RURAL AND TRIBAL SOCIETIES IN INDIA
MA SOCIOLOGY
I SEMESTER
(2019 Admission Onwards)
(CORE COURSE)
UNIVERSITY OF CALICUT School of Distance Education Calicut University- P.O, Malappuram- 673635,Kerala
190354 School of Distance Education
UNIVERSITY OF CALICUT
School of Distance Education
Study Material
MAI Semester SOCIOLOGY (2019 Admission)
Core Course (SOCI C04)
RURAL AND TRIBAL SOCIETIES IN INDIA
Prepared by: Smt.. RANJINI.PT, Assistant Professor of Sociology, School of Distance Education, University of Calicut.
Scrutinized by: Sri. Shailendra Varma R, Assistant Professor, Zamorin’s Guruvayurappan College, Calicut.
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Objectives
1. To acquaint students with basics of rural and tribal societies in our country. 2. To analyze rural and tribal problems. 3. To provide knowledge of rural and tribal social institutions.
MODULE 1 - RURAL AND PEASANT SOCIETY
1.1 Scope and importance of the study of rural society in India 1.2 Rural society, Peasant society, Agrarian society: Features 1.3 Perspectives on Indian village community: Historical and Ecological 1.4 Nature and changing dimensions of village society, Village studies-Marriot & Beteille
MODULE 2 - CHANGING RIRAL SOCIETY
2.1 Agrarian social structure, Land ownership and agrarian relations
2.2 Emergent class relations, Decline of Agrarian economy, De-peasantization
2.3 Land reforms and its impact on rural social structure with special reference to Kerala
2.4 Migration, Globalization and rural social transformation.
MODULE 3 - GOVERNANCE IN RURAL SOCIETY
3.1 Rural governance: Village Panchayath, Caste Panchayath, Dominant caste 3.2 Decentralization of power in village society, Panchayathi Raj 3.3 Community Development Programme in India 3.4 People’s Planning Programme: A critical Appraisal
MODULE 4 - TRIBAL SOCIETY IN INDIA
4.1 History of Indian Tribes, Demographic features
4.2 Integration of the Tribals with the Non-tribals, Tribe-caste continuum
4.3 Tribal problems in India
4.4 Approaches, Planning and programmes for Tribal Development.
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MODULE 1
RURAL AND PEASANT SOCIETY
Rural and tribal societies in India is the fourth paper of MA Sociology. This paper deals with the structure and characteristics of rural and tribal societies in India in ancient as well as in modern period. Even though the process of urbanization is very fast in modern society, the rural societies are not fully disappeared so the study of rural and tribal society deserves relevance in society. This course acquaints the students with the basics of rural and tribal societies in India and at the same time it provides a clear picture about the rural and tribal social problems. The course also tries to give an idea about the rural and tribal social institutions. Through providing these intellectual outlooks the course also provides an outlook about the fellow beings living in rural and tribal society.
The paper constituted by four modules First Module is Rural and peasant society, which discusses the origin, development, nature and scope of the study of rural society in world as well as in India. The module also tries to familiarize the basic concepts in Rural sociology that is the scientific study of rural society. The module displays the structure and characteristics of village community with the help of the studies of well known Indian sociologists like Marriot and Beteille. The second module is changing rural society, which deals with the transformation of the rural society from agrarian social structure to the modern form. The rural society transformed mainly with the influence of emergence of class society. The emergent class relations destruct the agrarian economy which leads to de-peasantization. Land reforms are another peculiarity of post-independent society; it is another cause of decline of agrarian society. Migration and globalization are another two factors leading to rural transformation. Module third mainly analyzes the governance in rural society, which discusses the historical emergence of the governance system in rural society. Village Panchayath, caste Panchayath and dominant caste are the early governing body in rural society. Decentralization of power is the attraction of village society during post-independence period. Tribal society in India is the fourth module of this paper. The fourth module mainly discusses the history of Indian tribes give special reference to the demographic features of tribes, integration of tribes with non-tribes, tribe-caste continuum, tribal problems in India and the approaches, planning and programmes for tribal development.
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1.1 Scope and importance of the study of rural society in India
Rural society is the subject matter of rural sociology. It is a field of sociology associated with the study of social life in rural society. Rural social institutions, social structure, social change, rural life etc. are important topics analyzed in rural sociology. Rural sociology is the scientific study of rural society and it is the holistic study of rural social settings. Rural sociology became prominent during the late industrial revolution in France, Ireland, Prussia, Scandinavia and US. The systematic origin of rural sociology is in 19th century in America. The period of 1890-1920 in America saw the rural societies facing many socio-economic problems which attracted the attention of the intelligentsia thus establishing study of rural society as an academic discipline. The appointment of Country life Commission by Theodore Roosevelt was an important landmark in the history of rural sociology. It has been argued that the Second World War caused heavy destruction and damage to human society which needed immediate reconstruction. As a result rural sociology got an impetus in USA. The main concern of rural sociology came to be the understanding and diagnosing of the social and economic problems of farmers. More emphasis was placed on issues such as the internal structures of community life and the changing composition of rural populations than on their relationships with land or the social aspects of agricultural production. The prominent scholars engaged in researches in rural sociology during this period were Sir Henry Maine, Etton, Stemann, Baden Powell, Slater and Pallock etc.
It was since about the middle of the nineteenth century that more systematic observations on the history of the origin and transformation of rural society have been advanced the impact of the capitalist industrial civilization upon the rural economy and social structure, in various parts of the world, forced the attention of scholars to the study of the trends of rural social development. Research in the subject of the origin and the nature of village communities which were undergoing transformation was launched.
Emergence of sociology as an organized discipline in USA
However, rural sociology as an organized discipline consciously developed, is of very recent origin. Due to historical reasons it has originated in the U.S.A. and slowly tends to draw attention elsewhere as its importance is being realized. The American society faced an all round decay during the period among 1890-1920 this period known as the exploiter period. Intelligentsia makes analysis about the exploiter period and a considerable literature, describing and analyzing the problems arising out of its growing crisis, came into existence. This literature, however, did not explore, locate, and formulate the fundamental laws governing the development of rural
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The first valuable work on the subject was the Report on the Country life Commission appointed by President Theodore Roosevelt in 1907. A number of Doctorate theses based on the study of the rural community comprised further significant literature dealing with problems of rural life and providing, revealing information thereon. Finally a group of rural church and school studies made by individuals interested in an investigation of maladjustments in rural life constituted the third “stream” of publications. This literature served as the basis for creating the science of rural sociology in the U.S.A. The Country life Commission, under the chairmanship of Dean Bailey, the eminent scholar of rural problems, conducted a field work on the basis of questionnaire. The Commission, on the basis of this investigation, published a report in which they attempt to analyze and diagnose the defects and deformities of rural society. “This report actually provided what might be called a charter for Rural Sociology”.
“An American Town,” “Quaker Hill” and “A Hoosier Village”, of which James Michel Williams, Warren H. Wilson and Newell L. Sims were respectively authors, represented further studies of the American rural community. These studies were based on statistical and historical data and field-interview techniques and were submitted as research documents at the Columbia University between 1906 and 1912. Dr. Warren Wilson, along with others interested in the process of rural life, carried on a number of rural church studies. These studies, together with some rural school studies and “The Social Anatomy of an Agricultural Community” by Dr. C.J. Galpin based on an investigation into rural life made by him at the Agricultural Experiment Station of the University of Wisconsin in 1915, comprised additional literature germane to rural sociology until 1916.
“Rural Sociology” by Prof. John M. Gillettee published in 1916 served as the first college text book on the subject. Subsequently, a number of writers devoted them to the study of rural life and published valuable works which also enriched the literature on the subject. The publication of “A Systematic Source Book in Rural Sociology” in 1930 recognized as an “Epoch-making” work contributed decisively to accelerate the advance of rural sociology.
Later on, other intellectuals also focused their attention on the subject and helped its further development. Sorokin, Zimmerman, Galpin, Taylor, Kolb, Brunner, Sims, Dwight Sanderson, Landis, Redfield and Smith are some of the outstanding social thinkers in the U.S.A. whose
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The origin and development of Rural Sociology in America was influenced by the social conditions during the period of 1890-1920 and its analyses by the world of intelligentsia. Besides these, the research works and teaching, influences the development of Rural sociology.
Origin of Rural Sociology in India
Rural sociology is the science of rural society as a whole, the origin of Rural sociology in America was influenced by the problematic nature of rural society. The origin of Rural sociology also reflected in the development of rural sociology in India. The intellectual world received and recorded the problematic nature of rural society, it leading to the publication of books on rural social problems. Even though the books are the main pillar of the development of rural sociology in India, the systematic growth started with the promulgation of the Constitution of India and the implementation of Community Development Programme in India. We are briefly discuss the emergence of Rural sociology in India.
Sir Henry S. Maine a well known Anthropologist, the beginning of the study of rural society in India is closely related with him. Maine brought out two significant books, viz., Ancient Law (1861) and Ancient Society (1877). Maine, though wrote about Indian villages and designated it as a republic, he had his own bias which was Euro-centric in its cognition and value terms. Dumont an Indologist has criticized Maine for his European bias in analyzing Indian rural society. Actually the British administrators-turned ethnographers and Anthropologists considered the village community as an autonomous sociological isolate. This is particularly reflected in the writings of Charles Metcalf and other British administrators in India besides Henry Maine. Despite some of these weaknesses the fact remains that Maine made a beginning of a systematic study of rural life. It is he who for the first time theorized that kinship was the mainstay of India’s rural society. However, the systematic growth of rural sociology started in India after the promulgation of constitution of India and the implementation of Community Development Programmes. It was argued that when the British Anthropologists consolidated their colonial empire in South Africa and India, why social Anthropology could not be helpful in
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Nation-building in the wake of development programmes. This gave rise to number of rural studies. Even during the days of British East India Company there were efforts made by sociologists and Anthropologists to find out the pattern of land tenure, customary laws and the functioning of peasants and artisans. Besides these, during the British period researches were made on the affairs of rural life, it is the main influence of the development of Rural sociology in India. The Recurrent famines in India provoked several studies which also leading a number of economists in the study of village communities. Rural sociology in its own right and merit occupies a qualified status. It has its subject matter, its scientific nature and above all methods and tools. By its nature it is interdisciplinary and draws freely from the sister disciplines of economics, political science, sociology and social Anthropology. A R Desai has done a pioneering work in the field of rural sociology by editing Rural sociology in India. The edited work was first published in 1969.
Rural sociology mainly analyses the rural society as a whole such as rural social structure, social institutions, social problems, rural governance etc. Like other subjects like Sociology, Rural sociology developed with the influence of social condition in America. In Indian context only the rural problems aren’t the main influence of the development of sociology, the study of rural social institution was another influence of development of Rural sociology.
Some basic characteristic features of rural sociology
Rural sociology is the scientific study of rural society. As a science, Rural sociology has certain characteristics which are given below:
1. Rural sociology is multi-dimensional: Owing to the orientation Rural sociology to sociology and social Anthropology, Rural sociology is multi-dimensional. It has different traditions in US, Europe and in Asia. It draws subject matter, scientific nature and methodology from sociology and social Anthropology. 2. Rural sociology is interdisciplinary: Rural sociology is interdisciplinary in its design and functioning. It draws freely from the sister discipline of Economics, Political Science, Sociology and Social Anthropology. 3. It studies interactions and interaction systems: Rural sociology deals with the study of interactions and interaction systems. When this perspective is applied to the analysis of rural society it becomes rural sociology. 4. It studies small places: Rural sociology is the study of small places like villages and tribal habitations etc. The empirical abstractions made out of the little or small places help to
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construct theoretical constructions. The studies made by Malinowski, Boas, Radcliff Brown, Levi Strauss etc. made various empirical studies about the people living in high lands, forests and small villages. Nature and Scope of Rural Sociology Nature of a subject means the way it behaves; it is the peculiarity of every subject. Scope is another area of analysis related with the branch of knowledge. The scope is determined on the basis of its applicability in various fields and in society. In this sense the scope of rural sociology is wide. The nature and scope of rural sociology is briefly analyzed below. 1. Nature of Rural sociology is scientific: Rural Sociology has its own concepts, methods and verifications. It has certain theoretical formulations; it has logic of enquiry above all it is subjected to verifications. Some of the characteristics which support the scientific nature of sociology that are give below: 2. Empiricism: Empiricism is the basic characteristic of any science, which means that the knowledge acquired from our experiences. In natural sciences the experiments are conducted in laboratories and come in a conclusion like that in rural sociology the researches are conducted in society in a limited manner because the subject is individual he has freedom and rights. But the research conducted in society and accumulates result on the basis of the data collected from field work. Hence, rural sociology is an empirical science. 3. Accumulated facts: Science grows on the data accumulated from field. Robert K Merton very rightly observes that a sociologist stands on the shoulders of other sociologists. Whatever, Talcott Parsons or for that matter Marx, Durkheim and Weber did, was carried forward by the next generations. 4. Objectivity: Another characteristic of science is its objectivity. It means the willingness and ability to see things as they really are to study facts in a given field of investigation as they exist without personal bias, prejudices or feelings as to their desirability or undesirability. The objectivity in social science is very difficult. 5. Precision and accuracy: Science is also characterized by accurate and precise observations. When scientific observations are made it is extremely important that these describe situations or persons as they actually do exist at the time of observation- this is accuracy. 6. Methodology: Science must have valid methodology. It should be valid in sense that other scientists could also employ the same method and reach to their findings.
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7. Reciprocity in theory and empirical research: Theory in science is constructed out of the experiments made in laboratory. But approach to laboratory is through the media of theoretical constructs and hypotheses. Generally in scientific research we move from theory to empiricism and empiricism to theory. In any case there is both way interaction between theory and empirical research. There is a healthy interaction in the domain of science between laboratory investigation and theoretical formulation. Philosophers empirically accepted this relationship between theory and empirical research. C Wright Mills’ description states that theory without data is empty and data without theory is blind. 8. Rural sociology is a social science derived from sociology. It applied the methods in social science for its observations. Rural sociology is a science; it follows its methods for enquiry that is scientific so the nature of rural sociology is scientific.
Rural sociology is scientific in nature like its mother discipline. It has following the characteristics of science. In accordance with time changing, new phenomena are added with Rural sociology as a branch of knowledge, and hence the scope of sociology is widens.
Scope of Rural Sociology
In comparison to other social sciences, Rural Sociology is a novel branch of Sociology and is a separate science that possesses its own subject matter and method of study. By scope of the discipline, it is meant that what Rural Sociology refers to what it studies. To draw attention on the scope, N.L. Sims says, “The field of Rural Sociology is the study of association among people living by or immediately dependent upon agriculture. Open country and village groupings and groups behavior are its concern.” According to Lowry Nelson, “The scope of Rural Sociology is the description and analysis of progress of various groups as they exist in the rural environment. In the words of Bertrand and his associates: “In its broadest definition Rural Sociology is the study of human relationship in rural environment.” On account of the opinions given by Sims, Nelson and Bertrand, it is observed that the scope of Rural Sociology revolves around rural people, their livelihood and social relationship in rural environment. Though it studies society from the rural perspective, its main aim is concentrated on rural lives. Because of the boundary of the area of study is wide so the scope of rural sociology is also wide, this proves from the analysis of following subjects: a) Rural society: Rural sociology is the study of rural society. Apart from studying the rural society, Rural Sociology also studies its nature and primary components from the structural
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and functional stances. The most crucial objective of rural sociology is to study rural social life. Rural social life encompasses the behavior patterns, web of relationship, social interactions, standard of living and socio-economic conditions of the rural people. Therefore, the scope of Rural Sociology expands where the boundary of Rural Society is expanded. b) Rural population: The population residing in rural area is the basic essence of rural sociology. The discipline studies the nature, characteristics, size, density and distribution of rural population from various angles. Rural sociology also aims at the study of the factors of growth of population its effects on rural society. It also analyses the rural-urban migration. c) Rural community: Rural community is considered as one of the primordial organizations of mankind. Hence, rural sociology is chiefly concerned with the origin, nature, characteristics and social attributes and human ecology of rural community. It also studies the homogeneous trajectory of the rigid and conservative nature of hither to existing customs, traditions, norms, values and so on in rural communities. d) Rural social organization: Social organization is the backbone of every society as well as social life. The most important function of rural sociology is to offer fundamental knowledge about rural social organization. e) Rural social institution: Social institutions are the building bloc of every society. Rural social institutions built the rural society that is family, marriage, kinship, economy, religion etc. All of these are the subject of the study of rural sociology. Family is the basic social institution; it enables the social order in society. Marriage another social institution helps to maintain rural society in an orderly manner. It also controls the behaviour of peoples in society. Rural sociology analyses the rural social institutions and its relevance in society also studies the changes in it. f) Rural social processes: Rural social processes are the basic structure of rural society. Rural sociology entails the social processes like social interaction and its types like conjunctive and disjunctive. Rural conjunctive processes include co-operation, accommodation and assimilation. Rural disjunctive processes covers conflict, competition. g) Rural culture: Culture refers to that complex whole which includes knowledge, belief, art, customs and other capabilities acquired by man as a member of society. Rural culture is firmly rooted in rigid and conservative dogmas and it is generally very stagnant in nature. Rural sociology studies cultural complexes, cultural patterns, cultural changes etc. h) Rural social problems: One of the important content of the study of rural sociology is rural social problems like poverty, unemployment, population growth, illiteracy, untouchability etc.
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Page 11 School of Distance Education i) Rural social control: Social control is necessary for the wellbeing of society. Social control enables through the various controlling agencies like family, marriage, religion, community organizations, etc. these constitute the rural social structure. Rural social control, its types, its agencies etc. are the subject of the study of rural sociology. j) Rural social change: Change is a universal social phenomenon. Each and every society being changed. Rural social change constitutes the subject matter of the rural sociology. k) Rural urban contrast: It is an important subject of study in rural sociology. Rural urban contrast is a relevant topic of discussion in our society. l) Rural Planning and reconstruction: Rural planning and reconstruction are very much necessary for underdeveloped societies. In this context the poor and backward condition of Indian rural society requires planning and reconstruction in a systematic and planned manner. Rural society entails the plenty of social problems. Therefore, for the eradication of these problems and for the betterment of rural life proper planning and reconstruction should be made by the state as well as central government. Rural sociology studies all these subjects and provides guidelines and solution. 1.2 Rural society-Features
The term ‘rural society’ is used almost interchangeably with the terms like ‘village’, ‘countryside’, or ‘folk society’. Of these, the term most commonly used in sociological literature on rural society is the village. In India the term rural is defined in terms of revenue. In comparison with urban society, rural society is a small society with low density of population; more or less people are engaged in agriculture as a main stay of livelihood and these societies are the repository of traditional mores and folk ways. Indian villages exhibit a great deal of diversity. There have no a unified definition for villages in India, certain villages are big others affluent due to high young and working population they are affluent villages and certain villages are the areas with high elderly population they are known as grey villages, early writings are referred these villages. Rural societies have certain characteristics which are given below:
1. Small in size 2. Simple society 3. Agriculture is main occupation 4. Caste system (Occupational divisioning of people): 5. Low density of population 6. Self-sufficiency 7. Village organization (all disputes are settled by village Panchayath)
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8. Joint family 9. Indebtedness 10. Rural society give importance to tradition: 11. Social and occupational mobility was very low 12. Illiteracy 13. The people are of superstitious by nature 14. Believe in power of magic
1.2 Peasant Society-Features
The term peasant literally means a person working on the land with simple tools. But the entire rural populations including the big landlords and the agricultural labourers have been treated as peasantry. This term is very vague and in fact it is very difficult to clearly and precisely define it. Several rural sociologists have tried to define the term in their own way. This treatment does overlook the differences between and among the categories both in terms of the land holdings, technology, employment of labour etc. A peasant is a pre-industrial agricultural labourer or farmer with limited land ownership, especially one living in the middle Ages under feudalism and paying rent, tax, fees, or services to a landlord. In Europe, three classes of peasants existed: slave, serf, and free tenant. Peasants hold title to land either in fee simple or by any of several forms of land tenure, among them socage, quit-rent, leasehold, and copyhold. Peasant has strong sentiments towards land and their main source of income was agriculture but their land possession is very small. They mainly work in the field of others as labourers. Different thinkers differently define who are the peasants or peasantry.
Eric Wolf defines “peasants are the population that is existentially involved in cultivation and makes autonomous decisions regarding the process of cultivation ". Theodor Shanin defines them as “consist of small agricultural producers who with the help of simple equipment and labour of their families produce mainly for their consumption and for the fulfillment of obligations to the holders of political and economic power." Irfan Habib defines peasantry as "a person who undertakes agriculture on his own, working with his own implements of his family". George Dalton, “Peasants were legal, political, social, and economic inferiors in medieval Europe.”
All these definitions conceptualize peasants are agriculturists and the people with complete freedom in taking decision regarding the process of cultivation. Peasants are cultivators but they haven’t land ownership. Even though they haven’t land, they have strong sentiments towards
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Page 13 School of Distance Education their working land. Economically they remained in lowered position; their main source of income was agriculture. Peasant society is neither small in size like that rural society not big as urban society, it stand in a medium position. It is neither completely isolated not absolutely dependent on the others. They love traditions and passed from one generation to other. They believe in the philosophy of soul, Karma and re-birth. Religion plays an important role in their life. They have great regard for sacred books, have blind faith in religious practices and are by nature superstition ridden. In economic field this society depends on other societies because it is to sell its products in the outside market so that it can earn money both for paying the taxes as well as for purchasing commodities of day-to-day use. Because of peasant society does not produce that much that must essentially be marketed outside the village this dependence is very low. In many cases surplus is sold in the market itself.
Peasant societies have political dependence also. It must depend and accept social and political decisions taken by political bosses who are political elites. Peasant society is more or less similar to the rural society.
1.2Agrarian Society
Agriculture is the main occupation in rural society so agrarian society is a basic concept of the study in rural sociology, which means the society coming after the hunting and gathering or the society evolved after Neolithic revolution. In this society people are mainly depending on agriculture for their livelihood and other related activities like animal husbandry. The study of rural sociology without the study of agrarian society is incomplete. However, like all other economic activities, agricultural production is carried out in a framework of social relationships. Those involved in cultivation of land also interact with each other in different social capacities. Not only do they interact with each other but they have also have to regularly interact with various other categories of people who provide them different types services required for cultivation of land. For example, in the old system of Jajmani relations in the Indian countryside, those who owned and cultivated land had to depend for various services required at different stages of cultivation on the members of different caste groups. In exchange, the cultivators were obliged to pay a share of farm produce to the families that served them.
As is the case with other social interactions, all these exchanges are carried out in an institutional framework. The most important aspect of the institutional set-up of agrarian societies is the pattern of land ownership and nature of relationships among those who own or posses land and those who cultivate them. Those who owned the agricultural land do not always cultivate it
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Rural society is an agrarian society; there agriculture is the main economic activity. In pre-British period the structure of agrarian society is different, with the coming of British administration its structure become too complicated. Then post-independence India agrarian structure changed and a class system developed.
1.3Perspectives on Indian Village Community: Historical and Ecological
Village community is the peculiarity of Indian society, which is known by two perspectives like historical and ecological. The former means the understanding Indian village community through the historical accounts of different scholars. In early times the East India Company makes report through their officers for administrative purposes. The others stricken by Indian village community was the western philosophers the important among them are Charles Metcalf, Maine and Mackenzy. The later means the characteristics of a phenomenon determined on the basis of the relationship between its characteristics and environment. As per ecological approach the peculiarities of village community analyzed on the basis of the feature of the habitation of they still existing.
The Indian village community- Historical aspect
Historical aspects mainly analyses the characteristics of Indian villages through different historical periods. The early writers like Metcalf and Maine state that the Indian village communities being unchanging. The western and Northern communities are different; due to the fact that the communities in the North had changed owing to the factors like were not operating in western India. History shows that both internal and external forces have been working out changes in our village communities. The influence of Hindu period and Muhammedan influence
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Page 15 School of Distance Education was not powerful on Indian village communities, so the institutions continued to exist but their growth was arrested and efficiency weakened. But the British influence was dominant and all- sided on village communities it also destroyed most of the village institutions like the headman lost his importance, the accountant has ceased to be hereditary, the village council no longer exists, the Panchayath never heard of the village fund and the funds are vanished. Village life to a great extent remains the same; people still till their lands and sow their crops in the old manner.
Metcalf familiarizes Indian village communities as a republic. In Vedic times it appear as independent republic, but throughout the historic period, the community was always subordinate to and a constituent of larger political unit. The word republic conveys that the notion of democracy and of equal rights but in village community not exist the idea of equality so cannot considered it as a republic. Village communities are administered by the local bodies. In village communities people used collective approach to solve the problems there. The Assembly is a part of local bodies and it conceived as a united body and further it stands for equal rights and liberties of all its members as the common assembly of the whole people and hence there should be a sense of liberty, equality and fraternity in the mind of all. National life and activities in earlier times were expressed through popular assemblies and institutions. Such gatherings are referred to as Samiti, which means “meeting together.” Those bodies are existed in village communities. In the villages the various meetings and assemblies are organized for discussing the problems. Dr. Mookerji has listed the original texts use a number of terms to designate these popular local bodies Viz. Kula, Gana, Puga, Vrata, Sreni, Sangha, Samudaya, Samuha, Sambhuya- Samuthana, Parishal, Charana.
The Ancient Indian Villages
This part mainly analyses the peculiarity of ancient village officials like Gramani and other officials. The knowledge about the ancient village official structure is got from the Ancient accounts like Valmiki Ramayana, Mahabharata and Manusmrit. In that period villages are not a well developed settlement system. Valmiki Ramayana mentions of two types of villages are found in ancient times, the first was Ghosh and the other was Gram. Ghosh is small villages generally situated near forests and the officials of there are known as Ghosh Mahattar. Grams are the second type of villages, which is bigger than Gosh and the officials in these villages are called Gram Mahattar. The Mahabharata also mentioned about the Ghosh and Gram. The Ramayana also mentions Gramani as another village official, who was a highly respected man. Manu calls the village official as Gramik, who was responsible for village administration and he
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Village control Over the Gramani
The Ancient historical records maintain that the village community as a settlement pattern with a collective authority. Even though the King is a supreme authority, he has no an independent right to determine all things in that territory, the right of decision was decentralized. In this section we analyses the control or authority of Gramani over village community. Gramani was a village official appointed by King but he has no right to determine the things himself. He had to work strictly under the advice of the Village elders, the Gram Vridhas, who were chosen by an assembly of village. Dr. Altekar calls Gramani as Village Mukhya. Village Scribe the record keeper of village, who and Village Mukhya cannot act as they like. Both of them had to work in accordance with the advice of the Gram Vridhas. These have functioned from ancient times as non-official body. The Mukhya was the executive authority, but he ever acted against the customary practices, the Gram Vridhas used to correct him.
Functions of the Village Panchayath and the Gramani
Gramani is an official in village community appointed by King. It is a suitable word to express the relationship between State and the people. Gramani was like a father, mother or guardian of village folk and who is responsible to protect the interest of village folk. Gramani is an important position in village administration; he has more and more functions, the two significant functions are conceived here first one is to look after the village defense and headed the corps of volunteers and guardsmen organized for the purpose. His second task was to realize the State dues and keep records of the realizations. All important papers under is charge and the entire village community co-operated with him in his task.
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Justice in the Village
In above section we discussed the local bodies in Indian village communities, the judicial functions are fulfilled by the local bodies such as Gana, Kula etc. The courts in that society acted as appellate type. The administration of justice was the primary task of the local bodies in village level. The laws of Ganas were quite comprehensive which is known as Samaya. Samaya literally means a decision or resolution arrived in an assembly, that is the laws of the Ganas were passes in their meetings.
Indian Villages in Buddhist time
This part conceptualizes the peculiarity of villages which are existed in Buddhist period. Indian villages are self-governing and agricultural system is the peculiarity of it. Various settlement systems are the peculiarity of Buddhist period such as Ghosa, Kheta, Kharvata, Gram, Pali, Pattana, Samvaha, Uagara, Matanba etc. At least thousand families were residing in village communities. The dwellings were fairly close to another. The village almost invariably had a gate known as Gram-dwara. Beyond this the village orchard and the gram-kshetra situated. Gram-kshetra is the cultivated area of village. Fencas, Snares and field watchmen protected the crops. Gopalaka a village official, who protect the flocks at night till its owners come in the cultivated area of the villages, consisted of individual holdings.
System of land holdings and village organizations
Grass land and the forests are the lands commonly constitute the villages, its ownership was communal. People, priests or some dignitaries have no right over village lands, in spite of they have right to pick up fallen woods.
Maurya Period
During this period the village boundaries are demarcated by river, hills, forest ditches, tanks, bunds and trees and the villages situated at distances of one or two Krosha (one Krosha is two miles). The villages were organized under the union of 10 called Samgrahana, of 200 called Karvatika, of 400 called Dronamukha and of 800 constituting Mahagrama and administratively termed Sthatnuja.
The Villages: administrative staff, Rules for agricultural promotion
Village was a prominent settlement pattern maintained by the administrative staffs. These administrative staffs constitute the administrative structure. The village administrative staffs are
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Page 18 School of Distance Education comprised off the Adhyaksha (the headman), the Samkhayaka (accountant), the Sthanikas (the village officials in different grades), the Anikasta (Veterinary doctors), Jamgha Karika (Village couriers), Chikitsaka (Village sanitation), and the Ashwa-Damak (horse trainer). Chandragupta Maurya king, in whose period the villages were divided into three categories on the basis of their population, which are given below:
1) Jyeshtha- The biggest villages 2) Madhyama- The middle villages 3) Kanishtha- Smaller villages
These villages again divided into four categories on the basis of the characteristics of paying State revenues. Certain villages in Maurya period were paying the usual revenues, which are ordinary villages. Pariharak villages are the revenue free villages; these villages were constituted by the service groups like priests and teachers. Their major obligation was to spread education and help the people in pursuit of Dharma, the revenue was considered in the form of their salary. Ayudhuja was another category of villages, which is revenue free. This village was constituted by other prominent service groups such as soldiers, their main role was to protect village from external attacks. Another type of village was constituted by the people who paid taxes in kind not in cash. The people in this village were farmers, cattle raring people and other working groups. They paid revenue into the form of agricultural produce, animals, forest products, gold, labour, silver, pearls, minerals etc.
Village communities in South India
The tribal origin and rudiments in Northern and Southern India were diverse and heterogeneous, but their local governments belong to same series. There existed several committees for village administration. The committees, whose designation gives an idea of the nature of their responsibilities, which are given below: a) Annual Committee b) Garden Committee c) Tank Committee d) Gold Committee e) Committee of justice f) A Committee styled Panch-Vara
Life in villages was common and based on mutual aid rather than mutual exclusiveness. In South Indian villages each village owned a certain number of looms in common and the weavers who worked them were maintained out of the village fund.
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The social organism
Social organism is an important branch of analysis similar to the natural science. In this perspective society is similar to biological organism; its parts are interdependent for the smooth functioning of system as a whole. In this section mainly analyses the structure of Indian village community. In British period Indian society was the main attraction of administrators and their officers; they were analyzed Indian villages for administrative purposes.
Up to the advent of British in India her social organization was pre-dominantly characterized by village community system. This system was found to be absent or rudimentary in the south- western extreme of the sub-continent (such as in present day Kerala), but that in all other parts of India, it was the dominant institution. Holt Mackenzie reported that the existence of village communities in northern India. Likewise Elphinstone noted that the presence of village communities in Deccan. Baden Powell stated that in eastern India all land must have some landlord with tenants under him, the British parliamentary papers recorded quite categorically that previously the Zamindars were essentially accountable managers and collectors of revenue and not the lords and proprietors of the lands, that the sale of land by auction or in any other way for realizing arrears of land revenue appears to have been usual, if not unknown in all parts of India before its introduction by the British government into the company’s dominations and that traces still remained to show that the village community system existed also in this part of India. Except in south-western tip of the sub-continent, the village community system flourished practically all over India. East India company officers published certain general notes in British parliamentary Papers in 1812 about village community system which is not an exaggeration as compared to the classic description of Marx, whose accounts give the best idea of how these village communities functioned.
Those small and extremely ancient Indian communities, some of which have continued down to this day are based on possession in common of the land, on the blending of agriculture and handicraft and on an unalterable division of labour, which serves whenever a new community is started as a plan and scheme ready cut and dried. Occupying areas from 100 up to several 1000 acres, each forms a compact whole producing all it requires. The chief part of production is destined for direct use by the community itself, and does not take the form of a commodity. Hence, production here is independent of that division of labour brought about, in Indian society as a whole by means of the exchange of commodities. It is surplus alone that becomes a commodity, but a portion of that not reached in the hands of the State, it reached in the shape of
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Page 20 School of Distance Education rent in kind. The constitution of these communities varies in different parts of India. In those of the simplest form, the land is tilled in common and the produce divided among the members. At the same time spinning and weaving are carried on in each family as subsidiary industries. Side by side with the masses thus occupied with one and same work, we find the chief inhabitants, who is judge, police and tax gatherers, the book keepers (who keeps the accounts of tillage and registers everything relating thereto), another official who prosecutes criminals, the boundary man, who guards the boundaries against neighboring communities, the water overseer (who distributes water from the common tanks for irrigation), the Brahmin (religious services), the school master (teaches children reading and writing), Astrologer or Calendar Brahmin (who makes known the lucky or unlucky days for seed time and harvest and for every other kind of agricultural work), a smith and carpenter, the potter, the barber, the washer men, silversmith. This dozen of individuals is maintained the expense of the whole community. The whole mechanism discloses a systematic division of labour, but a division like that in manufacturer is impossible since the smith and carpenter etc. The law that regulates the division of labour in the community acts with the irresistible authority of law of nature at the same time that each individual artificer, the smith, the carpenter and so on conducts in his workshop all the operations of their handicraft in the traditional way, but independently and without recognizing any authority over them. The village communities are autonomous in administration; the village council was the governing body its jurisdiction expanded over houses, streets, markets, temples, wells, tanks etc. The village councils look after the village defense, settled village disputes, organized works of public utility, acted as a trustee for minors and collected the government revenues and paid them into the central treasury and central government discharged their duties through this body. Thus while on one side almost all functions of the government, except that the organizing army, determining foreign policy and declaring and conducting a war were discharged through the agency of the local bodies. Village community system evolved in India due to influence of geographical features of India on the early stages of India’s social development and India’s agrarian economy. Because of India’s peculiar climatic and territorial conditions, artificial irrigation by canals and water-works had to be the basis of a flourishing agrarian. However changing the political aspect of India’s past must appear its social condition has remained unaltered since its remote antiquity until the fast decennium of the 19th century. The handloom and the spinning wheel producing their regular myriad of spinners and weavers were the pivots of the structure of that society. The advance of agrarian village economy over tribal country is the first great social revolution in India.
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The village community came into existence from time immemorial, which attained stability through two aspects such as economic and social and ideological. Economic aspects related to the village community and its outer world, which includes the characteristics of village community as an autonomous and self-sufficient as well as the simplicity of its organization. The second aspect, which influences the stability of village community, was its social and ideological aspect, which is closely related with the village community’s internal mechanism. Jati-division was the peculiarity of Indian village community, which is closely related with the social and ideological aspects. The Jati-division also helps to the stability of village community to hinter the political clouds over village community. The Jati-division of society represented by the immutable social units, demarcated from one another by the three main attributes of (a) hereditarily fixed occupation (b) endogamy and (c) commensality and arranged in hierarchical orders in particular societies in different parts of India. These Jati truly represented the Indian caste system and showed the unique character of Indian social organization. The Jati division of society supplied the social foundation to the village community system in India by providing an unalterable division of labour in society whereby the whole mechanisms discloses a systematic division of labour is regulated with the irresistible authority of law of Nature.
Moreover, the village community system was further stabilized by the spiritual sanctions through the doctrine of Karma and the theory of Reincarnation. Both of these taught the people that their position in society was the consequence of their work in the previous birth and their obedience to the ethics of the society would improve or deteriorate their caste position in the next life. Following this ideology not enough force could generate within the society to disrupt the standardized harmony.
Thus fulfilling the social and economic needs of the society at a certain stage of its development, the caste system played the most significant role in Indian social organization so long as the village community system dominated Indian life. Simultaneously these two institutions transformed a self-developing social state into never changing natural destiny, as it appeared to the people and still appears so to a very large number of Indian and others.
Victory of village is article prepared by D D Kosambi, which is analyzed the foundation of a village economy. In the article he correlates the agrarian economy and the caste system as a village social organization. Smriti, foreshadowed the complete victory of village life through the practicing of caste system in village social life, the influence of caste system was far deadlier than invasion. The hide-bound caste system became rigid only within stagnant villages whose
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Page 22 School of Distance Education chief intellectual product, the Brahmin was stamped with incurable rusticity elevated to religious dogma. The passage of years had little meaning compared with the vital round of the seasons, because the villagers produced almost all they needed every year to consume it by the time of the next harvest.
Historical perspective analyzes the historical emergence of village as settlement pattern in India. Different philosophers analyze it through empirical experiences. Indologists, anthropologists’ sociologists etc are the main figures of historical perspectives. They discusses the emergence of village community through the development of various factors like economy, social structure, political system etc. all are influenced by the geographical factors and social factors.
Ecological Perspective
Ecological approach means the approach based on the relationship between environment and the specific phenomena. Various sociologists try to analyze village community on the basis of historical perspective and others try to analyze ecological basis such Irawati Karve, O K H Spate, S C Dube, D S Tyagi etc. are important among those. They try to conceptualize village community on the basis of physical characteristics and habitation. It is an approach of study of rural society as like historical approach.
The structure is something concrete and visual as also something abstract and conceptual. It is objective and subjective but the grades of objectivity and subjectivity differ from people to people depending on their social conditioning. A structure has a form which may be sharply defined and simple or indistinct and vague. A casual observer may call the habitation area as village but objective that may be wrong. Irawati Karve tries to conceptualize Indian village and try to identify the base of conceptualization. In Maharashtra there are appear to be three types of villages which are differently constituted as regards their gestalt. a) The one type tightly nucleated village with the habitation clearly defined from the surrounding cultivated fields. These villages are situated on high plateau of the Deccan. In such villages while the habitation area is well marked, the boundaries of the village together with its fields are never perceived. The fields owned by one village merge into those owned by another except where a hillock or a stream or a highway forms the boundary. Tightly nucleated villages are commonly found all over the Maharashtra plateau, and also in other parts of India like Uttar Pradesh, Gujarat, Andhra, Mysore and Orissa. Two types of roads are found in this type village one is the roads connecting different villages meant for inter-
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village communications. And the other is internal streets or narrow alleys connecting housing areas: sometimes a main arterial road may pass through or near a village and owing to modern ribbon development may become the main street of the village but such cases are very few. One can generally distinguish between roads connecting, villages and streets connecting internal habitation area. Even though well developed forms of roads are existed in nucleated villages, they show a clear distinction between communications within one village and communication within other villages. Modern Marathi words are used for communication, besides these Sanskrit words are used for both internal and external communication arteries but there is a whole series of words which denote various types of roads inside a habitation area. Ali, Galli, Bol are some of these words. b) The second type of village is found on the west coast that is near to the coast. This type village is generally strung along length-wise on the two sides of a road. The houses stand in their own compounds with their fruit and cocoanut gardens and are fenced on all sides. One walks or drives through fences on both sides of the road all the time. There are numerous tiny streams joining the Arabian Sea and there are also spurs of the western mountains coming right into the ocean. Where the streams join the sea they widen considerably are forbidable at low tide and have on both sides’ strips of the salt marshes called Khajana. These natural obstacles divide one village from the other. Where these are absent one village merges into the other and a casual traveler does not become aware of having crossed from one habitatic area into another. The gestalt has changed not merely as regards form also as regards the inter-relation of the background and the gestalt. In such villages the exploitation of land is of two types such as horticulture and agriculture. The gardens of cocoanut and areca nut palms and plantain, jack fruit and cashew nuts are planted near the houses and fenced in while the rice field may lie a little away from the houses though in some areas they come right to the steps of the houses. There is no sharp distinction between the habitation area and the cultivated area. In this type village the main roads generally and also the main arterial road joining the villages of the coast for miles and miles in one linear direction. The road from Cape Comorin to Trivandrum is the best example of such roads. c) The third type of village was found in Satpura Mountains on the north-western boundary of the Marathi speaking region. The houses are situated in their own fields in clusters of two or three huts, all belonging to a single close kinship group. They are either the huts of a father and grown-up sons or brothers or their wives. Sometimes and her husband may have a hut in the same cluster as that of the father and brothers of the woman. The next cluster of huts may be as far as a furlong or two away depending on how big the holding of each cluster is. The
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village boundaries are not defined by streams or hillocks because the houses belonging to one village are situated on separate hillocks or divided by streamlets. In this area the village lost its gestalt completely on all four sides. The habitation area is not distinguished from the cultivated area and the widely scattered houses of such villages are many times nearer to the houses in the next village than to the houses of its own village. In third type village there is no village streets because no houses are aligned along streets. There are only footpaths leading from one house cluster to another and the continuation of these leads to houses in the next village.
Indian villages are more complicated in its structure and which is reflected in the way houses are built and roads existed. A village is multi-caste in its structure, in North and sometimes even in Maharashtra there may be only one lineage of a caste, but generally in North and almost as a rule in the Dravidian South each caste in a village made up of more than one lineage and clan. The habitation area of each caste in village is separated from that of the other by a greater or lesser, distance they were the untouchables, their habitation area has generally a distinct name. Maharwada, Mang, Mahars, Mala, Madiga Wadi etc. are certain untouchable caste living in end of a village. A few castes may live in houses situated side by side but others live apart. Brahmins and weavers are another caste groups in Indian villages both of these groups living in their own areas, they were not mingled with each other. This tendency to have separate sub-areas for habitation within a larger unit called a village, which can be explained in various ways and on different grounds like caste hierarchy, ideas of impurity and pollution, the need for certain occupations to have room for carrying out the different processes needed for their craft. The first reason that is caste hierarchy applies to the house complexes generally, the second reason impurity and pollution applies to the distance found between the untouchable quarters and the rest. The third reason is the need for certain occupations, which is applied to the castes like potters, brick makers, weavers and dyers, shepherds, wool carders and blanket makers etc. These proves that the inherent tendency of Indian culture to form separate groups and remain separate, in India villages caste was rather a direct tendency of separation than a hierarchical structure. Family is a primary group that may be unilateral or bilateral; this group extends up to the caste. The family as well as the caste is based on territory. The smallest territorial unit is the area in which the house and the family land are situated and in largest territorial unit in that part of linguistic area through which a caste has spread. The castes and tribes are not living in mingled. Through which sociologist Karve tries to prove the relationship between the geographical area
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Page 25 School of Distance Education and the social institutions like caste, family and economic activities. It is necessary to the study of ecological approach of village community.
O K H Spate an English geographer explains Indian village community on the basis of ecological perspective. The great majority of the country folk live in small or large nucleated settlements, and areas of dispersed habitations are few. The Himalayan zone is the only extensive area of true dispersal, even in the hills the normal unit is the small hamlet rather than the homestead. In the arid west this is enforced by the paucity of water-points and the needs of defense. These are anomalies; in the great homogeneous plains nucleation is almost invariable. In the past defense played big role in areas open to constant disturbance. In these type nucleation villages are often grouped around a petty fort with close packed houses and with blank outer walls, low doorways etc. Often there is not much in the way of site selection; one place is as good as another and the village rises are as often as their own creation, the rubbish of generations. But any discontinuity, any break in the almost imperceptible slope, produces linear settlement pattern such as bluffs above flood-plains and the margins of abandoned river courses. The bluffs are notable and larger than the drier interfluves. Settlement lines tend to occur also at the marked break of slope where steep residual hills grade into a fan, which has usually a fairly high water table.
Caste and community largely govern the layout of the village. Lingayaths (agricultural caste), Muslims, Jains and Brahmins are the important caste groups. In Inam (landlord) village most of the people belonging to the Desai (Jain) and Deshpande (Brahmin) families whose Wadas stand on the best sites within large compounds. The Desai provide the village patel or headman. Besides those, the Talwars (domestic servants and agricultural labourers), Harijans, and Wadars (quarrymen) are lived in the circumference of the village or beyond the old moat. Occupations likewise are still mainly on caste basis. The higher caste people lived in big and well planned making houses. The poorest castes live in wretched one room wattle huts with thatched roofs. The aspect of the village varies not only with the general regional setting, with build materials and house-types, but with social factors. The generally greater emphasis on caste in the South takes social fragmentation allied with spatial separation to the extreme, segregating the untouchables in outlying cherries or sub-villages, sometimes located several hundred yards from the main villages which they are service components. A typical and is indeed the climax of geographical differentiation; apartheid. A typical cheri may consist of two rows of huts with a narrow central street in the middle this widens to make room for tiny temples. Social factors are no less important that environmental. The houses of the lower caste people are not only dependent on the basis of cultural factors but geographical factors.
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Indian village is infinitely depressing in the plains where so much ground is cultivated that the scanty village site cannot grow with its growing population, or where a few miserable huts cling to shade less stony rises in the drier parts of central India. Peasants often display an astonishing resilience and refuse to be broken by his bitterly hard geographical and social environment.
S C Dube a well known Indian sociologist who outline the social structure of Indian village communities, list some of the important factors of change and attempt a broad analysis of the major trends of change. For understanding the structure and problems of Indian village society, it is necessary to analyze the village both as a distinct isolable entity and as a link in the chain of a wider inter-village organization. An individual village derives some of the characteristic features of its organization from the great national tradition of India. The Indian village is sufficiently isolable, but it is not an isolate, and has therefore to be viewed as community within a larger community. The interplay of several different kinds of solidarities determines the structure and organization of Indian village communities. Kinship, caste and territorial affinities are the major determinants that shape the social structure of these communities. Most of the sub- caste grouped together as a caste. Non-Hindu religious groups in villages tend to function as separate castes. Most of the Hindu castes are fitted into one of the four major divisions of Hindu society called Varna. Solidarities provided by kin and caste tend to merge but those of territorial affinity belong to a different level. An individual and his family belong also to a village, which is often multi-caste in its composition. The village itself is a part of a network of neighboring villages, the region and the nation. Indian peasant communities are constituted by the structural elements like individual, family, group of near kin lineage, relatives, sub-caste or caste and Varna, those elements are organized in terms of kin and caste. Individual, family, village, inter- village organization, region and Nation are the other organized elements of village structure in terms of territorial affinities. Caste is the most important single organizing principle in these communities, and it governs to a very considerable degree the organization of kinship and territorial units. In this system of segmentary division of society the different segments are kept apart by complex observances emerging from an all pervading concept of ritual pollution. The caste divisions are regarded as divinely ordained and are hierarchically graded. The difference between the different segments is defined by tradition and is regarded as permanent. In inter- group relations the caste structure works according to a set of pattern of principles: hierarchy and social distance manifest and express themselves in rules and regulations that are calculated to avoid ritual pollution and maintain ritual purity. Marriage and the physical contacts between community members are governed by strict rules. It has been pointed out earlier that castes are
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Page 27 School of Distance Education endogamous. Caste exogamies are forbid by tradition. Food is different on the basis of the rule of purity and pollution. Caste determines the occupation. Within a village the caste system manifests itself a vertical structure in which individual castes are hierarchically graded and the horizontal ties of a caste are important for a village caste group has strong links with its counter parts in other villages and in several spheres of life they tend to act together. The basic unit of social organization in Indian peasant communities is not the large joint family, after minor attain maturity and a degree of economic self-sufficiency when the large joint families breaks up into nuclear family. Informally the local group of near kin functions as an effective agency of social control. Sometimes the village as a unit of social structure worked passing the boundaries of caste, kin and integrated multi-caste community. Structurally the village communities can be divided into three main groups first is single settlement village, in which the community shares a common and compact settlement site, and the second is nucleated village which has a central settlement as the nucleus around which there are a number of smaller satellite settlements and the third is dispersed village community in which the community consists of a series of dispersed homesteads having well-defined ties with one another. The people are mainly engaged in agriculture as the main economic activity other non-agricultural occupations are subsidiary to agriculture. A large proportion of India’s population lives in villages. The inhabitants of a village may be farmers or trader or artisans or scholars or priests and village can be classified according to the occupation of the majority of its inhabitants. Villages may belong to a single tribe or may differ from one another in caste or religious persuasion and this give another means of classification of types. The orders of clusters are different the orders are given below: a) Shapeless clusters or agglomerate with streets not forming an integral part of the design. These may be massive or dispersed type, in which the village is reckoned to consist of an assemblage of discrete clusters of comparatively small size. b) Linear cluster or assemblage with a regular open space or straight street provided between parallel rows of houses. c) Square or rectangular cluster or agglomerate with straight streets running parallel or right angles to one another. d) Village formed of isolated homesteads, a number of which are treated together as a mauza for convenience of collection of rent or taxes.
Various factors are involved in the origin and character of a rural settlement. The social structure is not singly determined the village structure and it determine mainly on the basis of ecological factors.
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1.4 Nature and changing dimensions of Village society, Village studies-Marriot & Betteille
McKim Marriot was an American Anthropologist; he was the student of Robert Redfield in Chicago University. He was the Professor in the Department of Anthropology in Social Sciences Collegiate Division of the University of Chicago. He conducted field works in Uttar Pradesh and Maharashtra and authored varied studies on rural social organization and change. Even though he was an American whose studies mainly concentrate in Indian villages. Kishan Garhi is a village in Uttar Pradesh where who conducted the field work and described about the nature and the changes in village society. He applied structural-functional approach in his study of village India. His contributions mainly influenced in the development of sociology and Anthropology in Indian society. His important works include- Village India-Studies in the Little Community (1955), Caste Ranking and Community structure in the five regions of India and Pakistan (1960), India through Hindu Categories (1990). He conducted various studies about the social change and try to l conceptualize these changes through certain conceptual framework. Andre Beteille a well known Indian sociologist famous for his study of caste as village phenomenon. His major works include Caste, Class and Power: Changing Pattern of Stratification in Tanjore Village (1695), Social Inequality, Studies in Agrarian Social Structure (1974), Marxism and Class analysis and Inequality and Social Change (1972). He mainly analyses the interplay of caste, class and power in village social change. His studies mainly concentrate on caste system.
India still lives in villages as more than sixty percent of the population even today reside in rural areas and depend on agriculture and related professions. Early studies conceptualize the village society as social economic and political unit, along with the caste system. Even though growth of urbanism and rise of cities attracted rural population to shift to cities, village as an entity continues to be important in the social, cultural, political and economic landscape of India. The centrality of village in Indian society can be gauged from the number of village studies in the 1950s and 60s. These studies give us some insights on village as social unit. India’s village can be traced far back in history which creates a sense of timelessness and continuity. The Arthashastra (400 BCE-200AD) provides us with a classification of the king’s duties related to the administrative affairs of the village. In the medieval times Al Biruni’s Kitab al Hind (early eleventh century) gives us an account of the caste occupation based organization in the village. British colonial administrative view of India was based on the category of ‘village’. The perspective developed and forwarded was that India was primarily composed of villages which were self- sufficient and independent. The writings of James Mill and Charles Metcalfe and their notion of the Indian village community influenced the later scholars of Indian village. Metcalfe
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Page 29 School of Distance Education in 1810 had said that, ‘the Indian village communities were little republics, having nearly everything they wanted within themselves and almost independent of foreign relations. In the colonial discourse, the Indian village was described as a self-sufficient community which had everything within its periphery. Caste system through its division of labour provided this view a practical functionality which meant communal ownership of land was marked by a functional integration of various occupational groups in the village. The famous attributes of Indian civilization of timeless continuity, simplicity and social harmony were attributed to the village. ‘Each village was an inner world, a traditional community, self-sufficient in its economy, patriarchal in its governance, surrounded by an outer one of other hostile villages and despotic governments. Village social life is organized around caste, kinship, economy, politics and religion. People’s social lives are mostly confined to their villages, their livelihoods and lives revolve around the rural environment and resources. The world of caste society is based on hierarchy. People were divided into higher or lower groups based on birth, their food, their dresses, ornaments, customs and manners were all ranked in an order of hierarchy. The first three Varna, namely, Brahmins (the priests or men of learning), Kshatriyas (rulers and warriors) and Vaishyas (traders) were regarded as dvijas or the twice born. The fourth category was that of Shudras, composed of numerous occupational castes that were regarded as relatively ‘clean’ and were not classed as “untouchables”. In the fifth major category were placed all the “untouchable” castes. Within each category there were several sub-groups (jatis or sub-castes), which could be arranged in a hierarchical order within them. Attempts to claim a higher ritual status through, what Srinivas called sanskritisation, was not a simple process, and could not be achieved only through rituals and life-style imitation. The group had to also negotiate it at the local power structure. Similarly, stressing secular factors, ‘There was a certain amount of overlap between the twin hierarchies of caste and land. The richer landowners generally came from such high castes as Brahmins, and Lingayats while the Harijans contributed a substantial number of landless labourers. Any study of the religion of Indian village show double processes working simultaneously between the religious beliefs and practices of the village and the wider Indian civilization. McKim Marriott, takes the concepts of ‘great tradition’ and ‘little tradition’ from Robert Redfield (1955) and has given the terms Universalization (elements of village culture being incorporated into a wider regional or even larger society) and Parochialization (cultural elements of a pan- Indian nature filtering down to the village level through various modes of communication such as story-telling and folk drama) respectively to refer to the two aspects of this double process of interaction between the little and great traditions. M.N. Srinivas’ (1950) concept of Sanskritisation also shows the interaction between religion at the local level and all India Hinduism which is Varna based. Orthodox sanskritic elements travel from the higher castes to the lower castes. Modern western technology — railways, printing
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Page 30 School of Distance Education press, radio, films and now, television have also helped in the spread of Sanskritisation. Sanskritisation is also about ‘universalization’ or identification with the larger religion, the identification of a local God or Goddess with some deity of the Hindu pantheon. Thus among the Coorgs, Ketrappa is identified with the Vedic deity Kshetrapala while the local cobra deity is identified with Subramanya or Skanda, the warrior son of Shiva. This helped the Coorg’s religious community to become incorporated in the wider Hindu religious community. Apart from festivals and deities, another important aspect of the religion of the village community is pilgrimage. Pilgrimage centers have attracted people from distant places in India. In traditional India, temple towns and sacred cities like Gaya, Mathura, Ajmer, Varanasi, Puri, Tirupathi and Amritsar attracted pilgrims even though roads were very poor and unsafe. Thus we see a continuous interaction between the little and great tradition in the religion of the village. Caste endogamy (marriage within caste) and village exogamy (marriage outside village) were widely practiced. Relations outside the village meant travel to those areas where kins/ relatives lived at the time of festival or special occasions. Social networks of the village through caste, kinship, marriage meant social relations with the outside world and thus, villages were not isolated units socially. Beteille had argued that his study of village ‘Sripuram as a whole constituted a unit in a physical sense and, to a much lesser extent, in the social sense’. The village in pre-British India was economically self-sufficient was created by the existence of the Jajmani system (relationship of reciprocity of economic exchange between landlords and peasants over generations), where payment was in kind/grains (absence of monetization), and the poor communications which limited the flow of goods. Andre Beteille’s study of Tamil village of Sripuram demonstrates that how the structures of traditional caste hierarchy were getting replaced by class based categories of stratification. Village markets that are to be distinguished from capitalist markets not only serve an economic purpose but also political, recreational and social purposes. The weekly markets or Haats that exist all over rural India from ancient times form major links with neighboring villages and towns. The institution of weekly markets is cultural institutions with significance beyond mere economic exchange. The institution of caste based specialization means that only some people can do certain tasks, like only those of potter caste can make pots, those of blacksmith caste can make iron implements and so on. All the artisan and servicing castes did not live within a single village, especially in the case of the smaller settlements. Certain castes provide services to a number of villages and were shared amongst the villages like, barbers, priests, doctors, etc. The village market became linked to the formal market networks when the capitalist system penetrated the rural areas. The availability of new economic opportunities differed in different villages especially with processes of industrialization and urbanization, which made the village a part of the wider economic system. The early studies on village society states that village
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Page 31 School of Distance Education economy is self-sufficient, many ethnographic studies, based on fieldwork, have explained that the Indian villages have always been a part of the wider society and civilization and not self- sufficient units. The villages in pre-British India were autonomous political unit. There were several duties performed by the king towards his subjects. Roads, tanks and canals for irrigation were built along with temples. He also granted gifts of land to learned and pious Brahmins. The king was the head of all caste groups and Panchayaths. Any disputes regarding mutual caste rank and other inter-caste conflicts were ultimately settled by him. This task was not confined to just the Hindu rulers but even the Mughal kings and feudal lords settled questions affecting a caste. The relationship between the village and the ruler changed with the British colonial rule. British established an effective administration as development of communications followed the political occupation. Power of the village Panchayath was greatly reduced by the system of modern law courts as major disputes and criminal offences were now settled there. Both of these social theorists analyzed village as an entity with specific social structure. Even though the works of Beteille concentrates on caste, village is a topic of analysis of him. He also highlights the interplay of caste, class and power in change of village social structure. Marriot analyses the change in village social structure with a special reference to the influence of the forces within society and outside of society.
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MODULE 2
CHANGING RURAL SOCIETY
Rural society is the peculiarity of Indian society. It is the society of simplicity and low densely populated agrarian and caste ridden. Today this society was in transition with the interference of the external factors like British administration, independence movements, industrialization, emergence of capitalism, urbanization etc. This module gives an idea about the changing structure of rural society. Agriculture was the main economic activity in rural society, so this module mainly concentrates on the analysis of agrarian social structure, and how it is changed with the advancement in world. This module mainly provides a historical understanding about the rural society.
2.1 Agrarian social structure, land ownership and agrarian relations
India is the land of village, which is the unit of rural society. In early period agrarian economy was the backbone of Indian society, when agriculture is the major economic activity in rural society. So the agrarian social structure had become the major topic of analysis of Rural Sociology. Before analyzing agrarian social structure, it is necessary to make an idea about agrarian structure, which means the institutional framework of agriculture. This institutional framework relates to the distribution, control and use of land. In other word it is related to land tenure, forms of agricultural employment, social organizations, trade unions etc. and it also includes the infrastructure of agriculture Viz. irrigation schemes, road, railways etc. Rural sociology mainly analyses the social aspects of the agrarian structure that is agrarian social structures. Torner denotes agrarian social structure is the relationship obtaining among the groups engaged in agricultural operations. Agrarian social structure in India is very complex. More and more sociologists, especially Indian sociologists deeply analyses the agrarian social structure in India, A R Desai, Betteille etc. are important among those. Agrarian social structure in India is different from region to region.
Tenants are an inevitable part of agrarian social structure, who cultivates the land on certain conditions. Most of the agriculturists in India are tenants. The emergence of tenant goes back to the British period when in 1793 the Permanent Land Settlement was made. The Jamindari system which emerged from land settlement was an intermediary system, which created the class of tenants who suffered from operation at the hands of the Jamindars. It was a historical emergence found for the first time in Indian agrarian history. In the native states, also known as princely
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Page 33 School of Distance Education states, the jagirdar worked as an intermediary between the tenant and the central princely rule. In these States Jagirdar was the counterpart of jamindar. The status of tenant in pre-independent India was highly deplorable.
In course of time, a series of intermediaries developed between the jamindar and the cultivating tenant, whose condition, thereby, increasingly deteriorated. The Bengal Tenancy Acts of 1859 and 1885 aimed at ameliorating the position of the tenants. However, the legislation did not accomplish much. The mass of tenants continued to live in an increasingly worsening condition.
Peasant proprietors another category included in India agrarian society, who are quite like tenants. They are land owners. The landowners were sub-divided into upper landowners, middle landowners or peasant proprietors. As a result of the operation of factors like heavy land tax, small holdings, fragmentation of plots, growing heavy indebtedness, this class had been increasingly impoverished since it came into existence. It had been in a state of permanent disintegration. The woes of the peasant proprietors during this period were altogether new. These land proprietors suffered from their disintegration. However, a few of them who owned larger patches of land rose to the level of rich peasants while a large number of them were reduced to the status of poor peasants, tenants of absentee landlords or land laborers. This process of differentiation of the peasant proprietors grew at an accelerated rate since the rate of impoverishment of the peasantry increased. The colonial period witnessed, on one hand, the impoverishment of the tenants and, on the other hand, differentiation and disintegration of the peasant proprietors. As a result of this process, there emerged, in rural India, the class of absentee landlords, one hand, and the lower peasantry and agricultural laborers, on the other.
It must be observed that in India the agricultural sector, constitutionally, is the subject of the State. Land taxation, thus, is determined by the State government. Because of this statutory position, there is much variation in agricultural tenancy in India is that it is shaped by the historical and cultural forces of a particular region or part of the country. For instance, we have certain castes which are actually agricultural castes; e.g., Patidars of Gujarat, Jats of Haryana and Sikhs of Punjab. This is purely a cultural phenomenon. It also affects the size and pattern of agricultural practices. Historically, variation in tenancy could be explained by the fact that the colonial forces in British India and feudal forces in princely states also determined the form and extent of tenancy. However, at a broader plane, it could be said that there are five variations of tenants in India:
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1. Cash tenants: They pay fixed cash rent for the use and occupancy of their land. 2. Share-cash tenants: They pay part of their rent in cash and part in the share of crops. 3. Crop share tenants: They pay a share of the crops only. 4. Croppers: They pay a share of the crops but usually work under the close supervision of landlord or his agent. 5. Other and unspecified tenants
There is much variation in agricultural tenancy. The classes of tenants which given above are not exhaustive. As a matter of fact, the sharecropper is both a tenant and also landowner of a patch of land.
2.2 Emergent class relations, Decline of Agrarian economy
Traditional Indian society is a caste society; the class system was not prevalent there. In Pre- British period agrarian society peasants, landowners and middle class are the three classes comprised in, the class structure in different regions are different. Commonly communal ownership of land was found in early society. During the colonial period a complex class system started to emerge in Indian rural agrarian society. While the same the dominant caste were probably also cultivating caste in the pre-colonial period, they were not the direct owners of land. Instead, ruling class such as Kshatriyas or Zamindars controlled the land. The peasants or cultivators are worked in the land, which provided by Zamindars. When the British colonized India in many areas they ruled through these local Zamindars. They also granted property rights to the Zamindars. Under the British, the Zamindars were given more control over land than they had before. Since the colonizers also imposed heavy land revenue (taxes) on agriculture, the Zamindars extracted as much produce or money as they could out of the cultivators. One result of this Zamindari system was that agricultural production stagnated or declined during much of the period of British rule. Many districts of colonial India were administered through the Zamindari system. In other areas that were under direct British rule had what was called the Ryotwari system of land settlement, in which Ryot means peasant. In this system, the ‘actual cultivators’ (who were themselves often landlords and not cultivators) rather than the Zamindars were responsible for paying the tax. Because the colonial government dealt directly with the farmers or landlords, rather than through the overlords, the burden of taxation was less and cultivators had more incentive to invest in agriculture. As a result, these areas became relatively more
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Page 35 School of Distance Education productive and prosperous. After India became independent, Nehru and his policy advisors embarked on a programme of planned development that focused on agrarian reform as well as industrialization. The policy makers were responding to the dismal agricultural situation in Indiaat thattime.Thiswas marked bylow productivity, dependence on imported food grains, and the intense poverty of a large section of the rural population. They felt that a major reform in the agrarian structure, and especially in the landholding system and the distribution of land, was necessary if agriculture were to progress. From the 1950s to the 1970s, a series of land reform laws were passed — at the national level as well as in the States — that were intended to bring about these changes. The first important legislation was the abolition of the Zamindari system, which removed the layer of intermediaries who stood between the cultivators and the State. However, Zamindari abolition did not wipe out landlordism or the tenancy or sharecropping systems, which continued in many areas. It only removed the top layer of landlords in the multi- layered agrarian structure. Among the other major land reform laws that were introduced were the tenancy abolition and regulation acts. They attempted either to outlaw tenancy altogether or to regulate rents to give some security to the tenants. In most of the States, these laws were never implemented very effectively. In West Bengal and Kerala, there was a radical restructuring of the agrarian structure that gave land rights to the tenants.
The land reform rules and green revolution change the existing class structure in rural agrarian society and these also destruct the rural agrarian economy. Green revolution is a prominent factor leading to destruction of agrarian economy. It motivates the big farmers the traditional agriculturist could not compete with the big farmers. Industrialization is another factor of destructing rural agrarian economy.
De-peasantization
De-peasantization is a serious challenge facing by India in contemporary society. Agriculture is the major economic activity in rural society so the de-peasantization strongly affects the rural society and vice versa. De-Ruralization, migration of rural to urban society, etc. are the main factors of de-peasantization. Because it is a rural phenomenon; it becomes an important area of analysis in Rural Sociology. This process mainly starts with industrial revolution, and then with the passing of time the process accelerates. Urbanization, liberalization, government policies related with agriculture etc. are the other factors of de-peasantization.
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The process of shifting of peasants from agricultural to non-agricultural sector for an alternate source of livelihood is known as de-peasantization. De-peasantization is a specific form of de- agrarinization in which peasants lose their economic capacity, social coherence and demographically shrinking in size. Thus, it can be said that de-agrarinization is a broader term which means moving of societal social structure from farming to non-farming sector whereas; de- peasantization is specific form of de-agrarinization in which peasants lose their size demographically. De-peasantization is the shrinking size of peasant’s practices or small producers from the land. De-peasantization refers to the erosion of agrarian way of life that combines subsistence and commodity agricultural production with an internal social organization based on family labour and village community settlement. De-peasantization measured through the rate of urbanization. A Farshad in his work “Global Depeasatization, 1945-1990” refutes the fact that urbanization of the planet is a key indicator of the death of the peasantry. Johnson considers that it is too narrow a view to parallel the trend that sees a decrease in the rural population to a decrease in the peasantry. It is argued that the de-peasantization is contested at the most basic level the utter destruction of the peasantry is challenged he argued that the peasant way of life will always exist in some form. If the peasantry is a unit engaged in a form of production based solely on agriculture, the world is witnessing a process of widespread de-peasantization.
Capitalism is an important factor which leading to de-peasantization, over-urbanization leading the widespread rural urban migration it also leading to de-peasantization. The transformation of workforce from farming to non-farming sector can be divided into two categories namely growth- led shift and distress induced shift. The former is related to developmental factors like mechanization of agriculture, increasing employment, income, high education level, rampant urbanization, development of secondary and tertiary sector and State intervention for generating employment opportunities and so on. These factors are known as pull-factors which attract the workforce from farming to non-farming activities. On the other hand distress induced transformation is based on hardship or crisis driven factors like falling productivity, increasing cost, decreasing returns, unemployment, underemployment, unproductive land, market problem, no or less subsidy provided by government etc. these factors are known as push-factors.
De-peasantization means due to certain causes of hindering the livelihood, people shift their occupation from agricultural sector to non-agricultural sector. This is very common in
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2. 3 Land reforms and its impact on rural social structure with special reference to Kerala
Land reform usually refers to redistribution of land from the rich to the poor. More broadly, it includes regulation of ownership, operation, leasing, sales, and inheritance of land. In an agrarian economy such as India, with great scarcity and an unequal distribution of land, coupled with a large mass of the rural population below the poverty line, there are compelling economic and political arguments for land reform. It received top priority on the policy agenda at the time of the Indian Independence in 1947. Land reforms have been a national agenda of rural reconstruction since independence. They refer to attempts by the Government to achieve social equality and optimum utilization of land by redistributing the land holdings. These reforms are also intended to reorder the agrarian relations in order to achieve a democratic social structure, to eliminate exploitation and social injustice within the agrarian system and thereby enlarging the land base of the rural poor, to provide security for the tiller of the soil and to remove obstacles arising from the agrarian structure that has been inherited from the past and to increase agricultural productivity and infusing an element of equality in local environments. But despite this vision of the Nation, there was inertia, lack of sincerity by governments and pressure tactics of powerful land owning class discouraged land reforms in most of the States. Land reform legislation in India mainly consisted of four main categories—tenancy reform, abolition of intermediaries, land ceiling, and land consolidation. The first category of land reform, namely tenancy reform, imposed regulation that attempted to improve the contractual terms faced by tenants, including crop shares and security of tenure. Under the British land-revenue system, large feudal landowners (Zamindars) received the rights to collect tributes from peasants in exchange for a land tax paid to the State. Almost half of the land was under this system at the time of Independence. This system was considered exploitative, and abolition of intermediaries was aimed at curtailing the power of these large landowners and ensuring that the cultivator of the land was in direct contact with the government, which minimized unjust extraction of surplus by the landowner. The third form of land reform was the imposition of a ceiling on landholdings that aimed to redistribute surplus land to the landless. Finally, consolidation of landholdings constituted the fourth kind of land reform, which ensured
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Page 38 School of Distance Education that small bits of land belonging to the same small landowner but situated at some distance from one another could be consolidated into a single holding to boost viability and productivity.
Kunjan Pillai also examined the emergence of Brahmin landlordism in Kerala. Under the influence of the settlers, Hinduism became the most powerful religion. Temples began to be constructed by about 750 AD, which performed the all-in-one functions of school, library, seminary, theatre and Public Park. When a temple was built it was usual to endow it with property the revenue from which would cover expenses of daily worship, festivals, schools and feeding places. Kings, Naduvazhis (governors) and even ordinary cultivators donated land to the temples. Management of temple property was vested with a council of Uralar (local leaders). Kunjan Pillai associates the term janmi with the office of trustee. In the beginning prominent persons were appointed for a fixed time. At a later period, it became the custom for them to hold office for lifetime. The lifetime right of trustees over property was called the janmam (lifetime) right.
Ownership of land was vested with the Chera king whose feudatories, the Naduvazhis and chieftains enjoyed land rights in the districts in return for paying tribute. Lands of the king or of the feudatories inhabited and cultivated by the native population were known as Cherikkal lands. Three kinds of rights, Kanam (proprietorship) Karanmai (tenancy) Kutimai (occupancy) were in existence during the period. An important development was the gradual acquisition of thousands of acres of land by Brahmin village corporations through Attiper (from landowners placing land under temple or Brahmin protection, or by outright purchase from them). Narayanan is of the view that the acquisition of large areas of land by the Brahmin corporations gradually led to the domination of economic and social life by the settlers who imposed their culture on Kerala. By the twelfth century the Brahmins were able to establish themselves as the most dominant group. According to Kunjan Pillai, their influence was so great that they even succeeded in persuading the royal families to accept the myth of Brahmin blood alone being capable of producing good kings. There were instances of Brahmins making the kings at one for the cardinal sin of giving them offence. They succeeded in introducing a hierarchical system with themselves at the top as the most superior caste. By virtue of religious leadership and temple management, Brahmins became powerful landlords by a gradual process of converting management rights to ownership rights. Kings and governors also possessed vast tracts of land as landlords. The feudal system in medieval Kerala showed a hierarchy of land rights and caste which displayed somewhat the
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Page 39 School of Distance Education following pattern: Janmam - Rajas, Brahmins, Temples and Naduvazhis. Kanam- Nairs and sub- groups of Nairs Verumpattom Nairs, Moplahs (Muslims), Syrian Christians and Ezhavas. Agrestic Slaves- Pulayas, Cherumars, Parayas and others. Kerala is one of the few Indian States which implemented land reforms.
Land mark legislations related with Land reform
The State of Kerala was officially formed in the year 1956. Even before its formation, there had been endeavors at land reforms in the State. The Restriction on Possession and Ownership of Lands Bill (1954) being the best example of the same. The first democratically elected government assumed office on 5 April, 1957. The first elected government issued the Stay of Eviction Proceedings Ordinance to afford interim protection to tenants, including the 'kudikidappukars' (hutment dwellers). Reports say that close to two million acres were transferred to 1.3 million households. In spite of delays in implementation and circumvention of the legislation, the abolition of tenancy was a remarkable success. The aggregate area transferred to the lessee amounted to 36.5% of the net sown area in the State, or 42.9% of the area excluding plantation crops. This was followed by the agrarian reform bill, which was adopted by the Kerala assembly in June 1959. Its outcome, the Kerala Agricultural Relations Bill (KARB) was a land mark in the history of Kerala. It contained three important features.
(1) No holding of land by permanent tenants, including farm servants and mortgagees, would be subject to resumption by the landowners. The rent to be paid by tenants was reduced to a maximum of one fourth of the gross produce, and to much less, as low as one twelfth, in the case of less fertile land.
(2) All rights of the landlords in land held by the tenants were vested in the State which then would act as an intermediary in transferring (part of) sixteen annual installments of the fair rent to the landowner. After paying all installments, the ex-lessee would receive full ownership of the land. The total abolition of tenancy involved in this arrangement was an exemplary feature of the KARB.
(3) All land above the ceiling limit (15 acres of double cropped land per family, with no additional allowance for adult or minor family members) was to be distributed by the Land lords.
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The KARB was a radical departure, not in terms of an anti-capitalist agenda, but in terms of "its democratic revolution which aimed at breaking the backbone of feudalism and semi-feudalism of all kinds, and parasitic landlordism, with a serious concern for development of the forces of production" .But the implementation of this comprehensive land reform programme was scotched by the overthrow of the first government, the verdict of the Kerala High Court against certain provisions of the bill and the presidential disapproval. The KARB, after the extended legislative procedure, was sent to the President of India on 27 July 1959. Four days later, on July 31, 1959, the government was dismissed by the President, arguing on the basis of Article 356 of the Constitution that law and order in the State had been eroded. This argument was with reference to the prevalence of a violent agitation, the Liberation Movement (Vimochana Samaram). The ideas which the first government had introduced in 1957, remained intact, and the jenmi landlords in Kerala, and the political parties representing their interests, apparently had changed their tactics. Kerala Land Reforms Act, 1963 is the principal land reform law in the State of Kerala and was included in the Ninth Schedule of the Constitution.
Efficacy of Land Reforms: The major economic problems of the newly independent nation could be income-poverty, hunger, illiteracy, lack of schooling, avoidable disease, and subject to what were among the worst forms of class, caste, and gender oppression in the world. To solve the agrarian question is to free the countryside of landlordism, old and new; to free the working peasantry and agricultural workers from their present fetters and to guarantee them the means of income and livelihood; to redistribute agricultural land; to provide the rural working people with house-sites and homes; to create the conditions for the liberation of the people of the oppressed castes and tribes and of women; to ensure universal formal education; and to achieve the general democratization of life and progressive cultural development in rural India. Kerala was one of the few States which took brave step of land reforms in early years, where the landless agricultural workers were provided land to settle down. The result was highest public health and distribution of basic educational facilities and least slum dwelling.
The Land Reforms Bill of 1959 introduced by the first ministry had the very clear objective of breaking landlordism. It wanted to realize the slogan of “land to the tiller” which had been the promise of the freedom struggle. The idea was to make tenants the owners of the land they cultivated and to ban future tenancy in all forms. Resuming land for “own-cultivation” which was
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Page 41 School of Distance Education a euphemism for tenancy-at-will or wage-based cultivation, and which had been the bane of land reforms undertaken by other governments, was not permitted.
Few political groups have decided to launch agitations for restructuring the land ownership pattern in the State by taking up its earlier slogan `land to the tiller.' Agitations, demanding the continuation of agrarian reforms are also in operation. A call for a second round of land reforms in Kerala has also triggered friction within the government and among various segments of the society. It was pointed out that the reforms in Kerala had several historic achievements to its credit. The process broke the backbone of landlordism and abolished the jenmi system. By 1993 it had conferred ownership rights / protection on 28 lakh tenants, and 6 lakh acres had been accrued to tenants. Much of the recent criticisms have come from economists who argue the reforms haven't achieved their real purpose as most beneficiaries were not from the lowest rung of society. According to them, an impression of success was created as several intermediate castes and the middle class are benefited from the reforms. The results of the reforms have been that the tenants (`kudiyans'), who were actually the middle class sections in the State, became the owners of the land while the genuine landless farmers and the poor agricultural workers were driven away to settlement colonies. It was also argued that while the middle classes in rural Kerala had gained substantially from land reforms, these had not substantially benefited the landless agricultural labourers, the tribal people or the fisher folk. As land reforms are considered the one outstanding achievement of the Kerala development experience, the obvious question to ask is why this has not solved the food problem once and for all. After 50 years of land reforms, Kerala depend on Andhra Pradesh for rice Tamil Nadu for vegetables and Karnataka for meat. It proves that the land reform did not increase agricultural production or rural employment in the State. In fact, one of the most visible results of the land reform legislation was the extreme fragmentation of land, In Travancore; tenant-friendly regulations came into effect from 1829 onward, and were strengthened through subsequent reforms. Land was concentrated under royal control, and tenants in effect became tenants of the state, with permanent occupancy rights and low rents.
In Kerala a clear caste structure was existing early period, in the higher portion of hierarchy arranged by Namboothiris, Nairs, Ambalavasis and other groups come in Brahmanic category, they are the real owners of the land in Kerala and they are the dominant caste group, and below these groups arranged the intermediaries they are the service caste of Brahmin category in their
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Page 42 School of Distance Education land the tenants worked as peasants of agricultural labourers, they have no a direct connection with the owners of land. The family members of tenants worked in the land of a jenmi traditionally for low wages. System of tenants and share-cropping system was the peculiarity of Indian agrarian society. With the evolving of land reforms more and more changes coming in Kerala rural social structure such as the lands of dominant castes are distributed to the tenants and stopping the share- cropping system. Besides these, the power structure of rural society also changed, with the loss of land the dominant position of higher caste also lowered, and the power structure of the basis of principle of Democracy such as Panchayath Raj, adult Franchise etc. In post-land reform period the agriculture occurred in land of dominant caste with the help of peasants but some time that was not profitable to them when they do farming with family member, but they haven’t an agricultural tradition so their land remaining as fallow.
2.4 Migration, Globalization and rural social transformation
Indian society is primarily a rural society though urbanization is growing. The majority of India’s people live in rural areas that are 67 per cent, according to the 2001 Census. They make their living from agriculture or related occupations. This means that agricultural land is the most important productive resource for a great many Indians. Land is also the most important form of property. But land is not just a ‘means of production’ not just a ‘form of property’. Nor is agriculture just a form of livelihood. It is also a way of life. Agriculture is the single most important source of livelihood for the majority of the rural population. But the rural economy is not just agricultural economy. Many activities that support agriculture and village life are also sources of livelihood for people in rural India. For example, a large number of artisans such as potters, carpenters, weavers, ironsmiths, and goldsmiths are found in rural areas. They were once part and parcel of the village economy. Their numbers have been steadily lessening since the colonial period. Rural life also supported many other specialists and crafts persons as storytellers, astrologers, priests, water-distributors, and oil-pressers. The diversity of occupations in rural India was reflected in the caste system, which in most regions included specialist and ‘service’ castes such as Washer men, Potters, and Goldsmiths. Some of these traditional occupations have declined. But increasing interconnection of the rural and urban economies has led to many diverse occupations. Many people living in rural areas are employed in, or have livelihoods based in, rural non-farm activities. For instance, there are rural residents employed in government services such as the Postal and
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Education Departments, factory workers, or in the army, who earn their living through nonagricultural activities. Community land ownership is another feature of rural society; it is a simple society with low density of population. A simple stratification system based on caste is the peculiarity of rural social structure.
Migration and globalization are the two factors, which brought changes in rural social structure. Both of these are the result of a bundle of social changes like industrial revolution, urbanization, development of science etc. Even though migration occurred in earlier societies, the modern period migration had made total changes in rural social structure. Migration means the permanent or temporary movement of people from place of destination to place of origin. Mainly the rural urban migration is occurred in society. Urbanization is a social condition which provides more and more opportunities like more choices in employment, education; open and untouchable free society etc. Rural society is a caste ridden society there people have no freedom to choice the occupation on the basis of skill, education etc. the occupation was earlier determined by their caste, unemployment, poverty, untouchability etc. are the face cut of rural society which push the rural population to urban society and the above mentioned conditions found in urban society worked as pull factors of migration. Globalization also leads to migration. Globalization means the growing interdependence of the world’s economies, cultures and populations, brought about by cross- borders in goods and services, technology and flows of investment, people and information. Both of these factors made more and more changes in rural social structure that are summarized below:
1. Transformation of caste society to class society: Rural society is a caste ridden society; globalization and rural-urban migration destruct the caste society and emerge the class society. Rural society displayed a fourfold caste stratification system such Brahmins, Kshtriyas, Vaisyas and Shudras, besides more and more sub-castes also found in rural society. After globalization and rural urban migration there can be see the emergence of class society, the class status is achieved status and individual can change his class status at any time, which is fixed on the basis of economic status. 2. Decline of agrarian economy: Rural economy was agrarian economy, globalization shrinking the agrarian sector. The international norms imposed by WTO (World Trade Organization) and other multilateral organizations have reduced government support to agriculture. Greater
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integration of global commodities markets leads to constant fluctuations in price. The high dependence on seeds and fertilizers sold by the MNCs also destruct the rural agriculture. 3. Transformation of joint family to nuclear family: The increasing migration coupled with financial independence has led to the breaking of joint families into nuclear ones. The western influence of individualism has led to an asprational generation of youth. 4. With the rapid urbanization the rural society also covered by urban society: With the rapid urbanization the rural people are highly migrated to urban areas when the urban society also widens so it covers the land of rural area so the migration destructs rural society. Rural social structure was the peculiarity of Indian society, which is transformed with the effect of the factors like migration and globalization. These two factors are produced by the industrialization, urbanization, growth of science and technology etc. These made social, economic, political changes in rural society. Certain important changes are explained above.
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MODULE 3
GOVERNACE IN RURAL SOCIETY
Governance is the peculiarity of each and every society, which means the controlling of the behaviour of individuals for smooth functioning of society. Since the human life started in society primitive form of the governance system was existing society. In accordance with time changing the society also developing, a developing from of governance system started to develop. In early societies the behaviour of individual was controlled by the informal agencies of social control like family, caste organizations, village communities, and other community organization for controlling the behaviour of its members. India is the society of villages where more and more controlling organizations are existed for the comfortable lives of people. Panchayath raj is a governance agency evolved in post-independence period. This module mainly analyses the historical emergence of the rural governing system till present society. It provides an idea about the evolutionary emergence of rural governing system with special reference to the relevance of .governing system in rural society.
3.1 Rural governance: Village Panchayath, Caste Panchayath, Dominant Caste
Rural society is a type of society predominantly found in India during early period. It is a simple society low density of population, caste system and agrarian economy etc. are the peculiarity of rural society. Rural governance simply means to control the bahaviour of people in rural society through formal and informal agencies such as dominant caste, Caste Panchayath and village Panchayath. Only the governance is not the function of these organizations but the developmental activities and planning of development are the other functions of these organizations. This part provides an idea about the historical emergence of the rural governance system. First known rural governance system in India was Dominant caste, and then caste Panchayath developed, at last the village Panchayath take the charge of rural governance.
Dominant caste
Dominant caste is a structural component and the governing body of rural society so become an inevitable concept in the study of rural society. The concept dominant caste in sociology was introduced by a well known Indian sociologist M N Srinivas in his study of Rampura Village in
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Mysore. This module depicts the concept dominant caste as a governing body of rural society. M N Srinivas analyzed dominant caste as critically the traditional conception of dominant caste. In traditional conception of higher caste means the caste groups who are arranged on the top of the caste hierarchy, they are Brahmins or other groups similar to Brahmins which is different from State to State in India. But they may not numerically higher. They have large amount of land. Srinivas criticize this conception and define dominant caste as a caste dominates when it wields economic and political power, it has a high rank in caste hierarchy, high numerical strength as compared to other caste groups, it should own a sizable amount of the arable land locally available, have strength of numbers, and occupy a high place in the local hierarchy. When a caste has all the attributes of dominance, it may be said to enjoy a decisive dominance.
Caste is a stratification system existing in India which is based on the fourfold classification of Varna. The Brahmins are arranged on the top of hierarchy, they are purified caste and twice born. Generally Brahmins, Khatriya and Vaishya are known as purified caste and twice born; they are arranged on the top of hierarchy they are considered as the dominant caste in India they determine the governance of Indian rural society. Shudras and untouchables are the polluted and impure. The higher position of governing body not democratically fixed, which is based on caste status and this position traditionally handed over to other members on the basis of seniority of members. Then caste Panchayath or Jati Panchayath emerged as a governing body in rural society.
Caste Panchayath
India is a caste ridden society. Caste simply means a hierarchical stratification system, which is the peculiarity of Indian rural society. Mainly castes in Indian rural society are arranged in a fourfold hierarchy such as Brahmins, who are arranged on the top of hierarchy, then Kshatriyas, then Vaisya and then Shudra. Untouchables or Panchamam are at the bottom of hierarchy. Even though the caste system started in India as a division of labour, in accordance with time changing it controls all spheres of life like governance, birth, death, food habits, inter-dining, social interaction etc. In India, most indigenous local consultative bodies have had a caste origin. The term Panchayath is closely related with the term Pancha in Sanskrit, meaning a council of five members. Caste Panchayath is also called caste council or Jati Panchayath. It is a traditional judicial system based on caste. It is simply the caste specific juries of elders for villages. Before the introduction of British courts, justice was administered by the masters, or one’s caste fellows.
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There is no precise evidence to show how and when the caste councils came into existing. However, there is a general agreement that these were created only after settled village life became possible. Since each village is composed of more than one caste, each caste has been following the norms, rules and behaviour pattern vastly different from other castes. The source of these norms and rules are the cultural scriptures and ethnic or cultural callings maintained by the caste councils. The term Jati Panchayath is used to denote the idea of caste Panchayath. Jati and caste are the two terms interchangeably used to denote the same idea of caste. Within most castes there were Panchayath meeting to hear cases and arbitrate between fellow caste members involved in disputes and punish offenders against caste rules and customs. Inter-caste Panchayath were also formed to hear disputes between members of different castes. There were also regional caste courts in some places hearing cases in which the people involved were from different villages.
The caste Panchayath commonly exists in all parts of India then with the emergence of village Panchayath in post- independence period, it gives way to village Panchayath. But in certain States of India we can see the evidences of caste Panchayath. In northern India, the caste Panchayath is generally composed of five elder members of the renowned families, persons of acknowledged qualities of leadership, wealthy and capable of impartial judgement. These five people are called Panchas. Head of the caste council is called Mukhiya or Pradhan. Theoretically the meetings of caste Panchayath can be summoned whenever there is a breach of the caste rules and such breach is brought to the notice of the caste Panchayath. Some of the major offences which the caste Panchayath takes cognizance are as follows:
Reach of the caste rules. Marriage that violates the caste norms and rules. Breaches of rules of endogamy and exogamy. Inter-dining with those who are outcaste. Failure to fulfill marriage agreements or conditions. Refusing to pay community subscription. Divorce without mutual consent. Disputes between in-laws.
Apart from the above, there are many petty offences which are brought into cognizance of the caste Panchayath. The nature of punishment depends on nature of the offense and perpetrators are
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For centuries, the caste Panchayaths have worked effectively as judicial-cum-social institutions with mandatory sanctions issue writs over its members. In fact the writ or order of caste Panchath ran supreme in all spheres of life of its members. However, with changing times the effectiveness of these bodies has waned. Neither these bodies nor their verdicts are legally recognized by modern courts of law. The reasons ascribed to their gradual disappearance include- change in circumstances; improved mobility and interaction among people; establishment of statutory courts; introduction of secular village Panchayath with legal as well as constitutional backing. Modern laws banning the evil practices, government support or protection to inter-caste marriage, stringent government action over honor killing, abolition of untouchability, no legal sanction on excommunication etc. Nevertheless, these developments have been hardly able to undermine some of the Panchayaths such as Khaps in Northern India. In Villages, still people are fearful of excommunication.
Village Panchayath
Village Panchayath is a statutory institution, emerged for the first time under the British rule. Before village Panchayath, the traditional village councils are worked as a governing agency, it is experienced a decay as a result of the village administration by the agencies of the Central Government, extension of jurisdiction of Civil and Criminal courts to the rural areas, growth of modern education, communication, introduction to the new land revenue system, police organization and such other factors during the British period. The British government with a view to preserve and stabilize its political control over rural areas gradually adopted various measures for recognizing the village Panchayath. They passed various laws for the establishment of local self governing bodies.
This is the basic or grassroots level of Panchayath Raj. It is constituted by the components like Grama Sabha, Grama Panchayath and Nyaya Panchayath. Gramasabha consists of all adult
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Page 49 School of Distance Education residents within a village or group of village, generally two meetings of Gramasabha held in a year and in these meetings Gramasabha as a General Body of the people hear Annual Statement of the Account, Audit or administrative report of Panchayath. It recommends new development projects to be under taken by Panchayaths. It also helps in identifying poor people of the village so they may be given economic assistance. Gram Panchayath is another part of village Panchayath, the members of it is directly elected people. The number of members of Grama Panchayath is fixed on the basis of population. Grama Panchayath held election on the basis of single member constituency, 1/3 of seats are reserved for women. Chairperson of Gram Panchayath are called President/Pradhan/Sarpanch, these names are used in different States of India. Gram Panchayaths generally held their meetings once in a month. Nyaya Panchayath is another part constitute the village Panchayath, it is the set up to provide speedy and inexpensive justice. One Nyaya Panchayath is set up for 5 or more Gram Panchayath for tenure 3 to 5 years. It is generally deal with petty civil and criminal cases and can impose fine upto Rs.100.
The above mentioned bodies are the oldest governing organizations in India. India is a caste ridden society, so the dominant caste was a governing body in India, it is regionally different. Each caste groups have their own governing body but the serious problems are handled by the dominant caste in a rural region. Then castes Panchayaths are organized as a governing body, then the village Panchayaths are organized with the coming of British administration in India. The growth and spread of a well developed judicial system occurred with British administration, which leading to the decline of dominant caste and caste Panchayaths as governing bodies.
3.2 Panchayath Raj- Decentralization of power in Village society
In early times village societies are controlled by various governing bodies like dominant caste, caste Panchayaths, Village Panchayaths etc. With the coming of British administration in India and the post-independence period more and more changes are coming in governing bodies. Caste Panchayaths exists in village society during the time starting of settled life, then village Panchayath emerged with the coming of British administration then in post- independence period Panchayath Raj came into prominence as a democratic political institution.
Panchayath Raj in India owes its origin to the findings and recommendations of the Study Team on the working of Community Projects and National Extension Services (NES) under the auspices
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Page 50 School of Distance Education of the Committee on Plan project, which is popularly known as Balwantrai Mehta Committee. From the point of view of Mehta Committee the major shortcomings of the Community Projects and National Extension Service lies in its failure in generating the necessary enthusiasm among rural people for the programme and its implementation. According to the Committee each development block has an Advisory Committee composed of official and non-official representatives but they have no roots amongst the people and have no powers and responsibilities. All planning and execution is done by the block staffs, they are responsible for the proper and timely utilization of the block funds. The Committee opined that the block administration functions more bureaucratically and has not identified the spirit behind the programme. For generating people’s enthusiasm for the programme the Committee recommended that all development programmes in the block areas should be entrusted to representative institutions that can be evoke local interest and initiative and the block staff and other officials should be placed at the disposal of those institutions. The Study Team also recommended for the provision of sufficient funds and sources of revenue for these local institutions to enable then to discharge their new duties. With this view in mind, the Committee suggested the formation of the three-tier system of local Government that is at village, at block and at district level. The three-tier system consisted of directly elected Panchayaths at village level, Panchayath Samiti at block and Zilla Parishad at district level. The Panchayath Samiti should have a life of five years and should posses the power to scrutinize and approve the budgets of village Panchayaths. Its function should include the development of agriculture, improvement of cattle, promotion of local industries, welfare work, public health and administration of primary schools etc. As almost the entire rural development work would come within the purview of the Panchayath Samiti, the Study Team suggested the following resources should be assigned to them. (1) The percentage of land revenue collected within the block, which should not be less than 40% of the State’s net land revenue (2) Cess on land revenue (3) tax on profession (4) surcharge of duty on transfer of immovable property (5) rent and profit accruing from property (6) net proceeds of tools and leases (7) pilgrim tax, tax on entertainment, primary education Cess, proceeds from fairs and markets (8) share of motor vehicle tax (9) voluntary public contributions and (10) government grants. To ensure the necessary coordination between the Panchayath Samitis, a Zilla Parishad should be established consisting of the presidents of Panchayath Samitis, members of the State legislature and of the Parliament, representing the area and the district level officers. The Chairman of the Parishad would be the
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Collector. The Parishad would have the power to examine and approve the budgets of the Panchayath Samitis. It would also generally supervise the activities of the Panchayath Samiti but it would not be invested with any executive functions. Ashok Mehta committee was a committee closely related with Panchayath Raj, which was appointed in 1977 to suggest measures to revive and strengthen the declining Panchayath Raj system in India. The committee suggested that the three-tier system should be replaced with two-tier system: Zilla Parishad (district level) and Mandal Parishad (a group of villages). The committee’s another recommendation related with the appointment of district level as the first level of supervision after the State level. Zilla Parishad should be the executive body and responsible for planning at the district level. The institutions like Zilla Parishad and Mandal Panchayath to have compulsory taxation powers to mobilize their own financial resources. G V K Rao committee was another committee related with Panchayath Raj. The committee critically evaluates the Panchayath Raj system, due to bureaucratization the developmental activities were not reach to the people in lower level of society.
The modern Panchayath Raj system was introduced in India by the 73rd constitutional amendment in 1993, although it is based upon the historical Panchayath Raj system of the Indian Subcontinent and is also present in Pakistan, Bangladesh and Nepal. The system came into prominence following a proposal submitted in 1986 by the L M Singhvi Committee to make certain changes to the Panchayath Raj institutions which had already existed in early Indian history and which had been reintroduced in 20th century, the modern Panchayath Raj system was formalized and introduced in India in April 1993 as the 73rd Amendment to the constitution. In India, the System now functions as a system of governance in which Gram Panchayaths are the basic unit of local administration. The system has been three levels; Gram Panchayath at village level, Mandal Parishad or Block Samiti or Panchayath Samiti at block level and Zilla Parishad at district level. The Panchayath Raj System exists in all States except Nagaland, Meghalaya and Mizoram and in all Union territories except Delhi.
The Panchayath Raj System was first adopted by the State of Bihar by the Bihar Panchayath Raj Act of 1947. It was a continued legacy of the local self government started by Lord Ripon in the British era. Later, it was implemented by Rajasthan in Nagpur district on 2nd October1959. Rajasthan was the first State to introduce the Panchayath Raj system in India after independence. During the 1950s and 60s other State governments adopted this system as laws were passed to
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On 24th April 1993, the constitutional (73rd amendment) Act of 1992 came into force in India to provide constitutional status to the Panchayath Raj institutions. The amendment was extended to Panchayaths in tribal areas of eight states namely: Andhra Pradesh, Gujarat, Himachal Pradesh, and Maharashtra, Madhya Pradesh, Odisha and Rajasthan beginning of 24th December 1996.
Panchayath Raj system has certain objectives which are given below: i) Increasing agricultural production. ii) Development of rural industries. iii) Fostering cooperative institutions. iv) Full utilization of local manpower and other resources v) Assisting the weaker sections of the community vi) Progressive dispersal of authority and initiative with emphasize on the role of voluntary organization. vii) Fostering cohesion and encouraging the spirit of self-help within the community.
These are the functions of Panchayath Raj system, besides these, the three tier system has different functions at village level, block and district level. The three-tier of Panchayath Raj institutions are of a supervisory nature. The district Panchayath acts as the agency of the State, the taluk Panchayath acts as the agency of the district Panchayath and the village Panchayath as that of the taluk Panchayath for fulfilling certain previously laid down targets. At village level the main functions of the Panchayath are provision of a water supply, maintenance of minor irrigation, school buildings, family planning, development and cooperation, construction of wells and latrines etc.
Functions of the Panchayath Samiti
Panchayath Samiti is the second layer of three-tier system of Panchayath Raj system, which is worked in block level. It works through Standing Committees for production programmes, social service and finance, taxation and administration. Block Development Officers are regarded as on deputation to the Panchayath Samiti and are liable to be transferred in consultation with the
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Pradhan. The Samiti Pradhan exercises administrative control over the Vikas adhikari and staff within the block. Panchayath Samiti has certain functions for the development of rural society suck agricultural improvement, development, cooperation, sanitation, primary education, social education, cottage industries and emergency relief.
Functions of Zilla Parishad
Zilla Parishad is the third layer of three tier system of Panchayath Raj, which is worked in district level. Their major function is the coordination and consolidation of the plans of the Panchayath Samiti, supervision of the activities, and distribution among the Panchayath Samitis of the adhoc grants allotted to the district by the State Government etc. Pramukh of Zilla Parishad can visit, guide and advice the Panchayath Samiti. Coordination between the work of the various departments is secured through the District Development officer, who is normally the Collector and he is responsible to see that the amount placed at the disposal of the Panchayath Samiti are being properly utilized and that the Vikas adhikaris of this team are discharging their functions adequately as extension staff.
Panchayath Raj system is a well developed form of governing system still existing in India. Even though certain criticisms have to the system, which is more or less better. The system was now running in Indian rural society and which are leading to the development.
3.3 Community Development Programme in India
Community means a group of people who live in a geographical area and have an interest in each other for the purpose of making a living. Community development programme simply means the movement designed to promote better living for the community with the active participation and or the initiative at the community. It is a method by which people of villages are involved in helping to improve their own economic and social conditions and thereby they become more effective groups in programmes of their national development. It is the process of change by which people’s efforts are united with those of group authorities to improve their economic, social and cultural conditions of communities, into the life of the nation and to enable them to contribute fully to national programmes.
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Community Development programme (CDP)
Based on the experiences within the country and abroad, the recommendations of the Fiscal Commission (1949) and the Grow More Food Enquiry Committee (1952) the CDP was launched on October 2, 1952 the birthday of Mahatma Gandhi. At the initial stage in 1952 there were 55 community projects in 3 blocks. Each of the community development projects covered an area of about 450-500 sq.miles with about 300 villages and a population of about 2 lakhs. Each project area has been divided into three development blocks. A development block consisted of about 100 villages with about 150-170Sq.miles and a population of about 60-70 thousands. Each block was further divided into groups of 5-10 villages. Each such group formed the area of operation for a village level worker (Gram Sevak) who was the basic level extension functionary in the community development programme.
Objectives of community development in India
The main objective of Community Development Program in India was the village development. Its broad objectives are the economic development, social justice and democratic growth. It attempts to secure as good a balance as possible among these three objectives and inter-relate them in a manner that they support one another. More specifically, objectives of the Community Development Programme are: i) To assist each village in having effective Panchayath, cooperative and school. ii) Through these village institutions, plan and carry out integrated multi-phased family, village, block and District. a) Increasing agricultural production. b) Improving existing village crafts, industries and organizing new ones. c) Providing minimum essential health services and improving health practices. d) Providing required educational facilities for children and an adult education programme. e) Providing recreational facilities and programmes. f) Improving housing and family living conditions and g) Providing programmes for village women and Youth.
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Administration of CDP prior to Panchayath Raj
For implementation of CDP at the national level there was a central committee with prime minister as Chairman. This committee was to lay down broad policies and to provide general supervision. It was also responsible for economic development. The committee was assisted by an Advisory Board consisting of the secretaries of developmental departments of central ministries. Under Central Committee there was Community Projects Administration (CPA). At the beginning CPA was very small and it grew up as a big organization. Therefore from September 20th, 1956 a separate central Ministry was created known as ministry of community development. This Ministry has overall in-charge of the programme. This department prepared national basis programmes, budgeting, directing and coordinating throughout the country.
For implementation of CDP at the State level there was a State Development Committee or a similar body. This body was entrusted with the extension of CDP and NES. This committee was presided over by the chief Minister and consists of all Ministers of development departments. The development Commissioner acted as Secretary to this committee, who has three fold functions such as i) He had two functions in the centre first is to receive programme guidance from the centre and report progress and second is give suggestions to the centre. ii) He coordinated the programme at block levels. He also assures proper and adequate supervision. iii) He maintained an administration relationship with the District Collector who in turn is responsible for planning, coordination, executing and evaluating the work of each block in his district.
For implementation of CDP at District level there was district collector is the chairman of the district planning of Development Committee. He is assisted in carrying out this development responsibilities by BDOs. The district development committee consists of all Heads of Department in the district. It has both officials and non-officials as members. The responsibility of implementation of CDP at block level is vested in BDO, who is assisted by a team of experts in agriculture, cooperation, animal husbandry, cottage industries etc. These technical personnel were assigned with the development works at block level. Block Development Committee consists of representatives of Panchayath, cooperatives, progressive farmers, social workers, MPs and MLAs
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Page 56 School of Distance Education of the area. In Village level Community Development Programme was implemented by Gram Sevak who acts as a multi-purpose man at village level. Each Gram Sevak has in-charge of about 7 or 10 villages. He is in-charge of both village and family development. He is guided and assisted by various technical specialists at the block level. He is the last official administrative person in the administrative chain for carrying out this nationwide programme for village development.
As seen at every level along with the official set up, non-officials participation has also been emphasized. This programme is often called as peoples’ programme. There is great stress on the peoples’ participation not merely in the execution of the programme but also in its planning.
National Extension Services (NES)
National Extension Services was a developmental programme implemented in rural areas of India, which is implemented in the areas not covered by CDP, so that entire country would get the benefit of development. The NES was implements from 2nd October 1953. When compared to CDP, the NES was less intensive in character. Since CDP and NES had the same basic ideas, they were integrated both at the centre and State. With effect from April 1958 there was no distinction between CD blocks and NES. All NES blocks became CD blocks was achieved by October 1963. NES covered almost all the villages in the country. For this national programme apart from the existing system, a new administrative organization was built. A central level planning commission itself headed by Prime Minister acted for direction and coordination of development. It was assisted by an advisory board comprising of secretaries of several Central Ministries concerned. An administrator for CDP was appointed to work under the control of the Central Committee for the overall management of the Programme. As part of the implementation of NES at State level, a State development committee under the chief minister was set-up with several ministries as its members. It was assisted by the State level advisory abroad with development department secretaries. A development commissioner was responsible for management of the programme. As like CDP, NES implemented through different levels like Centre, State, District, and Block and village level. It has a complicated organizational pattern prior to Panchayath Raj such at Centre the programme was implemented by the officials as Ministry of community development and cooperation and the non-officials in Central level was parliament through central committee the Prime Minister as chairman. At the State level the NES was implemented with State development commissioners and which is implemented by the State legislature through State Development
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Committee, the Chief Minister as Chairman. At district level NES implemented by District Planning Officer or District collector with the District Development Committee, district collector as its chairman. At block level Block Development officer implemented this programme with the support of Block Advisory Committee. At village level it is implemented by Gram Sevak through Village development councils or Village Panchayath.
Even though the NES was similar to CDP, it has its own objectives which are given below: a) To change the outlook of village people. b) To make the people participate effectively in development programmes. c) To develop village leaders accepted by all and d) To increase the employment and production. Even though NES are implemented through a wider organizational pattern it has certain defects which are mentioned below: 1. Uneven distribution of benefits 2. Absence of clear cut priorities 3. Lack of self reliance and mutual aid and 4. Inadequate emphasize on development of cottage and small scale industries and agriculture.
3.4 People’s Planning Programme: A critical appraisal
Peoples planning programme was launched by the state government on 17th August 1996 by ensuring people’s participation in the decentralized planning process starting from the stage of preparation of plan it. Seventy Third and Seventy Fourth amendment’s in the Indian Constitution put forward the objective of democratic decentralization. The government decided to implement the ninth Five year plan as People’s Plan, giving the local self Governments powers in the process of plan formation and implementation, with a view to realize the true spirit of the constitutional amendments. People’s Planning also known as Janakeeya Asoothranam. It is conducted through different phases like, in the first phase gram sabha were convened and people at the local level mobilized to asses felt needs. In the second phase, development seminars were held in every village Panchayaths followed by formation of task forces for the preparation of development projects. 12,000 task forces were formed that worked out to around 12 task forces per village Panchayath. In the third phase development reports were prepared according to a format suggested by the State
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Stages
A yearlong campaign spanning six stages marked the planning process leading to the formation of the first annual plan (1997 – 98) of the Ninth five year plan (1997 – 2002). The state Planning Board played an active role in helping the local self governments to formulate the plan with people’s participation. Several training programmes were organized by the Planning Board for the education and capacity building of people’s representatives, officials and voluntary activists and experts. Above half lakh individuals participated in this massive learning programme. Many handbooks and training manuals were published as the part of the training programme. The six stages of People’s Plan campaign are summarized below
One - Gramasabha meetings
People’s representatives and voluntary activists were provided training in organizing Gramasabhas and Ward sabhas (in Municipalities) to discuss the developmental issues. Gramasabha meetings were convened in each ward of the local body in which hundreds of people attended and discussed local development issues by forming different sectoral groups. Practical solutions were also suggested in these discussions.
Two - Development seminars
The local self governments prepared detailed development report which analyzed local development issues and the local resources available. Development seminars were held at the Panchayath / Municipality level to discuss the development report and the suggestions of the Gramasabhas. Local level plans and project ideas were formulated in these seminars. Three - Task Forces
Task Forces including experts selected at the development seminars held meetings and prepared detailed project proposals for the annual plan. Four - Plan document The local self government institutions held their council meetings in which annual plan document for the local bodies were finalized by prioritizing the projects based on the funds devolved from the state government and locally available resources.
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Five - Block and District Panchayath Plans
Block and District Panchayath samities finalized their annual plans by integrating and supplementing the project proposals from below.
Six - District Planning Committee
District Planning Committees which are statutory bodies formed as per the constitution examined the plan proposals of each local body in the district, duly recommended by technical expert groups in various sectors, and gave approval to the plans which fulfilled the guidelines. Funds were made available for the implementation of the projects approved by District Planning Committees.
Just as the different stages in the planning process the implementation of the plan projects was organized through a series of stages. These included selection of beneficiaries in the Grama sabha, formation of local beneficiary committee for implementation and monitoring committee for supervision, all of which were aimed at ensuring people’s participation and transparency in the development process.
Criticism
This program was not fully a success in Kerala, which is highly criticized by the thinkers. The main criticism was about its officials, the task forces did not function as effectively as was expected. The main weakness was that adequate number of experts could not be attracted to the task forces. The participation of officials was also far from satisfactory. The training given to the task forces was also inadequate. The weaknesses of people planning program also displayed in technical details and financial analysis. The program was being politicized to suit partisan interest. This program has not a sound administrative support which led to conflicts between an inexperienced political executive and an experienced administrative executive.
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MODULE 4
TRIBAL SOCIETY IN INDIA
The module mainly analyzes who are the tribes in India, their demographic features, their problems, approaches, planning and programmes for tribal development and the tribe-caste continuum. Through analyzing these, the students get an idea about the early Indian society. the module also provide an idea about the problems facing by tribes in real life. Tribal groups in India are considered to be the earliest inhabitants of the country. Indian constitution called them as Scheduled Tribes, in common parlance they call as Adivasis, in which ‘Adi’ means first or earliest ‘vasis’ means the residents. Adivasis means early inhabitants of the earth. Tribes are a group of people, they are living in a common territory and claims that derived from a common ancestor, and believe in a common religion, which is different from the religion of non-tribes, tribes’ religion is simple and closely related with nature, they speak a common dialect which may not have a written form, and they are following a common culture. The Constitution Order 1950 declared 212 tribes located in 14 states as ―Scheduled Tribes. The Government of India today identifies 533 tribes with 62 of them located in the state of Orissa.
4.1 History of Indian tribes, Demographic features
Tribes are a social group of local communities, which lives in a common area, speaks a common dialect and follows a common culture. Various sociologists and Anthropologists define tribes but these definitions are not sufficient to denote the tribes fully. It is too difficult to give a suitable definition. Their conceptualizations highlights certain characteristics of tribal groups like they are a collection of people living in a common territory, they have a common name, common language, common ancestor, a simple form of religion, common culture etc. Tribes are known in various names like adivasis, aborgins, and Scheduled tribes.
The tribal populations in India have a long history. They have migrated to distant places in pre- historic and historic times. Guha states that Indian tribes mainly derived from three racial groups such as the Proto-Australoids, this group is characterized by dark skin color, sunken nose and lower forehead. These features are found among the Gond (Madhya Pradesh), the Munda (Chotanagpur), the Ho (Bihar) etc.), the Mongoloid, this group is characterized by light skin color, head and face are broad, the nose bridge is very low and their eyes are slanting with a fold on the
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Page 61 School of Distance Education upper eye lid. These features are found among the Bhotiya (Central Himalayas), the Wanchu (Arunachal Pradesh), the Naga (Nagaland), the Khasi (Meghalaya), and the Negrito, this group is characterized by dark skin color, round head, broad nose and frizzle hair. These features are found among the Kadar (Kerala), the Onge (Little Andaman), the Jarwa (Andaman Islands). The present popular meaning of a ‘tribe’ in India is a category of people, included in the list of the scheduled tribes. Tribal populations are relatively isolated and closed groups, forming homogeneous units of production and consumption. Being backward in economic terms, they were exploited by the non- tribals. In none of the Indian languages there was a term for tribes. In earlier times, they were known by their specific names such as the Gond, the Santhal, the Bhil etc. In modern Indian languages, new words like Vanyajati, Vanvasi, Pahari, Adimjati, Adivasi, Anusuchit jati, have been coined to designate the people called as tribe. Though much work on the history of tribes has not been done, the names of tribes like the Kurumba, the Irula, the Paniya in South India; the Asur, the Saora, the Oraon, the Gond, the Santhal, the Bhil in Central India, the Bodo, the Ahom in North-East India, occur in old classical Indian literature. Some of the tribal populations, like the Gond in Central India, the Ahom in North-East India, had large kingdoms. In brief, in ancient and medieval periods of India it appears that the so-called tribal populations interacted with other populations in a variety of ways in the region of their habitation.
The modern phase of the tribal history begins with the advent of the British. The British have keen interest to establish their rule in all parts of the country and were also looking for resources for their industries. In the process, vast areas of India were opened up and brought under centralized administration. They not only levied new rents for land but also made new land settlements. The areas, which were relatively secluded but rich in natural resources, experienced entry of a new variety of people, namely forest contractors, labourers, officials, neo-settlers, moneylenders etc.
At this stage for a variety of reasons, the British thought of protecting the indigenous populations by bringing a regulation in 1833. Certain parts of Chotanagpur were declared as non-regulated areas, which meant that normal rules were not applicable on such areas for example; outsiders were not allowed to acquire land in these areas. The administrators of such areas acquired vast discretionary powers. Later on this policy was extended to other areas too. In 1874, the British passed Scheduled Area Regulation Act and in due course the idea of a distinct and special arrangement in such areas got accepted. In the meanwhile, the concept of a tribe as a social
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Page 62 School of Distance Education category was emerging, which was meant to distinguish them from the Hindu, the Muslim, and other organized religious groups through an over simplified assumption that the tribes were animist while the latter were not. By the Act of 1919, the idea of wholly excluded area and partially excluded area emerged for some of the areas where tribal populations were concentrated. These areas were excluded from the application of normal rules. The 1935 Act incorporated these provisions and a policy of reservation emerged for the people so notified for it. While these policies were emerging, the British Government was still not sure how to classify the people, who were neither Hindu nor Muslim. Their confusion is apparent from the terms they used to classify tribal populations in their decennial censuses. In different censuses the terms used were animists, hill and forest tribe, primitive tribes, and tribe.
Following Independence, the policy of protection and development for the population identified as tribe has been made into a constitutional obligation. A list of tribes was adopted for this purpose. In 1950, this list contained 212 names, which was modified by successive presidential orders. In 2003, the list contained 533 names. The Constitution, however, does not provide a definition of a tribe. The people who have been listed in the Constitution and mentioned in successive presidential orders are called scheduled tribes. This is the administrative concept of a tribe.
Tribes have been defined as a group of indigenous people with shallow history, having common name, language and territory, tied by strong kinship bonds, practicing endogamy, having distinct customs, rituals and beliefs, simple social rank and political organization, common ownership of resources and technology.
Scheduled Tribe (ST) population represents a heterogeneous group scattered in different regions of India. The differences are noticed in language, cultural practices, socio-economic status and pattern of livelihood. The STs are confronted with problems like forced migration, exploitation, displacement due to industrialization, debt traps and poverty. The scheduled tribe (ST) population is 104.2 million, which is 8.6 percent of the total population of India (Census 2011). Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, Orissa, Gujarat, Rajasthan, Jharkhand, Chhattisgarh, Andhra Pradesh, West Bengal, and Karnataka are the States having a large number of ST populations. The overall areas inhabited by the tribal population constitute a significant part of the underdeveloped areas of the country. About 93 per cent of them live in rural areas and are engaged in agriculture and allied activities. The sex ratio among the STs is 990 which are relatively better than the general
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Page 63 School of Distance Education population i.e. 940 (Census, 2011). The infant mortality rate among the ST children is 62.1 which are 57 for the other social groups. The child mortality rate among the tribes is 35.8 which are much higher than the other social groups i.e. 18.4 percent. The demographic figures reveal that the tribal population is the most disadvantaged, exploited and the neglected lot in India. Majority of the tribes used to reside in the remote forest areas, remain isolated, untouched by civilization and unaffected by the development processes. This situation has changed to a great extent over the years. The Infant mortality rate of STs in India is 84%, in rural areas it is 85% and in urban areas it is 61%.
Regional Variations of Tribes in India
North Eastern Region
North East India comprises the States like Arunachal Pradesh, Assam, Manipur, Meghalaya, Mizoram, Nagaland, Tripura and Sikkim. The region is surrounded by foreign territories like Bhutan, Tibet-China, Burma, and Bangladesh on the north-south and the east. The long narrow passage in the west connects the region with West Bengal and the rest of India. It represents a kind of ethnological transition zone between India and the neighboring countries. This region is the homeland of about 145 tribal communities of which 78 are larger groups; each with a population of more than 5000 persons. They constitute around 12 per cent of the total tribal population of India. In Mizoram, the tribes constitute 94.75 per cent of the total population of the State. The percentages of STs to the total population in the States like Assam, Manipur and Tripura, is 12.4, 35.1 and 31.8 respectively (Census, 2011). The PTGs in Tripura include Riang and Maram Naga in Manipur. This region depicts extreme heterogeneity in terms of distribution of tribal populations in different areas including their social structures and culture. The sex ratio in the States like Meghalaya, Mizoram, and Nagaland and Manipur is much higher compared to other regions (Census, 2011).
Eastern Region
Eastern India comprises of West Bengal, Orissa, Bihar and Jharkhand. The diversity of East India is evident from its population, nature and the types of tribes residing in this region. Multinational corporations are attracted to exploit the natural resources and reserves at the cost of tribal livelihood. This is leading to involuntary displacement of people from their homeland.
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Development projects in the eastern India particularly in the State of Orissa are initiated in the areas with tribal dominated populations due to rich natural resources. Due to these projects the tribal lands continue to be passed on to the hands of non-tribals in Orissa and some of the investors in the area of Niyamgiri hills in Rayagada district. The same trend is witnessed in other districts like Kalahandi, Koraput, Malkangiri, Kandhamal and Balasore district. Tribals are alienated from their land and land alienation is one of the important reasons of poverty and dispossession of tribals in Orissa. Consequently some other problems exist like deforestation, loss of agricultural land, environmental degradation, and marginalization of the STs. There is low pace of development in Jharkhand, at the same time the state has one of the richest mineral reserves in India. The major tribes in Orissa are Birhor, Gond, Juang, Khond, Korua, Oraon, Santhal, Tharua, etc. and the tribes like Asur, Birhor, Korwa, Lepcha, Munda, Santhal, are found in West Bengal. The major tribes in Bihar are Banjara, Birhor, Korwa, Munda, Oraon, Santhal, etc. and the tribes like Biga, Banjara, Chero, Chik Baraik, Gond, Ho, Kisan, Kora, Lohra, and Santhal etc. are found in Jharkhand. Santhal is the common and most populated tribe in the eastern region. It is important to note that the maximum number of tribes i.e. 62 in Orissa and large number of PTGs reside in eastern India; with 13 PTGs in Orissa, 9 in Bihar and Jharkhand and 3 in West Bengal. The PTGs in Orissa are Chuktia, Bhunjia, Birhor, Bondo, Didayi, Dongria Khond, Juang, Kharia, Kutia Khond, Lanjia Saura, Lodha, Mankirdia, Paudi Bhuyan and Saura. Many PTGs live entirely on forest resources, but have adopted settled agriculture since more than a decade. Shifting cultivation used to be their main economic pursuit but now their livelihood source has been transferred to stable farming and noticed among Chuktia Bhunjia. Some of these PTGs are losing their identity and even some of them are getting extinguished due to the rapid urbanization.
Central region
The central India tribal belt is rich in natural resources. Stretching from Madhya Pradesh (MP), and Chhattisgarh, it is one of the poorest regions of the country. More than 90 per cent of the STs belong to rural area and they are directly or indirectly dependent upon agriculture. Though some of them have small land holdings, agricultural practices are quite primitive and productivity is low. Central region also depicts high rate of infant mortality among ST population and situation is worse among the PTGs like Birhor, Korwa, Abhujmaria, Kamar and Baiga in Chhattisgarh.
Western region
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The States like Gujarat, Rajasthan, Maharashtra, and UTs like Daman & Diu, Dadra & Nagar Haveli represent the Western part of the country. Bhil is a common tribe found in all three major States of Western India. The other tribes found in Gujarat are Dhodia, Gond, Siddi, Bordia, etc. The major tribes in Rajasthan are Damor, Garasia, Meena, Sahariya etc. The common tribes residing in Maharashtra are Bhunjia, Chodhara, Dhodia, Gond, Kharia, Nayaka, Oraon, Pardhi and Rathwa. The PTGs in Gujarat are Kolgha, Kathodi, Kotwalia, Padhar and Siddi. PTGs residing in Maharashtra are Katkari/Kathodi, Kolam and Maria Gond.
Northern Region
North India includes States like Himachal Pradesh (HP), Jammu & Kashmir, UP and Uttarakhand (previously known as Uttaranchal). The tribes found in UP and Uttaranchal are Bhoti, Buxa, Jaunsari, Tharu, Raji, etc. The major tribes found in Himachal Pradesh are Gaddi, Gujjar, Lahuala, Swangla, etc. and tribes in Jammu & Kashmir (J& K) are Chddangpa, Garra, Gujjar and Gaddi. The PTGs in U.P and Uttarakhand are common and they are Buksa and Raji.
Southern Region
States like Andhra Pradesh, Kerala, Tamil nadu and Karnataka are included in the Southern region. The main occupations of the tribes in the Southern region are settled agriculture, podu (shifting) cultivation and collection of Non-Timber Forest Produce. The tribes in Andhra Pradesh are Bhil, Chenchu, Gond, Kondas, Lambadis, Sugalis etc. The major tribes in Kerala are Adiyam, Kammar, Kondkappus, Malais, Palliyar, etc. The common tribes residing in Tamil nadu are Irular, Kammara, Kondakapus, Kota, Mahamalasar, Palleyan and Toda. The tribes residing in Karnataka are Bhil, Chenchu, Goud, Kurumba, Kammara, Kolis, Koya, Mayaka, Toda, etc. Higher number of PTGs resides in southern India; with 12 PTGs such as Chenchu, Bodo Gadaba, Gutob Gadaba, Dongria Khond, Kutia Khond, Kolam, Konda Reddi, Kondasavara, Bondo Porja, Khond Porja.
4.2 Integration of the Tribals with the Non-tribals: Tribe-caste continuum
Tribe is a collection of people who living in geographically isolated areas like hilly areas, deep forests, mountains etc. and they are speaking a common language in pre-literate form, they followed a common culture, they have common religion, which is simple and closely related with nature. The term tribe firstly used by the British administrators then Constitution receives and
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Page 66 School of Distance Education follows this term till today. The concept of tribe is totally different from the concept of caste. Caste is the peculiarity of Indian social structure, which is a stratification system. It‘s origin is closely related the Varna system. Caste is a collection of families, bearing a common name, claiming a common descent from a mythical ancestor human and divine, professing to follow the same hereditary calling. It is generally a segmental division of society, and it is hierarchically arranged, it follow certain rules such as restrictions on feeding, restrictions on occupational choice and restriction on marriage. Even though these two concepts are different, we can see certain similarities. The concept of continuum was initially coined by Robert Redfield, in his work The Folk culture of Yucatan. Hitherto, he projected a serialized transformation from one cultural form and social system to the other end of another cultural form and social system. Here he adopted the ‘Folk-urban’ continuum model. This conceptualization provided the tenacity for tying evolutionary trends. Influenced by this schematic model, other scholars borrowed this conceptual framework and rechristened it as ‘Tribe-Caste Continuum’. F.G. Bailey, while studying ‘Kondh’ and ‘Oriya’ political system, used this concept. He suggested, “We view caste and tribe as the opposite ends of a single line. At different points along the line the particular societies may be located according to their proximity to either the organic caste model or segmentry tribal model.” Bailey labeled ‘Oriya’ caste society as organic and tribal ‘Kondh’ society as segmentry and argued that their kinship values and religious beliefs are not far detached from one another. Thus we see that the tribe-caste continuum studies in India bear the roots of imperialism from the school of American Cultural Anthropology. Terms like Great and Little tradition, Universalization and Parochialization are modeled for India.
Tribe-caste continuum means transformation of a tribal group into a caste group. In the ancient society caste originated on the basis of division of labor. The tribe evolved on the basis of community feeling of communities inhabiting a definite geographical area. Several differences between tribe and caste are known but there is trend in a gradual change from tribe to caste. A tribe can enter the Hindu society by adopting the clan and name of the caste. The Toda tribes in Nilgiri Hills there are a certain amount of specialization of functions as in the caste system. Some tribes manage to settle down at the peripheries of villages accept menial jobs from caste Hindus and eventually get into the Hindu fold. Members of the tribal groups may adopt the surname or gotra of a caste and also marry into the caste. Tribes when enter the caste fold lose their identity. Historians say that tribe caste continuum is part of epoch change. The tribe-caste continuum in
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India may be viewed as part of the general process of acculturation which has been continuing since ages.
Scholars of tribe-caste continuum have often used social manifestations of religion, broadly referred to as ritual and belief while describing the transition from one polar category to another. People identified tribal religions as founded on psychological fears rather than on philosophical explanations of unknown. It is also argued that movement from simple to complex forms of religion is without any obstacles or social contradictions. Under this thought the exponents of tribe caste continuum argue, the transition was spread over a long span of time. About 70% of the tribal people have been characterized as Hinduisized without being Hindus and as indistinguishable from the inferior ranks of caste order. The range of variations in this category of tribals is immense and the polar categories of tribe and caste do not any longer prove useful.
It is felt that through culture contact and diffusion of cultural traits, the guiding principles of socio- religious change are determined. As Sachidananda argues, “In India, however, most of the groups, which are how regarded as tribal have been in contact with Hindu society for many centuries past. Directly or indirectly, they have imbibed influences from Hinduism.” Apparent empirical similarities are analyzed as continuities. The transition shows change from segmentry to hierarchical societies. Some scholars also feel that the movement from the tribal pole to the caste pole involves progress in ethnic heterogeneity, roles specialization, and social stratification, emergence of the elite and increased interaction with network of civilization centers. These features or specific characteristics are said to be completely missing in tribal societies.
M.N. Srinivas and Redfield may be considered as the pioneers for making others believe in tribe- caste continuum in the context of India. They contend that acculturation defines the tribe-caste mobility in India. It seems that the primary concern of these scholars is the social mobility of the group and not of the individual. In the process of restructuring normative content of social organization, individuals accept dominant trends of the group to which they belong. This trend can be exemplified by relevant references as follows:
Michael York writes, “the Gond, Kolam and Naikpod are basically equivalent tries though separate. The equivalence is affected by the fact that the Naikpod can now be marginally included in the Telugu caste ideology and can claim greater ritual purity by not eating beef and pork.” Sachidananda says, “The tribe caste situation in Bihar is interesting. Out of a total population of
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42,40,770 enumerated as belonging to the fold of scheduled tribes, as many as 30,30,195 reported their religion to be Hinduism’. D.N. Majumdar writes, “The transformation of a tribal group into a group in the greater Hindu society with a distinct position in the caste hierarchy may come about without any occupational specialization within the group or by the group as a whole. It will also be shown that admission into the caste hierarchy has been achieved entirely through the process of Sanskritisation.” Another feature of this argument is that the tribes are interacting with a caste category and not with individuals in a society. As the importance is attached to rank, hierarchy, ritual, pollution and purity, they dominate all other considerations of modalities of interaction. People are adapted to the dominant trends visible in the society in which they participate. This phenomenon is described as neo-caste system in which a traditional model which was based on a series of dyadic relationships and was without any overall organizations and covering ideology, now becomes more systematic and caste-like. Thus commentators on social exchange on the tribe caste continuum find the presence of the process of Hinduisization and Sanskritisation. The position claimed or achieved by a tribal group in the caste hierarchy is determined by the ownership of land, possession of wealth and past or present rank in tribal structure. In a situation where these status resources were lacking, a tribe gravitated towards that caste group in the hierarchy that was compatible with its economic and occupational level.
There are many tribes in Bihar and Jharkhand such as the Bhumij, Kherwar, Chero, Gond etc. They belong to that category whose members have adopted the Hindu faith. They retain their clan and totems and some elements of their tribal belief. To a great extent, the Gonds are absorbed to Hinduism. The transformation of a tribe into a caste is subsumed in the wider phenomenon of the absorption of that community into Hinduism. The different communities of Gond in Bihar and Jharkhand can be seen at different stages of assimilation. Their movement on the tribe-caste continuum scale may be viewed as the common process of transition taking place in India.
4.3 Tribal problems in India
The tribals, who constitute 8.6% of the total population of India, are distributed in various States of the country and are facing many problems. Some of these problems are peculiar to some areas while some others are common to tribals of all the areas. Many of these problems are the direct outcome of the changes that are taking place in the tribal community. Tribes are generally live in
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Page 69 School of Distance Education hilly areas that is the forest, they have peculiar culture, language etc. Following are the problems suffering by tribal people are given below:
1. Geographic isolation: Most of the tribes in India are in a way geographically isolated from the rest of population. Some of them are living in the unapproachable physical areas such as deep valleys, dense forests, hills, mountains etc. It is difficult for them to establish relation with others and hence socially they are away from the mainstream society. This kind of seclusion has retarded the tribal development. Displacement due to industrialization or any other cause of regional development compels the tribes to displace them from their own land. 2. Social problems: They are suffering from various social problems due to their blind belief in their traditional customs. More and more inhuman customs are followed by tribes in India, they are not bothered about the harmfulness of that customs, child marriage, infanticide, rising number of unmarried mothers, homicide, black magic etc. 3. Cultural problems: Tribes have a peculiar culture which is different from the culture of mainstream society. Their language and culture are different so they are suffering from various cultural problems. Due to Hinduisization and Christianization the tribes have lost their genuine culture. They maintain a close relationship with their land and forest areas, with the intervention of outsiders destruct their original culture. They have a specific language, which is pre-literate, government provides various developmental programmes like compulsory education, free food etc. to tribes which makes certain cultural confusions among them. 4. Economic problems: The tribal people are economically the poorest people of India. Majority of them live below poverty line. The tribal economy is mainly based on agriculture and they collected forest product as part of their livelihood. The complex forest laws and modern agricultural system, the exploitation of outsiders etc. leading them to poverty. Unemployment and underemployment are the other problems which are leading to economic problems. The peculiarity of land ownership, there has some limitations to hand over the lands to non-tribes, which is a big barrier of economic development. 5. Problem of health and sanitation: Health and sanitation are a big challenge in tribal society. They are mainly dependent forest products for their livelihood, with the emergence of complex forest laws they cannot freely use the forest products, and due to lack of nutritious food more and more health problems are suffering by them. Sickle cell anemia, cancer, other infectious diseases etc. are suffering from lack of nutritious food. They are not bothered about the
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advanced treatment system. Due to lack of sanitation they are suffering from various dangerous diseases. 6. Educational problems: Illiteracy is a major problem of the tribes. More than 80% of them are illiterate. Literacy among them has increased but compared to general literacy rate in country, which was very low. Tribals who are far away from the contact of the civilized world have no faith in formal educational organization. Many of them do not know anything about education, schools, colleges, universities, degrees etc. They feel no urge to educate their children. In early period children help their parents in agriculture. The tribal speak their own language, which is not similar to the civilized society’s language. This language difference was another serious problem of hindering tries from education. 7. Indebtedness: It is a serious problem suffering from tribes in India. Their income was not sufficient to fulfill their needs, when they borrowing money from money lenders or any other persons. Besides for their basic needs, they borrow money for marriage of their daughters, delivery of their daughters etc. 8. Poverty: Poverty is a serious problem suffering from tribes. Due to traditional form of agriculture, high exploitation of forest by non-tribes, complex forest laws etc. leading to the poverty of tribes. These are the major problem suffering from tribes. Besides these, tribes suffering more and more problems like sexual exploitations, displacement, discrimination etc. 4.4 Approaches, planning and programmes for Tribal Development
Tribes are a group of people living in hilly areas, deep forest and mountainous regions; they have their own languages, culture, religion etc. They are living in secluded from the mainstream society. They have equal right with men in mainstream society, so Indian Constitution and government following a positive approach to bring them in mainstream society, due to lack of proper planning they still remaining in undeveloped condition.
The Constitution of India envisages that the State shall promote with special care the educational and economic interests of the weaker sections of the people and in particular the scheduled tribes and scheduled castes and shall protect them from social injustice and all forms of exploitation. A period of 10 years was set initially to achieve the goal but as the problem was deep rooted and many faceted a single decade was bound to persist through decade. Since independence India has
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Page 71 School of Distance Education been actively thinking for the upliftment of her tribal people. Jawaharlal Nehru, a nationalist leader of India who sought the tribes to develop along the lines of their own genius and further assured that in caste should there be and imposition in the name of their development. Nehru respects their culture, which was proved his addressing speech in all India Conference of Tribes in Jagdalpur in March 1955.
In a democratic State, one group of people should not remain outside the mainstream society. Brief account of tribal population distribution speaks about the need and significance of bringing them into the mainstream. Out of the total Scheduled Tribe population of 67.76 million, about 49% of the Scheduled Tribe population lives in three States, viz. Madhya Pradesh (27.73%), Maharashtra (10.80%) and Orissa (10.3 8%), while Hariyana, Punjab, Chandigrah, Delhi, Pondicherry do not have a single Scheduled tribe.
About 93% of the Scheduled Tribe population is rural based. Out of the major 15 States, only three states, viz. Karnataka, Maharashtra and Tamil Nadu had more than 10% of the Scheduled Tribe population residing in rural areas, the respective percentages being 14.94, 12.47 and 12.01. The percentage share of Scheduled Tribe population in the total population of the following States is: Andhra Pradesh (7.6%), Assam (3.4%), Bihar (7.0%), Gujarat (8.I %), Kerala (3.5%), Madhya Pradesh (4.8%), Orissa (5.1%), Rajasthan (4.6%), Utter Pradesh (5.9%) and West Bengal (5.2%). After independence, planned development started and broadly three different approaches:
1. Isolationist, 2. Assimilationist and 3. Integrationist - were advanced. These approaches are presented, in brief, below. 1. Isolationist Approach
The first approach was a legacy of the British regime, and is usually described as 'leave them untouched'. The policy was to isolate the tribal population from the masses. The British took deliberate efforts not to develop communication in the tribal areas. Tribals were kept away from the rest of the population. Verrier Elwin (1934) supported the establishment of a sort of 'National park' or 'specimens in a human Zoo' of the tribals and advised that their contact with the outside should be reduced to the minimum. But, this approach was not followed for long.
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2. Assimilationist Approach
The 'Assimilationist' approach is the approach which paved the way for the tribal people to mingle with the neighboring non-tribals. In India, the process of assimilation took place in different parts of the country, resulting in the gradual acceptance of Hindu culture by the tribals. The main criticism against this approach was that, this tried to change the tribals by imposing upon them the non-tribal customs and traditions. The advocates of this approach supported a direct assimilation without waiting for a slow and long-drawn change-over. The approach is also considered to be a failure.
3. Integrationist Approach
The past experience of the policies of isolation and assimilation, forced the planners to take the middle way between the two; which is called the integrationist approach. This approach was mainly the brain-child of Jawaharlal Nehru. The policy of integration consists of two types of measures for tribal development such as i) Protective measures, and ii) Promotional measures. i) Protective Measures
It means the measures taken by the authority for protection of tribal people through protecting their culture, tradition, land etc. It mainly consist of land polices, forest policies and the policies to protect tribal culture and traditions. Though the policy of protection and development is undoubtedly same in itself, it is difficult to say that whether development is possible without upsetting the harmony that exists in the placid tribal life. The protective measures are provided in the Constitution of India as mentioned in the preceding section. All these provisions provide for protection of tribals as well as for promotion of their development and welfare. These provisions not only put an end to the policy of indifference which had been followed during the pre- independence period but also gave testimony to tribal development and welfare programmes, making them a Constitutional obligation for the future governments of the country. In nutshell, the broad areas covered by the Constitutional provisions in respect of tribal development include the following.
1. Statutory recognition of tribal communities 2. Creation of scheduled areas for the thorough development of the tribals.
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3. Special representations in the parliament, in the legislative assemblies and the local bodies. 4. Special privileges in the form of reservation of a certain percentage of posts in government services and seats in educational institutions. 5. Recognition of the right to use local language for administration and other purposes and to profess one's faith.
In addition to the above, three provisions of the constitution deserve special mention. According to the Fifth Schedule, Union Executive is given the power of giving direction to the States in matters relating to the administration of scheduled areas. The Sixth Schedule designates tribal areas in Assam and Meghalaya where Autonomous District Councils and Regional Councils have been constituted with powers to make laws for management of land, forests, shifting of cultivation, appointment or succession of chief and headman, inheritance of property, marriage and divorce, social customs and matters relating to village or town administration. Article 275(1) of the Constitution provides for grant-in-aid from the Union to the States for promoting the welfare of the Scheduled Tribes or for raising the level of administration of the Scheduled Areas. The Constitution also provides for making institutional arrangement for appointment of the National Commission for Protection of Scheduled Tribes under Article 338 of the Constitution of India. This is because with the Constitution (89thAmendment)Act, 2003 the erstwhile National Commission for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes was later replaced by two separate Commissions, namely, i) the National Commission for Scheduled Castes (NCSC), and ii) the National Commission for Scheduled Tribes (NCST).
iii) Promotional Measures
These measures include development and welfare programmes undertaken by the government after independence (through plans) and implemented by different agencies including the voluntary agencies to make the tribal life better through the integrationist. All these protective and promotional measures aim at advancing their social, economic, educational, linguistic, cultural, political interests and rights of STs. Thus, tribal development, in the true sense and in the present context of India, is in fact a post-independence concept and draws the spirit from the constitution itself. These efforts have, thus, become part and parcel of well planned process of development.
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Policies and Programmes of Tribal Development
Tribal communities have been geographically, ecologically and culturally linked to forest habitats. In India, there are several local communities who depend on forest for primary or supplementary nutrition, ethno-medical practices, energy and various other life supporting needs. Communities have been affected by restrictions to forest access under protection laws. Most often, these laws draw their validation from a western perception of nature, very unlike the reciprocal relationship perceived by these communities. Most forest-dependent local communities in India are either marginally settled cultivators or shifting cultivators who supplement their nutritional sources with some hunting and gathering. A few communities depend almost exclusively on hunting and gathering from forests. Large tracts of forest are essential to their survival strategies.
Special Policy Measures
India's forests are home to millions of people, including many Scheduled Tribes, who live in or near the forest areas of the country. Forests provide their sustenance in the form of minor forest produce, water, grazing-grounds and habitat for shifting cultivation. Moreover, vast areas of land that may or may not be forests are classified as "forest" under India's forest laws, and those cultivating these lands are technically cultivating forest land. The reason for this latter phenomenon is India's forest laws.
Rights of Forest-Dwelling Tribes on Forest Lands
The 1952 forest policy classified forests into protected forests for ecological balance, national forests for commercial use, village forests for community use and tree lands to improve the physical condition of the country. It was in fact retrogressive as the earlier, colonial policies left some space for subsistence use and did not touch the private CPR (common pool resource) forests. The only silver lining was a soft approach to conversion from shifting cultivation. India's forests are governed by two main laws, the Indian Forest Act, 1927 and the Wild Life (Protection) Act, 1972. The former empowers the government to declare any area to be a reserved forest, protected forest or village forest. The latter allows any area to be constituted as a "protected area", namely a national park, wildlife sanctuary, tiger reserve or community conservation area. Under these laws, the rights of people living in or depending on the area to be declared as a 'forest' or 'protected area' are to be "settled" by a "forest settlement officer." This basically requires that officer to enquire
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While all the hilly tracts of Orissa were declared government forests without any survey. In Orissa, around 40% of the government forests are "deemed reserved forests" which have not been surveyed. Those whose rights are not recorded during the settlement process are susceptible to eviction at any time. This "legal twilight zone" leads to harassment, evictions, extortion of money and sexual molestation of forest dwellers by forest officials, who wield absolute authority over forest dwellers' livelihoods and daily lives; The Scheduled Tribes and other Traditional Forest Dwellers (Recognition of-Forest Rights) Act 2006.
The 1988 forest policy was some improvement in that it conceived people's involvement and some protection for customary access rights, though with some riders like linking the access rights to the carrying capacity of the forest. There was also some conception of capacity building among forest communities and regenerating forest through planned silviculture. This is how the concept of Joint Forest Management (JFM) came into being as a participatory model for managing forest. Planned silviculture and JFM sounded better on paper than they have actually been at the ground level. Eucalyptus monocultured forest has replaced precious native biodiversity in Chhattisgarh, Madhya Pradesh, Jharkhand, Orissa and categories of protected areas include national parks, reserved forests, forests and biosphere reserves. In some places, Community forest Management (CM), intended to be a more participatory model, is used instead of JFM. National parks have been exposed to eco-development models, supposedly to build capacity among local communities: the models include eco-tourism and Non-Timber Forest Products (NTFP) extraction. National parks typically have a core area with mega fauna and a fringe area which is administered like a JFM forest. Many of the national parks have human populations in their core areas. Protection practices, however, vary from one State to another, though there is some standardization by the central government.
In the age of globalization, the question of ensuring justice to local communities by restoring their access to the forest is something that has enormous implications, larger than just the issue at hand.
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Equally, it is a very contentious issue when seen in the context of protecting biological diversity, and it involves many different collectivities and interest groups. The protection accorded to the forest to the exclusion of local communities has been seen as a violation of human rights, while conflict between the State machinery and the people is detrimental to wildlife protection. The ethical implications of environmental protection and the responsibility of the human species to the rest of nature also require thorough consideration. In such situation, the link between forest and peoples is, thus, not just a contested ground within India, far less a theme that touches the lives of only the beneficiaries of forest-access legislation. The key issues here are: the survival of a shared wealth of biological and cultural diversity; a necessary rethinking of the link between human beings and the rest of nature in terms of cultural values; and also, an issue of conceptualizing the relations between the global and the local. It is, therefore, necessary to interpret the local realities in anthropological terms to evolve the best and most locally compatible conservation practices that will protect and enhance biological and cultural diversity. The key lies in identifying those modes of indigenous discourse that, to use the words of Jeffrey McNeely (1993), "support diversity as a value". What is called for is, in essence, an informed dialogue. To protect biological and cultural diversity in India, we propose a larger and more inclusive dialogue at a very basic level, between local cultures and communities, their civil society institutions and those representing them in advocacy, i.e. the academic fraternity, public intellectuals, Local scholars and the government. One form of dialogue very important to conservation practice is the interaction of indigenous or local knowledge with western science. The Statement of Objects and Reasons of the Forest Rights Act describes it as a law intended to correct the "historical injustice" done to forest dwellers by the failure to recognize their rights.
The Scheduled Tribes and Other Traditional Forest Dwellers (Recognition of Forest Rights) Act, 2006: It is a key piece of forest legislation passed in India on December 18, 2006. It has also been called the "Forest Rights Act", the "Tribal Forest Rights Act”, the "Tribal Bill", and the "Tribal Land Act." The law concerns the rights of forest-dwelling communities to land and other sources, denied to them over decades as a result of the continuance of colonial forest laws in India. Supporters of the Act claim that it will redress the "historical injustice" committed against forest dwellers, while including provisions for making conservation more effective and more transparent. The demand for the law has seen massive national demonstrations involving hundreds of thousands of people. However, the law has also been the subject of considerable controversy in the English
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Page 77 School of Distance Education press in India. Opponents of the law claim it will lead to massive forest destruction and should be repealed. A little over one year after it was passed, the Act was notified into force on December 31, 2007. On January1, 2008, this was followed by the notification of the Rules framed by the Ministry of Tribal Affairs to supplement the procedural aspects of the Act. The new Scheduled Tribes and Other Traditional Forest Dwellers (Recognize The new Scheduled Tribes (Recognition of Forest Rights) Bill needs to be contextualized in the cultural specificities of forest dependent peoples, particularly "tribal" peoples, their indigenous knowledge systems, and the need to revive a supportive relationship between local communities and the native biodiversity. The main shortcoming of the bill is its insistence on recognizing the rights of people scheduled in a particular area, which is typically a state level list. Maharashtra has set a benchmark of best practice in recognizing "tribal land", based on more practical and credible criteria than ''documentary evidence", but the bill should evolve a standard practice mandatory for all States. Civil society institutions could catalyze consensus between peoples on land occupation with the help of academia and governance and informed by anthropological knowledge of the cultural link with forest. Mechanisms of land transfer should ideally target collectivities rather than individuals as beneficiaries, given especially the communal nature of customary landholding in many of the forest areas. Distribution of forest lands also raises another pertinent issue: to what extent the administration can ensure that the lands distributed would not be put to uses incompatible with conservation of biological diversity.
Programmes for Tribal Development
The tribal majority areas in the country are broadly divided into three categories, viz.
1) Predominantly tribal states/union territories,
2) Scheduled area, and
3) Non-Schedule areas in the States.
All the tribal-majority States and Union Territories are placed in a special category for availing funds. The development and administration of tribal areas is accepted as a special responsibility of the central government even though they are integral parts of the concerned States. Several programmes and schemes have been divided into two categories, viz.
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I) Central sector programmes which are fully financed by the central government, and II) The centrally sponsored programs which are partly financed by the central government and rest of the expenditure meted out by the concerned State government.
According to D. Sharma financial resources for developmental programmes in a State may comprise the following elements:
1. Investment in the central and centrally sponsored schemes;
2. State revenues; and Share from certain central revenue;
3. Plan assistance from the central government; and
4. Grants under Article 275 (1) on the basis of the recommendations of the Finance Commission. The utilization of State funds is broadly classified under two categories, viz. Plan and non-plan. The plan technically covers all those items which are included in the State or the Central plan. The non-plan includes expenditure on general administration as also on the maintenance of development schemes. The Special Central Assistance (SCA) for tribal sub-plans is allocated between different States on the basis of three criteria: 1) tribal population of Sub-Plan area; 2) the geographical area of the Sub-plan; and 3) the per capita gross output of the state. The weightage for these three elements has been fixed in a certain proportion. While the first two criteria are simple, the quantum of assistance on the basis of the third criterion is determined with reference to the difference between the inverse of the State's per capita gross product and the inverse of the per capita gross national product. The financing agencies rendering their services in the tribal areas are Central Government, State Governments, and institutions such as commercial banks, co-operative banks, NABARD and voluntary organizations. Tribes are suffering from poverty its causes are illiteracy, unemployment, under-employment and low productivity in agriculture and allied areas. Since farmers in TSP area have land-holding mostly on hill slopes, the fertility of land is very low. Further, droughts and soil erosion are now recurring features in the tribal areas. This has reduced employment opportunities of the tribals. Therefore, for improving the economic status of tribals, special programmes was launched, during 1980s they are given below: a) The Asset Programme, and
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The Asset Programme aims at the overall integrated development of rural life through the removal of poverty and unemployment in rural areas. In this programme, productive assets are directly given to the poor. It is believed that income generated from these productive assets would not only be sufficient to repay the bank loans but will help the assisted families to cross the 'poverty line'. This programme is popularly known as Integrated Rural Development Programme (IRDP). The Employment Generation Programmes, on the other hand, aim at providing employment through public works during the adverse agricultural season. The employment programme asserts that poverty persists because of the lack of employment opportunities. The earlier employment schemes were ad hoc in nature but the employment programme launched from 1980 onwards became popularly known as National Rural Employment Programme (NREP) and considered as permanent plan programme. A number of employment-oriented and developmental programmes for tribals have been introduced by the government of India. In all the major programmes of country emphasis has always been laid on tribals among other weaker and backward sections of the society. These include Integrated Rural Development Programme (IRDP), Jawhar Rosgar Yojana (.TRY), Prime Ministers Rosgar Yojana (PMRY) and Training of Rural Youth for Self- Employment (TRYSEM). IRDP scheme is absolutely for rural people those belonging to below poverty line and other programmes are for both rural as well as urban youth. All these schemes are implemented in the state by District Rural Development Agencies (DRDA's) in collaboration with Commercial and Co-operative Banks. The main thrust of the development strategies has been on the removal of poverty in tribal areas.
Mainstreaming of Scheduled Tribes: Five Year Plans and Tribal Development
The Government of India through planning commission, among others, formulated strategies and programmes for tribal development as part of Five Year Plans of India. A brief account of the tribal development and welfare programmes during different plans is presented below.
First Five Year Plan (1951-1956)
The First Five Year Plan outlined a positive policy for assisting the tribals as under.
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1. Assisting them to develop their natural resources and to evoke a productive economic life wherein they will enjoy the fruits of their own labour and will not be exploited by more organized economic forces from outside. 2. It is not desirable to bring about changes in their religious and social life, except at the initiative of the tribal people themselves and with their willingness or consent. 3. It is accepted that there are many features in tribal life which should not only be retained but also developed. 4. The qualities of their dialects and the rich content of their arts and crafts also need to be appreciated and preserved.
Taking into consideration the conditions of the tribal people, the First Planning Commission quoted that "There may be a good deal of justification for such (isolation) a policy of non- interference; but it is not easily practicable when tribal life has been influenced by social forces from without, and tribal communities have reached a certain degree of acculturisation accompanied by the penetration of communications in the tribal areas, and of social services for the betterment of their lives." In the First Five Year Plan, Community Development Projects for all round development of rural areas especially the weaker sections were started. However, the fact is that the first five year plan did not pay due special attention toward. The development of tribal areas, because only certain isolated piecemeal attempts such as educational schemes, welfare schemes, etc. were introduced.
Second Five Year plan (1 956-1 961)
During this plan the Ministry of Home Affairs provided fund to the Ministry of Community Development to establish Special Multipupost7 Tribal Blocks (SMPT) in areas with prominent tribal population. During the second five year plan, recognizing the socio-economic conditions prevailing in the tribal areas, concrete development schemes were planed. Novel administration systems were introduced, with creation of multi-purpose tribal projects in certain selected tribal areas.
Third Five Year plan (1 961 -1 966)
Based on the recommendations of review (Verrier Elwin Committee) of SMPT Blocks, during the Third Plan period SMPT Blocks were renamed as Tribal Development Blocks (TDB) and
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Three Annual Plans (1 966-1 969)
During this period no special funds were provided for tribal development. However, in 1969-70 a decision was taken to extent the total life of TDBs to 15 years.
Fourth Five Year Plan (1969-1974)
During the Fourth Five Year Plan, a series of programmes were conceived and launched to address specific target groups. The Small Fanners Development Agencies (SFDA) and Marginal Fanners and Agricultural Labourers Development Agencies (MFAL) were the first two in the series. In these cases, attention was shifted from area development to development of identified individuals who qualified for special attention according to certain objective criteria. The Drought Prone Area Programme (DPAP) was another measure in the same direction, but with a difference. Here, the attention was given to the problem faced by an entire region which is depressed because of its agro-climatic situation. The specific target-group approach, however, was adopted to pay greater attention to the weaker sections of the society. Tribal Development Agencies (TDAs) were established on the pattern of SFDA to address the problems of the tribal population. Six tribal development agencies were started during the Fourth Plan. Each Tribal Development Agency covered a group of TD Blocks. Tribal Development Agencies were expected to comprise elements of economic development, social services and prospective measures.
On the eve of commencement of fourth five year plan, 489 tribal development blocks had come into existence for the economic betterment of scheduled tribe areas with large concentration of tribal populations. As one of the drawbacks of the functioning of TDBs it became clear that their activities were, however, not properly integrated with the general development plans for the region. The Fourth Plan tried to rectify the drawback by adopting the integrated area development approach.
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Fifth Five Year Plan (1974-79)
During the middle of the Fourth Five Year Plan, i.e. in the year 1972, tile Planning Commission set up a "Task Force on Development of Tribal Areas" with Vidyarthi as the Chairman. The task force observed that, the problem of the tribals reflected in primitive methods of agriculture, land alienation, indebtedness, adverse effects of industrialization, low rate of literacy, poor health and nutrition, etc., had not been solved (Rhownick). The committee opined that one of the important factors for the lack of impact so far was that development of Scheduled Tribes and tribal areas had been looked upon as a problem of 'welfare' as distinguished from 'development'.
Taking into account the recommendations of the task force and other previous committees, during the Fifth Five Year Plan, an altogether new approach was adopted towards tribal development in the form of Tribal Sub-plan. It envisaged the total development of the tribal areas and provided the mechanism for integrating the developmental activities of the government and the semi- government organizations by financing through the Integrated Tribal Development Project (ITDP). The Sub-Plan aimed at narrowing the gap between the levels of development of tribal and other areas, and to improve the quality of life of the trihd4communities in general. The First Sub- Plan (974-79) accorded the highest priority to elimination of exploitation. For each Integrated Tribal Development Project (ITDP), an Integrated Area Development Plan focusing attention on the specific problems of the area and the tribal people has been formulated. The Sub-Plan areas in each state, thus, comprised a number of viable projects. In view of weakness of earlier area-based programmes viz. tribal development blocks and tribal development agencies a new strategy was evolved in the fifth five year plan for the foundation of sub-plan for the area of tribal concentration. This is intended to achieve an intensity of attention to the tribal areas and devised measures to suit their local ethos. About 213 of tribal population in the county are estimated to be covered by sub- plans as were in operation in the fifth plan.
Sixth Five Year Plan (1 980-85)
The Sixth Plan continued the Sub-Plan approach of the Fifth Plan by supplementing it through target-beneficiary approach with the objective of narrowing the gap between the level of development of the tribals and other developed communities and bringing about a qualitative change in the life of a tribal community. ; The strategy of development lays emphasis on
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The broad objectives of the Sixth Plan were:
i) A progressive reduction in the incidents of poverty and unemployment ii) Improving the quality of life through minimum needs programme iii) A reduction in inequalities of income and wealth; and iv) Infra-structure development for further exploitation of potential of the tribal region. The programmes under different sectors of development are required to be intensified with suitable modifications to remove the present inadequacies in implementation. The States have to give due importance to the integration of programmes in the field and effective delegation of powers to the Project Authorities in ITDPs. The approach in the Sixth Plan for the development of backward areas in general was to rely, to a greater extent, on the development of agriculture, village and small-scale industries, subsidiary occupations and related services and also the Minimum Needs Programmes and Area Development Programmes. Improvement of economic status of the tribals was the main concern and suitable programmes of horticulture, cattle development, poultry, piggery, etc. were carried out. More emphasis was placed on family-oriented progrmmes than on infrastructure development unlike in the previous Plans.
In the sixth five year plan, it was noticed that certain pockets of tribal concentration outside the tribal sub-plan area were still left out of the tribal sub-plan strategy. It was, therefore, decided during the sixth plan that pockets of center-groups villages or pockets having minimum of 10,000 populations of which at least 50 percent are scheduled tribes, should be covered for Intensive Integrated Development and Modified Area Development Approach (MADA), under the tribal sub-plan.
Seventh Five Year Plan (1985 -90)
The basic premises of the Tribal Sub-Plan continued in the Seventh Plan also. During the Seventh Plan the Tribal Sub-Plan strategy comprised the following.
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Identification of the Development Blocks where tribal population is in majority and their constitution into ITDPs with a view to adopt there an integrated and project-based approach for development. Marking of funds for the Tribal Sub-Plan and ensuing the flow of funds from the control of State plan, sectoral outlays and from financial institutions. Creation of appropriate administrative structures in tribal areas and adoption of appropriate personnel policies.
The programme of tribal development with ITDP pattern was continued in the Seventh Plan also without any basic or major changes in the approach, pattern or structure but better co-ordination was sought between various agencies, and social services were given priorities. For the seventh plan period (1985-1901), about 40 lakhs scheduled tribe families below the poverty line were targeted to be provided economic assistance. In this plan, 3 new ITDPs have been added in Sikkim, by scheduled tribe population concentration norms as a special case and by the end of 1987-88 totals of 184 TTDPs were functioning. ITDP areas covered 3 13.21 lakhs tribal population.
Eighth Five Year Plan (1992-97)
The Eighth Plan largely emphasized the reorientation of administrative structure at all levels for functional co-ordination, integration and effective delivery of services. The strategy specifically aimed at improving the living environment of the tribals by giving them better social and civic amenities and facilities, the working group has recommended that the objective of the Seventh Plan would continue for the eighth plan period. The objectives for the Eighth Plan in this regard are detailed below.
Progressive reduction in poverty and creation of employer-lent thereby providing reduction in income inequalities. Improving the quality of life through a minimurn needs programme. Development and strengthening of infrastructure for further economic exploitation of the Tribal Sub-Plan area. Development of confidence of tribals along the desired lines through intensive educational efforts.
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In the Eighth Five Year Plan, Tribal Sub-Plan (TSP) area, Modified Area Development Approach (MADA), Scattered Development Plans, and Primitive Tribe Development Plans have been stressed. Despite the effects to diversify economic activities in non-formal sectors, the predominant source of livelihood in TSP area continued to be agriculture. The main thrust was on the development of fisheries, sericulture, and horticulture, plantation on waste land, growing vegetables to provide supplemental income and new avenues of employment to the tribals. Human resources developments through education, vocational craftsman-training were taken up to improve the skills of the tribals. Expansion of irrigation facilities 'and electrification of tribal settlements, expansion of irrigation wells, fertilizers, improvement of cattle-breed and mining activities have also been taken up. In this plan, family-oriented schemes have been also stressed to uplift the tribal families. The community development programmes were given second priority.
The eighth plan gave importance to Tribe Sub plan and the schemes specifically targeted for the welfare and development of scheduled tribes to ensure that the scheduled castes and scheduled tribes are able to derive adequate benefits and felt that a national policy on rehabilitation of people displaced by large development projects will need to be evolved. It also emphasized the empowerment of women belonging to the scheduled castes and the scheduled tribes.
Ninth Five Year Plan (1997-2002)
The strategy in this Plan was to achieve a seven percent growth rate for the economy. The main objectives of the Ninth Plan were the generation of adequate productive employment, eradication of poverty, empowerment of women and socially disadvantaged groups. It aimed at ensuring food and nutritional security for all, particularly the vulnerable sections of society. The principal task of the Ninth Plan was to usher in a new era of people-oriented planning, in which not only the government at the Center and the States but also the people at large, particularly the poor can fully participate.
A participatory planning process is an essential precondition for ensuring equity as well as accelerating the rate of growth of the economy. The government of India enacted an amendment to the constitution of India (73rdAmendment) for all wing representation of backward and marginalized communities, e.g. Scheduled Caste, Scheduled Tribe and women in Panchayath Raj institutions. It is now felt that the hits of development could be multiplied manifold with the
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This plan adopted the following strategies to empower socially disadvantaged groups like the scheduled castes and the scheduled tribes, and other backward classes and minorities.
Creation of an enabling environment that is conducted for SCs, STs. OBCs and minorities to exercise their right freely, enjoy their privileges to be able to lead a life with confidence and dignity. Adoption of a three-pronged strategy of: i) social empowerment; ii) economic empowerment; and iii) social justice, in empowering these disadvantaged groups. Ensuring removal of disparities; elimination of exploitation and suppression and providing protection to the disadvantaged groups. Ensuring the development and benefits to 'reach the unreached through equitable distribution and with social justice. Ensuring participation of the socially disadvantaged groups in the process of planning, not merely as the beneficiaries but to take part effectively in the formulation of the need- based programmes I projects, their implementation, supervision and monitoring. Accelerating the ongoing process of improving the socio-economic status of the disadvantaged groups through effective implementation of various programmes and, thus, brings them on par with the rest of the society.
Tenth Five Year Plan (2002-2007)
Focus was on increasing the forest and tree cover to 25% by 2007 and 33% by 20 12, and tackling the unresolved problems of the tribes. The tenth plan formulated a comprehensive national policy for empowering tribes through their integrated development, which will lay down the responsibilities of the different wings of the government with appropriate accountability.
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Eleventh Five-Year Plan (2007-2012)
Its strategy was inclusive growth. In the process of inclusion, the plan paid special attention to the needs of the scheduled tribes and other socially disadvantaged groups.
Tribals are the people with same rights as the people in main stream society, due to various reasons they still exist in the down trodden position. Government put forward various measures to uplift them, but owing to lack of planning and bureaucratization these programs not reach to them so they remaining in down trodden position in society.
References
1. RAJ, HANS Rural Sociology (1992), Surjeet Publications 2. Shanin (1971), Peasant and Peasant societies, Peguine books Harmondaworth 3. Desai, A.R. (1961); Rural Sociology in India Popular Prakashan, Bombay. 4. Doshi, S.L. & Jain, P.C. (2006); Rural Sociology, Rawat Publications, Jaipur. 5. Srinivas, M.N. (ed.) (1995), India’s villages, Asia Publishing House, New Delhi. 6. Ghurye G. S The Scheduled Tribes
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