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CHAIRONEIA 338: TOPOGRAPHIES of COMMEMORATION Author(S): JOHN MA Reviewed Work(S): Source: the Journal of Hellenic Studies, Vol

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CHAIRONEIA 338: TOPOGRAPHIES of COMMEMORATION Author(S): JOHN MA Reviewed Work(S): Source: the Journal of Hellenic Studies, Vol CHAIRONEIA 338: TOPOGRAPHIES OF COMMEMORATION Author(s): JOHN MA Reviewed work(s): Source: The Journal of Hellenic Studies, Vol. 128 (2008), pp. 72-91 Published by: The Society for the Promotion of Hellenic Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/40651724 . Accessed: 28/08/2012 10:47 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. The Society for the Promotion of Hellenic Studies is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to The Journal of Hellenic Studies. http://www.jstor.org Journalof Hellenic Studies 128 (2008) 72-91 CHAIRONEIA338: TOPOGRAPHIES OF COMMEMORATION* Abstract:This articleexamines two funerarymonuments associated with the battle of Chaironeiain 338: first,the mound,covering a masscremation, by the Kephissos; second, near the town of Chaironeia, the mass burial surrounded bya stoneenclosure and topped by a colossalstone lion. The acceptedidentifications are confirmed (the mound is that of the Macedonian dead, the lion monumentthat of Theban dead, in all probabilitythe Sacred Band), and two propositionsdeveloped: the mound does notrelate to thetactical dispositions of thebattle, and hencethe generally acceptedreconstruction ofthe battle must be discarded;the lion monument must date to muchlater than 338. In devel- opingthese propositions, I examine material which has been longknown, but never considered in depth;I notably presentwhat I believeare the first photographs of some of the osteological material from the mass burial under the lion monument.More generally, the two monuments, located at differentpoints of the battlefield, set up bydifferent actors and at differentmoments, offer the opportunity for considerations on thedifferent functions of 'memory'surrounding an historicalevent: the Macedonian mound reflected the needs and self-imaginingof thevictorious army, imposing a tracein thelandscape; the lion monument embeds itself in preexistingtopographies, for a morereflective, and more troubled,effect. 'AufChäroneas Heide Im altenSchlachtgefild' Liegtwie versteintin Leide Ein marmornLöwenbild.' E. Geibel,Erinnerungen aus Griechenland,stanza 20. 'In thisroom are exposed the bones of those who died at Chaeronea,with the sword-cuts showing. This has no bearingon art,and is a rathershocking sight. It wouldhave been better to leave theseheroes in thegraves they earned so nobly.' MacmillanGuide to Greece(1908). On 2 August338 BC, in theplain between Chaironeia and theKephissos, Philip II decisively defeateda coalitionof Greek states, especially Athens and the Boiotian League.1 The subsequent settlementconfirmed Philip's political dominance over the Greek states. This most événementiel ofevents, once heldto symbolizea watershedin Greekhistory, took place as a concretehappen- ing;it then existed not just as a historiographicalconstruct, but also as a monumentaland cultural phenomenonin a particularlandscape. The present paper re-examines the battle from interrelated viewpoints:the details of the battle, ritual practices, topographies of memory. I. CHAIRONEIA AncientChaironeia (Plate 4(a)),2 likeits modern successors (Kápraina, known to generationsof travellers,and the contemporary dhimos of Cherónia), lies in an importantlieu de passage, the west endof the Kephissos corridor. The plainstretches east to west,about three kilometres wide from thesouthern mountain range to theriver. On theother side of theriver, the range of Akontion * I thankPolly Low, Graham Oliver and Peter Rhodes for Kápraina,and who helpedme withhis Plutarchanand theinvitation to give an originallyvery different paper; I Chaironeianexpertise), Angelos Chaniotis, Jim Coulton, owe theexpression 'cultures of commemoration' to them. SylvianFachard, the late PeterFraser, Tonio Hölscher, Researchfor this paper was carriedout thanks to a Philip AlistarJackson, Maria Liston, Paraskevi Martzavou, Josh LeverhulmePrize, for which I am gladto thank the Lever- Ober,Karen Schlott,Antony Spawforth. Mistakes and hulmeTrust. Workin Greece was enabled by James omissionsremain my own. 1 Whitley,Helen Clark,Vassilios Petrakos, Ioanna Ninou, Plut.Cam. 19.8 (7 Metageitnion);Hammond (1973) VassiliosAravantinos, Iannis Phappas, Giorgios Korres, 567. 2 Roza Proskynitopoulou,Mika Palaiokrassa.I also thank Paus. 9.40-1,with Frazer (1898); Fossey(1988) 375- the followingpersons for assistance: Kostas Buraselis, 85; Kountouri(2006). ChristopheChandezon (with whom I trampedaround CHAIRONEIA338 73 definesthe northern edge of the plain. The plain leads towards Phokis and the pass ofParapotamioi, whichseparates the plain of Chaironeiafrom the basin of Elateia.3 An importantroad leads fromThebes to Phokis,via Haliartos,the south edge of theKopais basin,and Chaironeia,where the road shifts from its east-west direction into the great bend that willtake it to the basin of Elateia. Themain route to Delphi branched off this road, after Panopeus. FromChaironeia another road leads north-east, towards a crossingon theKephissos and Opous.4 Orchomenosmay have been connectedwith Chaironeia by tworoads, one alongthe foot of Mt Akontion,past the village of Akontio (Bisbardi), until the Kephissos bridge, the other along the rightbank of the Kephissos.5 Chaironeia,at the footof a double crag,Petrachos, occupies a small north-southvalley. Reckoningeastwards, there are threemore such valleys. Firstcomes thewell-watered vale of Lykouressi,distinguished by threechurches and a monastery;the valley leads up to a metalled roadtowards Lebadeia. The valleysheltered a shrineof Herakles;the stream in thevalley is the ancientThermodon or Haimon.6 The next valley is thatof the ancient river Molos:7 the lower part is takenby oliveculture, the upper part by Mediterraneansavanna. The thirdvalley leads, by an easyroad through garrigue, to a smallplateau (and a modernquarry), then down a longslope to Lebadeia. Thisis theonce much-frequented 'Kerata pass'.8 Moderntraffic now exclusively takes thewinding road at the footof themountain. The mountainseparating Chaironeia from the valleyof Lebadeia shouldnot be called Thourion,as on modernmaps; the name should be re- servedfor the mountain west of Chaironeia.9 The landscapeis also structuredby man-madelandmarks. Earliest is a Neolithicmound (MagoulaBaloumenou) near the Kephissos crossing.10 Second, a funeraryenclosure, including a colossalstone lion, was erectedeast of the city. This has beenidentified as thetomb of theThe- bansmentioned by Pausanias; specifically, the 255 deadmen laid to rest there in a hasty,offering- poorburial have been identified with the crack troops of the Thebans, the so-called Sacred Band. Finally,there is a largetumulus, about 3 kilometresto theeast of the Neolithic mound: this is the polyandrionof the Macedonians mentioned by Plutarch, and identified on thebasis ofthe sarissa headsand a Macedoniancoin foundin thecremation level. The identificationsare convincing andmutually reinforcing (see below). II. THE BATTLE OF 338 BC Thereis a standardaccount of thebattle, created by Sotiriadis,Hammond and Pritchett.11We knowthat Philip and Alexander commanded the army; Philip took the right wing, the royal posi- tion,and prince Alexander the left. Philip is said to have deceivedthe Athenians by a planned 3 On theplain, Conner (1979) 134 fig.2, 138 fig.4; walkingto themonastery. The startingpoint of thepil- Belle (1881) 135. grimageis notrecorded, but is likelyto be Lebadeia,or a 4 Flauberttook the road on 10 January1851, setting villageon theLebadeia side ofthe mountain. 7 outfrom Molos on theMalian Gulf, and taking eight hours Sotiriadis(1904), (1905); Hammond(1973) 536-40; to reach'Rapurna' as thename is misspelledin thepub- Campeia/. (1992). lishedversion of his notes:Flaubert (1998) 558, fromthe 8Lolling(1989) 221-2. Earlier,e.g. Clarke(1818) 172 transcriptionbyhis niece Caroline; since R forK is a com- ('the antientpaved way to CHAERONÉA'); Hobhouse monmistake made by readersof Flaubert'shand, correct (1813) 266 ('wild andrugged' road); Stephani(1843) 64- to Kapurna.My thanksto S. Dord Crousléfor advice. 5 (good road);Flaubert (1998) 559. 9 5On theroad (unearthed on a 35 m stretch),Aravanti- Camp eia/. (1992). 10 nos(1993). An Orchomenianinscription, IG 7.3170, men- Sotiriadis(1902), (1910); Tzavella-Evjen(1995). 11 tions'the road to Lebadeia'and 'theroad to Chaironeia'. Sotiriadis(1903); Costanzi(1923); Pritchett(1958); 6 Sotiriadis(1904) 45-50,(1905) 113-20,for the Her- Hammond(1973) 534-57,with the meagre sources; Kro- akleionand Plutarch. Not a cul-de-sac,as claimed in mayer(1905) 16-23; Braun (1948); Rahe (1981), etc. Hammond(1973) 542: a modernpious inscription (1970) Buckler(2003) is cautious.See also Bucklerand Beck recordsthe Virgin's protection in Easter1912 for children (2008) fora critiqueof the received version. 74 JOHNMA retreat,so theAthenians were posted opposite Philip, on theallied left;Alexander defeated the SacredBand, so theBoiotians were posted opposite him, on theallied right. Alexander camped underan oaktree, not far from the polyandrion of the Macedonians identified by excavation, which givesus an idea of wherethe Macedonian left was; thetumulus
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