Ternate in the 1997 utilizing the Sangaji (sultan's representative) Election became the main headline, graced and Fanyira (village head) in their territorial on various local newspapers in Ternate, for power, they carried out political example, the Ternate Post newspaper in its socialization through informal channels or main news, "The GOLKAR victory is the the bottom line such as informal meetings victory of the Sultanate of Ternate ". Thus, between traditional leaders and young the GOLKAR Party appeared as a single people (cadres) in villages, and sometimes, party or single majority in the General was done by door-to-door. Election in North Maluku (Sri Yanuarti, The strong public support for the 1996). This is illustrated in the following GOLKAR Party was at least proven from table. the data of the election results in the New

Table 2 Voting of the Election Contesting Parties, 1977 to 1997 North Maluku Regency

No. Year Voting of Political Parties Valid Invalid Total PPP GOLKAR PDI Votes Votes Voters (United (Functional (Indonesian Development Groups Democracy Party) Party) Party)

1 1977 166,090 436,983 56,039 609,112 33,931 643,043

2 1982 136,766 533,040 41,202 711,067 38,772 749,839

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3 1987 109,366 670,850 43,658 822,974 47,070 870,914

4 1992 87,582 759,839 39,628 910,980 41,980 989,982 5 1997 66,751 897,170 28,832 103,661 42,872 114,521

Source: Directorate of Social and Political Affairs of the Maluku Governor Office of KDH Level I Region of 1971

The victory of GOLKAR in Ternate civil servants had no choice but to support was not only being fully supported by the and vote for GOLKAR. This PERMEN 12 Sultanate of Ternate but was also supported was strengthened by Government by the bureaucracy. Some bureaucratic Regulation No. 6 of 1970 which prohibited organizations were the extensions such as all civil servants (including ABRI or SOKSI (Indonesian Central Self- Indonesian Armed Forces) from engaging in Employment Organization), MKGR (Mutual political party activities. GOLKAR, Cooperation Family Forum Party), supported by ABRI and a group of KOSGORO (Mutual Assistance intellectuals, sought to gain trust in Multipurpose Organization), GAKARI Indonesia's development efforts as (Indonesian People's Work Movement), envisioned by the New Order in 1966. The MDI (Islamic Da'wah Council), GUPPI issue of the campaign was very influential to (Islamic Education Reform Business the victory of GOLKAR because at that time Movement), FKPPI (Communication Forum the community was hit by lethargy and for the Children of the Retired of the displeasure with the behaviour of political Indonesian Armed Forces) and AMPI parties in the past. This was further (Indonesian Youth Reform). Also, the strengthened by the number of policies strength of GOLKAR's position was due to issued by the government for the GOLKAR the support by government policies on the victory effort. Related to the effort to win party system, particularly on Law No. GOLKAR, ABRI's role cannot be ruled out 3/1985 which stipulates the management of because ABRI is one of the forces that political organizations only up to Level II. support GOLKAR so that GOLKAR Especially regarding the relationship nationally won 547 seats which were a between GOLKAR and the military, it combination of GOLKAR and ABRI in the cannot be separated indeed. On the one 1971 General Election. During this period hand, not only because GOLKAR's the government issued a Development organizational structure is aligned with Trilogy program, namely: (1) equitable military organizations, but GOLKAR's development and its results which pointed to independence will bring new issues for the the creation of social justice for all military because GOLKAR functions as an Indonesian people, (2) highly adequate extension of its social and political economic growth, and (3) healthy and functions. (Imawan, 1993). dynamic national stability (Dhakidae, 1981). In addition to getting support from As a large GOLKAR family, the the bureaucracy and the military, it was to bureaucracy and the military (at that time, unite together the civil servants and their ABRI) had a moral responsibility to win families to support and elect GOLKAR. GOLKAR. In return, the bureaucratic elite Through the Minister of Home Affairs and the ABRI gained the advantage of regulation No. 12 of 1969 (PERMEN 12), controlling the structure and course of

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government during the New Order, member of the DPRD II from 1971 to 1982, including in making political and economic a member of the DPRD I from 1982 to 1987, policies. As a state official, the duty of the a member of the MPR-RI (People's public servant should have been to serve all Consultative Assembly of the Republic of existing political forces, not to side with Indonesia) from 1987 to 1992. Also, this GOLKAR. In this period, the Sub-District party can deliver a number of sultanate Heads on Ternate Island had a very strategic officials to become the legislative members position to manage the results of the OPP of DPRD II and I, bureaucrats, academics, (General Election Participant Organization) journalists, and the business world; votes. Therefore it could be understood something that was never done by the elite whenever the General Election was about to of the sultanate during the Soekarno be held, usually, the sub-district heads got government. Thus, it can be concluded that facilities, such as cars, as the capital to the elite of the Sultanate experienced succeed the GOLKAR victory program. political empowerment in the New Order The choice of the political elite of the era. sultanate to support GOLKAR certainly Sultan Mudaffar Sjah was a key benefits the political position, both in the figure in the victory of GOLKAR at the local and national domains, in addition to 1997 General Election in North Maluku by occupying legislative, bureaucrats, and so obtaining 85% of the votes. The victory led on. Since joining GOLKAR in 1971, the GOLKAR to control the majority of seats, management structure of GOLKAR from namely 17 seats out of 25 seats in the DPRD DPD (Regional Representative Board) I, II, of North Maluku. As a cadre of the and PAC (Branch Officers), and GOLKAR's GOLKAR Party who had been organizational wings such as AMPI and commendable in raising and winning KNPI (Indonesian National Youth GOLKAR in North Maluku since the 1971 Committee) had been dominated by the elite to 1997 Elections, Sultan Mudaffar Sjah was of the Sultanate. By occupying the encouraged for self-nomination for the management at GOLKAR, they could position of DPD II GOLKAR of North influence policies that intersect with the Maluku Regency. At the Regional palace. One of the concessions granted by Conference of the Maluku Regency the Soeharto regime was Central GOLKAR Party in December 1998, the Government Decree No. KC-IV / III- Sultan nominated himself. It turned out that 3/606/77 established the Ternate Palace as a in the conference, the participants chose cultural and tourism asset (memorial another candidate, namely Kahar Limatahu museum) that should have been maintained. (aristocrat of the Sultanate of Ternate). Thus, the palace received routine assistance However, the GEMUSBA (Troops of from the central government for operational Sultanate) who were militant and loyal to costs of renovation funds (Salampessy and the sultan had surrounded the building and Husain, 2002). firmly called for the decision to be changed. With the support from the Sultanate With various pressures from the sultanate, of Ternate, the bureaucracy, and the finally, the deliberation set Sultan Mudaffar military, GOLKAR easily won at the Syah as the chairman of the DPD GOLKAR elections in the New Order era. GOLKAR's of North Maluku from 1998 to 2003. This victory from 1971 to 1997 in Ternate had placed Sultan Mudaffar Sjah as the manager led Sultan Mudaffar Sjah to become a of GOLKAR in North Maluku (Abbas,

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2012). Other than that, the cultural strategy By having Sultan Mudaffar Sjah as is also through the expansion of the alliance the head of GOLKAR of North Maluku of palaces throughout the Archipelago. Such Regency, was a momentum by the Sultanate a strategy is a way for the Sultanate of of Ternate to revive for their privilege. In Ternate to strengthen the bargaining position this case, the victory inspired Sultan of the palace facing the State. One of the Mudaffar Sjah for wishing a position as the agendas owned by the alliance of the palace Head of the DPRD. GOLKAR has belonged is the clarity of the former autonomous lands to Mudaffar when the election of the DPRD which were taken over by the state during of North Maluku was held in May 1999. the Soekarno government. Until now, the Sultan Mudaffar Syah was fully supported Sultanate of Ternate has no legal basis in the by all fractions and was elected as the Head field of land. of the DPRD or North Maluku Regency Unlike the Yogyakarta Palace which from 1999 to 2004. has legal protection of privileges. Due to the The election of Sultan Mudaffar Sjah lack of legal protection, some lands claimed as the chairman of GOLKAR and the DPRD by the Sultanate of Ternate was taken over of North Maluku Regency was also the by the State in the 1950s. The Sultanate of beginning of the rise of the Sultanate of Ternate carried out an inventory of the Ternate. In this case, the sultan already had customary lands around Malifut and Kao a foothold for self-nominate to be the Districts (North Halmahera Regency) which Governor of North Maluku in 2002. The were the mining areas, temporarily emergence of Sultan Mudaffar Sjah in the explored by PT. Nusa Halmahera Mineral local political stage was interpreted by the (NHM). emergence of neo-patrimonialism, marked The land was later claimed by the by the rise of the Sultanate of Ternate Sultanate of Ternate as the Aha Kolano Sultanate by using traditional power identity (sultan's land). This is where the beginning as the political vehicle. of the conflict in North Maluku due to the The accommodative strategy is not struggle of economic and political interests only through party system politics or between the Sultanate of Ternate and the association with the government party non-sultanates. (GOLKAR) but also engaging through efforts to build a network of relatives. This CONCLUSION politics of kinship is taken for several reasons. First, changing the political forces, There are three defence strategies who are influential and potential to become used by Sultan Mudaffar Sjah to rebuild his enemies, to become friends or relatives. For power base during the Soeharto era. First, example, the palace always appoints every the strategy to associate with the military and police official in Maluku as government party. Learn from the political relatives by awarding titles. Likewise, civil failure of Sultan Iskandar Djabir Syah bureaucratic officials such as governours, previously who did not support the Soekarno regents and mayors. Second, through government parties. The reality shows that marriages to get the parties who are since being appointed as the 48th Sultan of economically and politically profitable Ternate on November 29, 1976, Mudaffar (Henley, et al., 2010). Syah made a political decision to support the Soeharto Government (GOLKAR) party.

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The support of the Sultanate of Ternate in sector and become bureaucrats, but some of the politics of GOLKAR is understood as an them also began to enter the non- accommodative strategy to keep it surviving bureaucratic sector or even enter the in authoritarian and centralistic power and to business world and build relationships with be able to utilize the resources possessed by external parties, especially the business elite this great power. The success of this strategy of Chinese, Javanese and Makassar, as well has proven to be able to deliver some as building relationships with the local sultanate's elite to become the members of government, therefore, the palace receives legislative, academics, bureaucrats, regular support from the government to politicians, journalists, and entrepreneurs; cover the household costs and the building something that was never experienced by the maintenance of the palace. elite of the Sultanate during the Soekarno government. BIBLIOGRAPHY Second, the cultural arena. The Elite of the Sultanate of Ternate revives court the Abbas, Rusdi J. (2012). Demokrasi di Aras ceremonies such as Kololi Kie (ritual of Lokal Praktek Politik Elite Lokal di circling the island), Fere Kie (ritual of Maluku Utara. Yogyakarta: Cerah climbing the mountain), and Legu Gam Media. (Sultan's birthday celebration). These palace Abdullah, Muchdar. (2006). “Kesultanan rites always show grandeur since they are Ternate Dalam Ranah Politik”. Tesis, the sources of cultural legitimacy that the S2 Ilmu Politik, UGM. palace has magical, sacred, and symbolic Ammari, Fachry dan Siokona, J. W. (2003). authority. In the same period, the sultanate’s Ternate, Kelahiran dan Sejarah elite also expanded their kinship network by Sebuah Kota. Ternate: Pemda Kota presenting honorary titles to the officials or Ternate. former officials, both central and regional. Anas Dinsie, Anas & Taib, Rinto. (2010). By the use of this kinship politics, all social Ternate Sejarah, Kebudayaan & and political elements formally become the Pembangunan Pedamaian Maluku parts of the relatives of the Sultanate of Utara. Ternate: LeKRa-MKR. Ternate which, of course, has logical ANRI Memori van Overgave Gubernur consequences, both economically, Maluku R.J. Koppenol April 1934, politically, and culturally. This step is koleksi Mvo Seri 2, Nomor 26. carried out as a cultural politics by making Clercq, de F.S.A. (2007). Ternate: the palace as a centre for management, Karesidenan dan preservation, and centre of cultural Kesultanan.Terjemahan Noer development of Ternate. Fitriyanti dari,Bijdragen tot de Third, in the economic arena. To kennis der Residentie Ternate, 1890. survive economically, aside from relying on Ternate: Komunitas Uma Sania. those lands that are still owned by the Dhakidae, Daniel. (1981). Pemilihan Umum palace, the Elite of the Sultanate also make di Indonesia: Saksi Pasang Naik dan changes in job orientation. During the Surut Partai Politik. Prisma, No, 9. Soekarno period, they were only absorbed in Djafar, Irza Arnita. (2005). Dari Moloku Kie the government bureaucracy. However, Raha Ke Negara Federal: Biografi during the Soeharto period, not only some Sultan Iskandar Muhammad Jabir still chose to enter the state bureaucracy Syah. Jakarta Bio Pustaka.

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Dwipayana, Ari AA GN. (2004). Nachrawy, Herry RD. (2003). Peranan Bangsawan dan Kuasa Kembalinya Ternate Tidore Dalam Pembebasan Para Ningrat di Dua Kota. Irian Barat. Ternate, Yayasan Kie Yogyakarta, IRE Press. Raha. Hasan, Abdul Hamid. (2000). Aroma Nasution, Adnan Buyung. (1999). Sejarah dan Budaya Ternate. Federalisme Untuk Indonesia. Jakarta: Pustaka Utama. Jakarta: Kompas. Hasyim, M., Latjuba, A.Y., Akhmar, A. M., Noer, Deliar. (1987). Partai Islam di Pentas Kaharuddin, Saleh, N. J. (2021). Nasional. Jakarta: Pustaka Human-Robots And Google UtamaGrafiti. Translate: A Case Study Of Soelarto, B. (1982). Sekitar Tradisi Ternate. Translation Accuracy In Translating Jakarta: Proyek Pengembangan French-Indonesian Culinary Texts. Media Kebudayaan Departemen Turkish Journal of Computer and Pendidikan Kebudayaan RI. Mathematics Education, 12 (4), 1194- Pieres, John. (2004). Tragedi Maluku: 1202. Sebuah Krisis Perdaban. Jakarta: Henley, David. (2010). Adat Dalam Politik Yayasan Obor Indonesia. Indonesia. Jakarta: Yayasan Obor D Syah, Mudaffar. (2009). Eksistensi Imawan, Riswandha. (1993). Prospek Kesultanan Ternate dalam Sistem Peranan Golkar dalam Demokratisasi Tatanegara Republik Indonesia. di Indonesia. Jurnal Prospektif (5) 3. Ternate: Goheba. Kutoyo, Sutrisno. (1993). Sejarah Sejarah Perkembangan Pemerintahan di Perkembangan Pemerintahan di Daerah Propinsi Daerah Tingkat I Daaerah Propinsi Tingkat I Maluku. Maluku. Ambon: Siwa Lima,1994. Ambon: Tanpa Penerbit. Ternate. (2001) Tabloid Parada, edisi X, 19 Luthfi, Ahmad Nashih. (2009) September- 6 Oktober Keistimewaan Yogyakarta Yang Yanuarti, Sri. (1996). Implikasi Kebijakan Diingat Dan Yang Dilupakan. Politiik Massa Mengambang di Yogyakarta: STPN. Maluku Tengah. Masyarakat, Politik Mansur, J. (1964). “Naskah Pengusulan dan Pembangunan Pedesaan. Tingkat I Propinsi Maluku Utara Jakarta: PPW-LIPI. Dewan Perwakilann Rakyat Gotong Yulianto, Dwi Pratomo. (2003) Oposisi Royong Daerah Tingkat II Maluku Berseragam: Catatan Tentang Utara”. Ternate. Hubungan Politik Suharto dan Muchtar, Nurhasim. (2003). Konflik Antar Militer di Akhir 1980-an. Jurnal Elit Lokal dalam Pemelihan Kepala Ilmu Sosial dan Politik. 6 (3), 245- Daerah: Kasus Maluku Utara, Jawa 284. Timur dan Kalimantan Tengah. Jakarta: LIPI.