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A Geometric Cemetery on the Areopagus: 1897, 1932, 1947*
A GEOMETRIC CEMETERY ON THE AREOPAGUS: 1897, 1932, 1947* with Appendices on the Geometric Graves found in the Dorpfeld Excavations on the Acropolis West Slope in 1895 and on Hadrian Street ("Phinopoulos' Lot") in 1898 (PLATES 65-80) I. Introduction and the Problem a. The D6rpfeld Excavations p. 325 b. The Agora Excavations and the Search p. 327 c. Disiecta Membra p. 328 II. The Areopagus Cemetery a. General Remarks and Conclusions p. 329 b. Catalogue of Graves and Finds p. 334 Appendix A: Sources for the D6rpfeld Geometric Graves p. 365 Appendix B: The Two Geometric Graves on the Acropolis West Slope: 1895 p. 372 Appendix C: Two Geometric Graves in Phinopoulos' Lot at No. 3, Hadrian Street: 1898 p. 374 Appendix D: A Note on Poulsen's "Akropolisvasen" p. 385 Appendix E: List of Known Finds from the D6rpfeld Geometric Graves p. 387 Appendix F: The Submycenaean Child's Grave South of the Amyneion: 1892 p. 389 I. INTRODUCTION AND THE PROBLEM' A. THE DORPFELD EXCAVATIONS For seven seasons between 1892 and 1899 the German Archaeological Institute, under the general supervision of Wilhelm Dorpfeld, carried out regular excavations in * Professor Penuel P. Kahane died suddenly on February 13, 1974 in Basel. This paper is dedicated to his memory. 1 I am deeply grateful to Professor Homer A. Thompson and to the American School of Classical Studies for the opportunity to study the Agora material; to the German Archaeological Institute in Athens and to Professor Emil Kunze for permission to use the Daybook material; to Dr. Ulf Jantzen for permission to publish the vases in the Institute, and to reproduce the photographs from the Photoabteilung; and to Dr. -
PDF Hosted at the Radboud Repository of the Radboud University Nijmegen
PDF hosted at the Radboud Repository of the Radboud University Nijmegen The following full text is a publisher's version. For additional information about this publication click this link. http://hdl.handle.net/2066/79382 Please be advised that this information was generated on 2021-09-30 and may be subject to change. The Use of exempla in Roman Declamation Author(s): Marc van der Poel Reviewed work(s): Source: Rhetorica: A Journal of the History of Rhetoric, Vol. 27, No. 3, Special issue: An International Project on the Pseudo-Quintilianic Declamationes maioresSpecial issue: An International Project on the Pseudo-Quintilianic Declamationes maiores (Summer 2009), pp. 332-353 Published by: University of California Press on behalf of the International Society for the History of Rhetoric Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.1525/RH.2009.27.3.332 . Accessed: 26/09/2012 10:21 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. University of California Press and International Society for the History of Rhetoric are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Rhetorica: A Journal of the History of Rhetoric. http://www.jstor.org Marc van der Poel The Use of exempla in Roman Declamation Abstract: In this paper I present a list of the exempla used in the four surviving ancient collections of declamations (see Appendix: checklist of exempla), with a brief survey of the theory of the exem- plum in rhetorical handbooks and discussion of a few samples from the Controversiae and the Declamationes maiores.Myobservations suggest that Seneca’s criticism of the use of exempla in declamations (Contr. -
Plutarch's 'Lives' and the Critical Reader
Plutarch's 'Lives' and the critical reader Book or Report Section Published Version Duff, T. (2011) Plutarch's 'Lives' and the critical reader. In: Roskam, G. and Van der Stockt, L. (eds.) Virtues for the people: aspects of Plutarch's ethics. Plutarchea Hypomnemata (4). Leuven University Press, Leuven, pp. 59-82. ISBN 9789058678584 Available at http://centaur.reading.ac.uk/24388/ It is advisable to refer to the publisher’s version if you intend to cite from the work. See Guidance on citing . Publisher: Leuven University Press All outputs in CentAUR are protected by Intellectual Property Rights law, including copyright law. Copyright and IPR is retained by the creators or other copyright holders. Terms and conditions for use of this material are defined in the End User Agreement . www.reading.ac.uk/centaur CentAUR Central Archive at the University of Reading Reading’s research outputs online Reprint from Virtues for the People. Aspects of Plutarchan Ethics - ISBN 978 90 5867 858 4 - Leuven University Press virtues for the people aspects of plutarchan ethics Reprint from Virtues for the People. Aspects of Plutarchan Ethics - ISBN 978 90 5867 858 4 - Leuven University Press PLUTARCHEA HYPOMNEMATA Editorial Board Jan Opsomer (K.U.Leuven) Geert Roskam (K.U.Leuven) Frances Titchener (Utah State University, Logan) Luc Van der Stockt (K.U.Leuven) Advisory Board F. Alesse (ILIESI-CNR, Roma) M. Beck (University of South Carolina, Columbia) J. Beneker (University of Wisconsin, Madison) H.-G. Ingenkamp (Universität Bonn) A.G. Nikolaidis (University of Crete, Rethymno) Chr. Pelling (Christ Church, Oxford) A. Pérez Jiménez (Universidad de Málaga) Th. -
Who Freed Athens? J
Ancient Greek Democracy: Readings and Sources Edited by Eric W. Robinson Copyright © 2004 by Blackwell Publishing Ltd The Beginnings of the Athenian Democracv: Who Freed Athens? J Introduction Though the very earliest democracies lildy took shape elsewhere in Greece, Athens embraced it relatively early and would ultimately become the most famous and powerful democracy the ancient world ever hew. Democracy is usually thought to have taken hold among the Athenians with the constitutional reforms of Cleisthenes, ca. 508/7 BC. The tyrant Peisistratus and later his sons had ruled Athens for decades before they were overthrown; Cleisthenes, rallying the people to his cause, made sweeping changes. These included the creation of a representative council (bode)chosen from among the citizens, new public organizations that more closely tied citizens throughout Attica to the Athenian state, and the populist ostracism law that enabled citizens to exile danger- ous or undesirable politicians by vote. Beginning with these measures, and for the next two centuries or so with only the briefest of interruptions, democracy held sway at Athens. Such is the most common interpretation. But there is, in fact, much room for disagree- ment about when and how democracy came to Athens. Ancient authors sometimes refer to Solon, a lawgiver and mediator of the early sixth century, as the founder of the Athenian constitution. It was also a popular belief among the Athenians that two famous “tyrant-slayers,” Harmodius and Aristogeiton, inaugurated Athenian freedom by assas- sinating one of the sons of Peisistratus a few years before Cleisthenes’ reforms - though ancient writers take pains to point out that only the military intervention of Sparta truly ended the tyranny. -
The Olynthiacs and the Phillippics of Demosthenes
The Olynthiacs and the Phillippics of Demosthenes Charles Rann Kennedy The Olynthiacs and the Phillippics of Demosthenes Table of Contents The Olynthiacs and the Phillippics of Demosthenes..............................................................................................1 Charles Rann Kennedy...................................................................................................................................1 THE FIRST OLYNTHIAC............................................................................................................................1 THE SECOND OLYNTHIAC.......................................................................................................................6 THE THIRD OLYNTHIAC........................................................................................................................10 THE FIRST PHILIPPIC..............................................................................................................................14 THE SECOND PHILIPPIC.........................................................................................................................21 THE THIRD PHILIPPIC.............................................................................................................................25 THE FOURTH PHILIPPIC.........................................................................................................................34 i The Olynthiacs and the Phillippics of Demosthenes Charles Rann Kennedy This page copyright © 2002 Blackmask Online. -
Demosthenes, Chaeronea, and the Rhetoric of Defeat
CHAPTER 6 Demosthenes, Chaeronea, and the Rhetoric of Defeat Max L. Goldman Introduction For years Demosthenes urged the Athenians to oppose the rising power of Macedon, which had come to prominence in the second half of the fourth century through the diplomatic and military efforts of its king, Philip II.1 Demosthenes finally convinced the Athenians and the Thebans to form an al- liance, which faced Philip at Chaeronea in the late summer of 338 BCE. Philip’s decisive victory in that battle had immediate consequences for the political landscape of the Greek world and modern historical narratives tend to treat Chaeronea as a turning point, as the moment when mainland Greece ceased to engage in independent foreign policy actions.2 Although this turned out to be the case, it was not immediately clear at Athens that the new order established by Philip after the battle was irrevocable. When Demosthenes was selected to deliver the funeral oration (logos epitaphios) for the Athenians who died at the battle of Chaeronea, he faced a particularly challenging task because the soldiers, whose deaths he needed to praise, had died fighting a losing battle, a battle he had vigorously advocated for. In his funeral oration, Demosthenes needed to discuss the defeat and his role in it in a way that created a sense of continuity with the past, that minimized the potential disruption such a defeat can inflict on a community, and that gave the Athenians a way to understand their defeat and his role in it. There can be no doubt that Demosthenes delivered the oration for the dead of Chaeronea. -
An Economic Analysis of the Olympic Games in Ancient Greece
RACE NOT WAR: AN ECONOMIC ANALYSIS OF THE OLYMPIC GAMES IN ANCIENT GREECE -AND- WAR WITHOUT SHOOTING: AN ANALYSIS OF AMBUSH MARKETING by Vera Lantinova M.A., Williams College, 2005 EXTENDED ESSAYS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS In the Department ofEconomics © Vera Lantinova 2007 SIMON FRASER UNIVERSITY 2007 All rights reserved. This work may not be reproduced in whole or in part, by photocopy or other means, without permission ofthe author. APPROVAL Name: Vera Lantinova Degree: Master of Arts (Economics) Title of Essays: Race not War: An Economic Analysis of the Olympic Games in Ancient Greece - and- War Without Shooting: An Analysis of Ambush Marketing Examining Committee: Chair: David Andolfatto Professor, Department of Economics Douglas Allen Senior Supervisor Professor, Department of Economics Clyde Reed Supervisor Professor, Department of Economics Steeve Mongrain Internal Examiner Associate Professor, Department of Economics Date Defended/Approved: July 31,2007 ii SIMON FRASER UNIVERSITY LIBRARY Declaration of Partial Copyright Licence The author, whose copyright is declared on the title page of this work, has granted to Simon Fraser University the right to lend this thesis, project or extended essay to users of the Simon Fraser University Library, and to make partial or single copies only for such users or in response to a request from the library of any other university, or other educational institution, on its own behalf or for one of its users. The author has further granted permission to Simon Fraser University to keep or make a digital copy for use in its circulating collection (currently available to the public at the "Institutional Repository" link of the SFU Library website <www.lib.sfu.ca> at: <http://ir.lib.sfu.ca/handle/1892/112>) and, without changing the content, to translate the thesis/project or extended essays, if technically possible, to any medium or format for the purpose of preservation of the digital work. -
THE EPONYMOUS OFFICIALS of GREEK CITIES: I Aus: Zeitschrift Für Papyrologie Und Epigraphik 83 (1990) 249–288
ROBERT K. SHERK THE EPONYMOUS OFFICIALS OF GREEK CITIES: I aus: Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik 83 (1990) 249–288 © Dr. Rudolf Habelt GmbH, Bonn 249 The Eponymous Officials of Greek Cities: I (A) Introduction The eponymous official or magistrate after whom the year was named in Greek cities or as- sociations is well known to all epigraphists under various titles: archon, prytanis, stephanepho- ros, priest, etc. Some details about them have appeared in many articles and in scattered pas- sages of scholarly books. However, not since the publication of Clemens Gnaedinger, De Graecorum magistratibus eponymis quaestiones epigraphicae selectae (Diss. Strassburg 1892) has there been a treatment of the subject as a whole, although the growth of the material in this regard has been enormous.1 What is missing, however, is an attempt to bring the material up to date in a comprehensive survey covering the whole Greek world, at least as far as possible. The present article, of which this is only the first part, will present that material in a geographically organized manner: mainland Greece and the adjacent islands, then the Aegean islands, Asia Minor and Thrace, Syria, Egypt, Cyrene, Sicily, and southern Italy. All the epi- graphic remains of that area have been examined and catalogued. General observations and conclusions will be presented after the evidence as a whole has been given. I. Earliest Examples of Eponymity The earliest form of writing appeared in Sumer and Assyria sometime within the last half of the fourth millennium BC, and from there it spread westward. Thus, it is not at all surpris- ing that the Mesopotamian civilizations also made the earliest use of assigning names or events to years in dating historical records. -
The Ependytes in Classical Athens
THE EPENDYTES IN CLASSICAL ATHENS (PLATES 51-55) To the memoryof Richard D. Sullivan T HE FEW REFERENCES to the ependytes in Classical Greek literature occur in three fragments of Attic drama preserved by Pollux (VII.45): XLTWV EpELSSXLTCTVLOTKOS' XLTCeJVLOV, LaTLOV. ETEL E KaL 0 E(XEV8VVT7)S- EOTLV EV T7 TCV 7OXX XP7OEL, OOTLS' /3OVXOLTO KaL TOVTC TO ovo4LalTL /07)OE^LV .avIX() OVTL, XA7pTTEOvavro EK TCeV 1o00OK\EOVS1 IXvvTpLCOV (TrGF, F 439): 7rE-atXOVSTE v77oaL XLVOYEVE^LST' E'JTEv8VTas. KaL ?EOT7LS UE 7TOVO')TLV EV T^ HEvOEZL(TrGF, I, F 1 c): 'pyq( VOMLJ'EVE/3PL' EXELTEV 3VT7_VV. aVTLKPVS'86E OKELTO E'VTi- NLKOXacpovs,'HpaKXEL X0PopYW (I, p. 771.5 Kock): 4pEPEVVZV TaXECos, XLTCvJa TOVO E7XEV8VTflV Tf VVVXP/3VVXEL EL LV. The lines are disappointingly undescriptive,indicating only that an ependytes can be of linen and is somehow associatedwith the chiton, and that at an earlier period (?) it had a more general meaning, closer to the root of the word, as "thatwhich is put on over."1 Works frequently cited are abbreviatedas follows: Add = L. Burn and R. Glynn, Beazley Addenda,Oxford 1982 Bieber = M. Bieber, History of the Greekand Roman Theater,2nd ed., Princeton 1981 Burn = L. Burn, The Meidias Painter, Oxford 1987 Laskares = N. Laskares, Mop4aL LEpE'(V (X;r'LapXaLov MV7JEfLV?>>, AE?\T 8, 1923 (1925), pp. 103-116 LSAM = F. Sokolowski,Lois sacre'esde l'Asie Mineure, Paris 1955 LSCG = F. Sokolowski,Lois sacreesdes cite'sgrecques, Paris 1969 LSCG-S = F. Sokolowski,Lois sacre'esdes cite'sgrecques. Supple'ment, Paris 1962 Mantes = A. G. -
Ancient History Sourcebook: 11Th Brittanica: Sparta SPARTA an Ancient City in Greece, the Capital of Laconia and the Most Powerful State of the Peloponnese
Ancient History Sourcebook: 11th Brittanica: Sparta SPARTA AN ancient city in Greece, the capital of Laconia and the most powerful state of the Peloponnese. The city lay at the northern end of the central Laconian plain, on the right bank of the river Eurotas, a little south of the point where it is joined by its largest tributary, the Oenus (mount Kelefina). The site is admirably fitted by nature to guard the only routes by which an army can penetrate Laconia from the land side, the Oenus and Eurotas valleys leading from Arcadia, its northern neighbour, and the Langada Pass over Mt Taygetus connecting Laconia and Messenia. At the same time its distance from the sea-Sparta is 27 m. from its seaport, Gythium, made it invulnerable to a maritime attack. I.-HISTORY Prehistoric Period.-Tradition relates that Sparta was founded by Lacedaemon, son of Zeus and Taygete, who called the city after the name of his wife, the daughter of Eurotas. But Amyclae and Therapne (Therapnae) seem to have been in early times of greater importance than Sparta, the former a Minyan foundation a few miles to the south of Sparta, the latter probably the Achaean capital of Laconia and the seat of Menelaus, Agamemnon's younger brother. Eighty years after the Trojan War, according to the traditional chronology, the Dorian migration took place. A band of Dorians united with a body of Aetolians to cross the Corinthian Gulf and invade the Peloponnese from the northwest. The Aetolians settled in Elis, the Dorians pushed up to the headwaters of the Alpheus, where they divided into two forces, one of which under Cresphontes invaded and later subdued Messenia, while the other, led by Aristodemus or, according to another version, by his twin sons Eurysthenes and Procles, made its way down the Eurotas were new settlements were formed and gained Sparta, which became the Dorian capital of Laconia. -
Marathon 2,500 Years Edited by Christopher Carey & Michael Edwards
MARATHON 2,500 YEARS EDITED BY CHRISTOPHER CAREY & MICHAEL EDWARDS INSTITUTE OF CLASSICAL STUDIES SCHOOL OF ADVANCED STUDY UNIVERSITY OF LONDON MARATHON – 2,500 YEARS BULLETIN OF THE INSTITUTE OF CLASSICAL STUDIES SUPPLEMENT 124 DIRECTOR & GENERAL EDITOR: JOHN NORTH DIRECTOR OF PUBLICATIONS: RICHARD SIMPSON MARATHON – 2,500 YEARS PROCEEDINGS OF THE MARATHON CONFERENCE 2010 EDITED BY CHRISTOPHER CAREY & MICHAEL EDWARDS INSTITUTE OF CLASSICAL STUDIES SCHOOL OF ADVANCED STUDY UNIVERSITY OF LONDON 2013 The cover image shows Persian warriors at Ishtar Gate, from before the fourth century BC. Pergamon Museum/Vorderasiatisches Museum, Berlin. Photo Mohammed Shamma (2003). Used under CC‐BY terms. All rights reserved. This PDF edition published in 2019 First published in print in 2013 This book is published under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial- NoDerivatives (CC-BY-NC-ND 4.0) license. More information regarding CC licenses is available at http://creativecommons.org/licenses/ Available to download free at http://www.humanities-digital-library.org ISBN: 978-1-905670-81-9 (2019 PDF edition) DOI: 10.14296/1019.9781905670819 ISBN: 978-1-905670-52-9 (2013 paperback edition) ©2013 Institute of Classical Studies, University of London The right of contributors to be identified as the authors of the work published here has been asserted by them in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. Designed and typeset at the Institute of Classical Studies TABLE OF CONTENTS Introductory note 1 P. J. Rhodes The battle of Marathon and modern scholarship 3 Christopher Pelling Herodotus’ Marathon 23 Peter Krentz Marathon and the development of the exclusive hoplite phalanx 35 Andrej Petrovic The battle of Marathon in pre-Herodotean sources: on Marathon verse-inscriptions (IG I3 503/504; Seg Lvi 430) 45 V. -
Middle Comedy: Not Only Mythology and Food
Acta Ant. Hung. 56, 2016, 421–433 DOI: 10.1556/068.2016.56.4.2 VIRGINIA MASTELLARI MIDDLE COMEDY: NOT ONLY MYTHOLOGY AND FOOD View metadata, citation and similar papersTHE at core.ac.ukPOLITICAL AND CONTEMPORARY DIMENSION brought to you by CORE provided by Repository of the Academy's Library Summary: The disappearance of the political and contemporary dimension in the production after Aris- tophanes is a false belief that has been shared for a long time, together with the assumption that Middle Comedy – the transitional period between archaia and nea – was only about mythological burlesque and food. The misleading idea has surely risen because of the main source of the comic fragments: Athenaeus, The Learned Banqueters. However, the contemporary and political aspect emerges again in the 4th c. BC in the creations of a small group of dramatists, among whom Timocles, Mnesimachus and Heniochus stand out (significantly, most of them are concentrated in the time of the Macedonian expansion). Firstly Timocles, in whose fragments the personal mockery, the onomasti komodein, is still present and sharp, often against contemporary political leaders (cf. frr. 17, 19, 27 K.–A.). Then, Mnesimachus (Φίλιππος, frr. 7–10 K.–A.) and Heniochus (fr. 5 K.–A.), who show an anti- and a pro-Macedonian attitude, respec- tively. The present paper analyses the use of the political and contemporary element in Middle Comedy and the main differences between the poets named and Aristophanes, trying to sketch the evolution of the genre, the points of contact and the new tendencies. Key words: Middle Comedy, Politics, Onomasti komodein For many years, what is known as the “food fallacy”1 has been widespread among scholars of Comedy.