Chapter 3 Increasing Transparency and Accountability Through

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Chapter 3 Increasing Transparency and Accountability Through I.3. INCREASING TRANSPARENCY AND ACCOUNTABILITY THROUGH DISCLOSURE OF POLITICAL PARTY AND ELECTION-CAMPAIGN FUNDING – 65 Chapter 3 Increasing transparency and accountability through disclosure of political party and election-campaign funding This chapter focuses on measures to ensure transparency and accountability in financing democracy. Comprehensive disclosure of income sources of political parties and candidates contributes to greater transparency, serving as a deterrent measure to limit undue influence. For disclosure of information to make sense and inform citizens, information needs to be organised in an intelligible and user-friendly way. The statistical data for Israel are supplied by and under the responsibility of the relevant Israeli authorities. The use of such data by the OECD is without prejudice to the status of the Golan Heights, East Jerusalem and Israeli settlements in the West Bank under the terms of international law. FINANCING DEMOCRACY: FUNDING OF POLITICAL PARTIES AND ELECTION CAMPAIGNS AND THE RISK OF POLICY CAPTURE © OECD 2016 66 – I.3. INCREASING TRANSPARENCY AND ACCOUNTABILITY THROUGH DISCLOSURE OF POLITICAL PARTY AND ELECTION-CAMPAIGN FUNDING A cornerstone of ensuring transparency and accountability in political finance is the requirement for political parties and candidates to disclose information about how they raise and spend money. Such information can facilitate better informed voter decisions as well as effective oversight of political finance. Comprehensive disclosure of financial information can also serve as a deterrent measure to minimise the impact of undue influence. Reporting requirements as a tool for ensuring accountability in the decision-making process It is important to keep records of election campaigns expenditure as well as books and accounts of political parties and their affiliated entities. The primary rationale for disclosure is to enable public oversight institutions to check the books and accounts of parties, candidates and donors to verify their compliance with the law. The GRECO Thematic Review of the Third Evaluation Round stressed that “a system that fails to ensure that sources of income and accounts are properly disclosed makes it much harder to monitor the application of the law and impose necessary sanctions” (Doublet, 2012). While violators cannot be expected to admit to infringements in their reports, requiring them to provide financial accounts provides a paper trail that can assist in further investigations. Reporting requirements concerning activities and organisations covered (party organisations, candidates, fundraising organisations, donors) and the detail of information (assets and liabilities, income and expenses, organisation costs, electioneering activities, political advertising) vary widely across OECD countries. While regular financial reporting by political parties takes place in almost all OECD countries, 68% of OECD countries also require candidates to report on their campaign finances to the oversight body. In 65% of OECD countries, political parties must report on their finances in relation to election campaigns (Figure 3.1). Comprehensive disclosure of both public and private funding is crucial In some countries, reporting is limited to how public funding was spent. In this case, reporting requirements that apply to all recipients of public funds also extend to political parties. For the discussion on how money influences public policies, only providing such information has limited value. Public funding is generally tied to stronger rules and controls to ensure that they are provided fairly to all stakeholders. These controls have been increasingly strengthened after political scandals showcasing major irregularities in party funding. In Italy, for instance, public funding regulation was limited to reimbursement of actual campaign expenditures, rather than campaign expenditures and routine party activities, as it used to be prior to 1993 (Doublet, 2012). This has, however, led to scenarios in which candidates rely solely on private funding to avoid tighter controls. In the 2012 US presidential elections, for instance, both final candidates relied exclusively on private funding (US Federal Election Commission, 2014). I.3. INCREASING TRANSPARENCY AND ACCOUNTABILITY THROUGH DISCLOSURE OF POLITICAL PARTY AND ELECTION-CAMPAIGN FUNDING – 67 Figure 3.1. Separate reporting of information on election campaigns by political parties and/or candidates in OECD countries Political parties do not have to report on their finances in relation to election campaigns Candidates do 35% not have to report on their campaign finances 32% Political parties Candidates have have to report on their to report on their finances in relation to campaign finances election campaigns 68% 65% Note: The statistical data for Israel are supplied by and under the responsibility of the relevant Israeli authorities. The use of such data by the OECD is without prejudice to the status of the Golan Heights, East Jerusalem and Israeli settlements in the West Bank under the terms of international law. Source: Adapted from IDEA (n.d.), Political Finance Database, www.idea.int/political-finance/ (accessed on 27 October 2015). Thorough auditing of political finance reports ensures transparency and accountability After reports have been submitted, it is of utmost importance to verify and audit the data submitted. However, even when election campaign accounts are submitted by the legal deadline, verification and audit of such data are not always carried out thoroughly, meaning that there is limited incentive for candidates and political parties to present accurate figures. Verification and audit of financial records are effective measures to spot irregularities of financial flow in politics (Box 3.1) and should be conducted by auditors and specialised experts. In Estonia, political parties are subject to a yearly financial audit by the tax authority and are required to submit electoral campaign reports and quarterly financial reports to the Estonian Party Financing Monitoring Committee (EPFMC). EPMFC also conducts analysis of political parties’ financial health and publishes the results on its website. In France, annual accounts of political parties are certified by two auditors and submitted to the National Commission for Campaign Accounts and Political Funding (CNCCFP). The CNCCFP can request as necessary the communication of any accounting or supporting document needed for the accomplishment of its control function. In the United Kingdom, a political party with a gross income or total expenditure in a financial year that exceed GBP 250 000 must have its statement of accounts audited. An audit is also required of any return of party election expenditure if the expenditure exceeds GBP 250 000 during a campaign period. In addition, the UK Electoral Commission undertakes its own FINANCING DEMOCRACY: FUNDING OF POLITICAL PARTIES AND ELECTION CAMPAIGNS AND THE RISK OF POLICY CAPTURE © OECD 2016 68 – I.3. INCREASING TRANSPARENCY AND ACCOUNTABILITY THROUGH DISCLOSURE OF POLITICAL PARTY AND ELECTION-CAMPAIGN FUNDING compliance checks of the information it receives, e.g. checking the permissibility of donations, and cross-referencing statements made in different reports to identify any inconsistencies. Box 3.1. Verification of financial records sheds light on suspicious use of political funding in Japan In Japan, verification of financial records led to the discovery of a number of discrepancies in political funding reports of two support groups linked to the former trade minister in 2014. The two groups were both set up to aid her political activities. Among their initiatives, they organised an annual trip to Tokyo for local voters that included a private performance by a popular singer at a leading theatre. They collected fees for the event, but a discrepancy in the accounting was spotted following verification. The recorded contribution by tour participants was substantially smaller than the expenses the two groups reported paying the theatre. The discrepancy was reportedly around JPY 26 million (EUR 200 000 euro) in 2010 and 2011. The financial reports also showed that expenditures for theatre tours organised for the supporters in 2013 exceeded revenue by JPY 7.87 million (EUR 60 000 euro). While JPY 10.89 million (EUR 83 700 euro) was recorded as revenue in the reports, payments to the theatre in Tokyo totalled JPY 18.76 million (EUR 144 000). The reports were disclosed by the election board. If the declarations are correct, it would mean the two groups subsidised the trip, a likely violation of the election campaign law that prohibits bribing voters. But if the participants did in fact cover all costs, it would mean inaccuracy in reporting, a violation of the political funds control law. Allegations were also raised that the trade minister’s political funds were used to buy goods from shops run by her relatives, and other purchases ranging from baby goods to groceries. Source: Aoki, Mizuho and Reiji Yoshida (2014), “Two of Abe’s female ministers resign over separate scandals”, Japan Times, www.japantimes.co.jp/news/2014/10/20/national/politics-diplomacy/two-of-abes- female-ministers-resign-over-separate-scandals/. Where compulsory disclosure of information of all donors is not always feasible, donations above certain thresholds are usually disclosed to ensure transparency and mitigate the risks of undue influence In relation to disclosure provision, identifying individual donors is necessary
Recommended publications
  • California Campaign Finance and Ballot Measure Guide Contents
    State Law Resource California Campaign Finance and Ballot Measure Guide Contents Overview 1 Key Concepts 2 Activities Your Organization Can Engage in That Won’t Trigger Disclosure 8 Contribution Limits and Source Restrictions 11 Registration and Reporting Requirements 15 Reminders About IRS Rules 15 Registration Thresholds 15 Types of Recipient Committees 15 Registration and Reporting Mechanics 18 Recordkeeping Rules 20 Use of Campaign Funds 20 Communications 21 After the Election 23 Common Mistakes 24 Enforcement and Penalties 24 Alliance for Justice is a national association of over 120 organizations, representing a broad array of groups committed to progressive values and the creation of an equitable, just, and free society. Since 1979, AFJ has been the leader in advocating for a fair and independent justice system, preserving access to the courts, and empowering others to stand up and fight for their causes. The two pillars of Alliance for Justice are our Justice Program, focusing on ensuring our nation’s courts protect our critical constitutional rights and legal protections, and our Bolder Advocacy Program, focusing on building advocacy capacity among nonprofits and the foundations that fund them. bolderadvocacy.org allianceforjustice.org Page 1 State Law Resources California Campaign Finance and Ballot Measure Guide This guide summarizes the laws and regulations governing campaign finance in California. In California, “campaign finance” includes both ballot measures and candidates at both the local and state level. This guide is not intended to provide legal advice or to serve as a substitute for legal advice. For free legal and technical advice on compliance with California campaign finance rules, contact the California Fair Political Practices Commission (FPPC).
    [Show full text]
  • 2021 Campaign Finance Guide
    2021 Campaign Finance Guide Mississippi Secretary of State’s Office Elections Division P.O. Box 136 Jackson, MS 39205 601-576-2550 Elections Hotline: 800-829-6786 www.sos.ms.gov 1 | P a g e R e v . 01/ 2 0 21 TABLE OF CONTENTS Table of Contents ABOUT THIS GUIDE ............................................................................................................................................ 4 THIS YEAR’S CAMPAIGN FINANCE REPORTING REQUIREMENTS....................................................... 5 2021 MUNICIPAL GENERAL ELECTION REPORTING SCHEDULE......................................................... 7 2021 SPECIAL ELECTIONS REPORTING SCHEDULE ................................................................................ 7 CAMPAIGN FINANCE REPORTING IN MISSISSIPPI ................................................................................... 8 I. CAMPAIGN FINANCE FOR CANDIDATES AND CANDIDATE’S COMMITTEES ............................... 8 Distribution of Campaign Materials ................................................................................................... 9 Where do I file? ..................................................................................................................................... 9 What information must be reported? ................................................................................................. 9 When are reports due? ....................................................................................................................... 10 What types of reports
    [Show full text]
  • Party Polarization and Campaign Finance
    July 2014 Party Polarization and Campaign Finance Thomas E. Mann and Anthony Corrado INTRODUCTION he intense debate these days about the shortcomings of American democ- racy and how best to deal with them often features assertions about parties, Tpolarization, and campaign finance that appear puzzling if not downright con- Thomas E. Mann tradictory. For example, some analysts argue that campaign finance reforms have is the W. Averell Harriman reduced the role of political parties in campaigns and thereby weakened the ability Chair and senior fellow in 1 Governance Studies at The of party leaders to commandeer their members on behalf of achievable policy goals. Brookings Institution. Between 1987 and 1999, he was Director This seems an odd argument to make in an era of historically high levels of party loy- of Governmental Studies at alty—on roll calls in Congress and voting in the electorate. Are parties too strong and Brookings. He is co-author, with Norman J. Ornstein, of It's Even unified or too weak and fragmented? Have they been marginalized in the financing of Worse Than It Looks: How the elections or is their role at least as strong as it has ever been? Does the party role in American Constitutional System Collided With the New Politics of campaign finance (weak or strong) materially shape our capacity to govern? Extremism. A second example involves the mix of small and large individual donors and its connection to polarization. The increasing involvement in presidential and congressional campaigns of large donors—especially through Super PACs and politically-active nonprofit organizations—has raised serious concerns about whether the super-wealthy are buying American democracy.
    [Show full text]
  • Towards Public Financing of Elections and Political Parties in India: Lessons from Global Experiences
    NOVEMBER 2017 Towards Public Financing of Elections and Political Parties in India: Lessons from Global Experiences NIRANJAN SAHOO Towards Public Financing of Elections and Political Parties in India: Lessons from Global Experiences NIRANJAN SAHOO ABOUT THE AUTHOR Niranjan Sahoo is a Senior Fellow at Observer Research Foundation, with many years of expertise on issues of governance, democracy, campaign finance reforms, insurgency, and conflict studies. He serves as a member of the Carnegie Rising Democracies Network (RDN) in Washington, D.C. ISBN : 978-93-87407-13-8 © 2017 Observer Research Foundation. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means without permission in writing from ORF. Towards Public Financing of Elections and Political Parties in India: Lessons from Global Experiences ABSTRACT Democracy costs a lot of money. To fight elections and run their routine activities, political parties in India seek donations from all possible sources including “illegal” and “interested” money. This has serious ramifications in preserving the integrity of Indian democracy. An increasing number of countries, meanwhile, have taken the path of public subsidies and direct funding of parties and political activities—aiming to reduce dependence on interested money, equalise political opportunity, and bring greater transparency and accountability to democratic processes. By better targeting state subsidies, countries like Germany and the UK, for example, have made strides in reducing the role of interested money in elections and bringing visible transparency in their electoral politics. While India cannot take a leaf out of these experiences, there is a lot to learn from them.
    [Show full text]
  • The Donor Class: Campaign Finance, Democracy, and Participation
    THE DONOR CLASS: CAMPAIGN FINANCE, DEMOCRACY, AND PARTICIPATION † SPENCER OVERTON As a result of disparities in resources, a small, wealthy, and homogenous donor class makes large contributions that fund the bulk of American politics. Even in the aftermath of recent campaign reforms, the donor class effectively de- termines which candidates possess the resources to run viable campaigns. This reality undermines the democratic value of widespread participation. Instead of preventing “corruption” or equalizing funds between candidates, the primary goal of campaign reform should be to reduce the impact of wealth disparities and empower more citizens to participate in the funding of campaigns. On av- erage, candidates should receive a larger percentage of their funds from a greater number of people in smaller contribution amounts. Reforms such as es- tablishing matching funds and providing tax credits for smaller contributions, combined with emerging technology, would enable more Americans to make con- tributions and would enhance their voices in our democracy. INTRODUCTION Opponents of campaign finance reform embrace a relatively lais- sez-faire reliance on private markets to fund campaigns for public of- fice. Although they champion the individual rights of those who con- † Associate Professor of Law, The George Washington University Law School. Mi- chael Abramowicz, Mark Alexander, Brandon Briscoe, Kim Christensen, Richard Ha- sen, Adam Lioz, Ira Lupu, Leslie Overton, Josiah Slotnick, Dan Solove, and Fane Wolfer read earlier drafts of this
    [Show full text]
  • Campaign Finance Regulations and the Return on Investment from Campaign Contributions
    CAMPAIGN FINANCE REGULATIONS AND THE RETURN ON INVESTMENT FROM CAMPAIGN CONTRIBUTIONS Stephen Ansolabehere James M. Snyder, Jr. Michiko Ueda Department of Political Science Massachusetts Institute of Technology August, 2004 Abstract Being good liberal Democrats, we began this study with the belief that corporations use their campaign contributions to shape public policy and that donors substantially benefit from their campaign contributions. Stock markets should reflect the high returns that firms enjoy from their political strategies, and changes in campaign finance laws ought to alter the stock prices of firms that give heavily to politics. That, however, is not the assessment of investors – those who value firms and the environment in which they operate. We identified dates of key campaign finance regulatory decisions and measured changes in stock prices of firms affected by those decisions. These decisions immediately affected hundreds of millions of dollars of corporate giving, but they have no apparent effect on the markets valuation of the long-term profitability of firms. This conclusion suggests that the fundamental critique of campaign finance in America – that donations come with a quid pro quo and extract very high returns for donors – is almost surely wrong. Campaign Finance Regulations and the Return on Investment from Contributions The United States regulates campaign contributions from firms, individuals, and voluntary associations, such as labor unions, in order to prevent corruption of politicians by organized interests. Perhaps the clearest expression of this concern is found in the U.S. Supreme Court’s decision Buckley v. Valeo 424 US 1 (1976). Justice Brennan, writing for the majority, argues that “contribution ceilings were a necessary legislative concomitant to deal with the reality or appearance of corruption.” (424 U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • Campaign Finance: Life As a Political Consultant David Keene
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Brooklyn Law School: BrooklynWorks Journal of Law and Policy Volume 6 Issue 1 INAUGURAL DAVID G. TRAGER PUBLIC Article 4 POLICY SYMPOSIUM: Campaign Finance Reform: Will Anything Work? 1997 Campaign Finance: Life as a Political Consultant David Keene Follow this and additional works at: https://brooklynworks.brooklaw.edu/jlp Recommended Citation David Keene, Campaign Finance: Life as a Political Consultant, 6 J. L. & Pol'y (1997). Available at: https://brooklynworks.brooklaw.edu/jlp/vol6/iss1/4 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Law Journals at BrooklynWorks. It has been accepted for inclusion in Journal of Law and Policy by an authorized editor of BrooklynWorks. CAMPAIGN FINANCE: LIFE AS A POLITICAL CONSULTANT David Keene* Although being a political consultant is not nearly as exciting as Dick Morris' would have us believe, over the years it has proven very interesting. Therefore, when Joel Gora called and asked me to come here today, I agreed because we have both been involved in campaign reform policy discussions for many, many years. I do not wish to recount with you my perspectives "from the trenches," but instead, wish to discuss my personal biases. I was executive assistant to Senator Jim Buckley2 in the 1970s when we won an amendment allowing expedited review of the 1974 Campaign Finance Act and, subsequently, took the issue to the Supreme Court with the assistance of some of the people here. What I feel we accomplished at the Supreme Court was to force policymakers at that time, and even now, to realize that the First Amendment means something.
    [Show full text]
  • Connecting the Candidates: Consultant Networks and the Diffusion of Campaign Strategy in American Congressional Elections
    Connecting the Candidates: Consultant Networks and the Diffusion of Campaign Strategy in American Congressional Elections Brendan Nyhan Jacob M. Montgomery Dept. of Government Dept. of Political Science Dartmouth College Washington University in St. Louis [email protected] [email protected] June 9, 2014 ABSTRACT Modern American political campaigns are typically conceptualized as “candidate- centered” and treated as conditionally independent in quantitative analyses. In reality, however, these campaigns are linked by professional consulting firms, who are important agents of campaign strategy diffusion within the extended party networks of the contemporary era. To test our hypothesis that consultants disseminate campaign strategies among their clients, we analyze new data on U.S. House elections derived from Federal Election Commission records. Using spatial autoregressive models, we find that candidates who share consultants are more likely to use similar campaign strategies than we would otherwise expect conditional on numerous explanatory variables. These results, which largely withstand an extensive series of robustness and falsification tests, suggest that consultants play a key role in diffusing strategies among Congressional cam- paigns. Authors are listed in reverse alphabetic order. We thank Tessa Baizer, Jeremy Kreisberg, Callie Lambert, Boris Litvin, and Joy Wilke for exceptional research assistance; Michael Heaney for providing support for their work; the editor, the anonymous reviewers, Sean Cain, Rick Hall, Michael Heaney, Russell Funk, Hans Hassell, Justin Kirkland, Seth Masket, Jon Rogowski, and audiences at the Political Networks conference, the University of Michigan, Dartmouth College, and the MIT American Politics conference for helpful comments; and Adam Bonica, James N. Druckman, Martin J. Kifer, Michael Parkin, Gary Jacobson, and the Center for Responsive Politics for generously sharing their data.
    [Show full text]
  • Campaign Manual
    2020 State of Minnesota CAMPAIGN MANUAL CAMPAIGN FINANCIAL REPORTING & FAIR CAMPAIGN PRACTICES Minnesota Statutes, Chapters 211A and 211B, including related laws and summary Office of the Minnesota Secretary of State 180 State Office Building 100 Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. Blvd. St. Paul, MN 55155 Phone: (651) 215-1440 Toll Free: 1-877-600-8683 Minnesota Relay Service: 1-800-627-3529 Email: [email protected] Website: www.sos.state.mn.us Office of the Minnesota Secretary of State 2020 Campaign Manual 2 PREFACE State law requires the Secretary of State to publish an easily understandable annotated digest of Chapters 211A and 211B of Minnesota statutes. This booklet contains: • The required digest; • The text of Chapters 211A and 211B; • Annotations to these chapters and to former Chapter 210A, known as the Fair Campaign Practices Act, which had some provisions comparable to 211A and 211B. Chapter 211A generally regulates campaign reporting requirements of candidates and committees supporting county, municipal, school district or other political subdivision candidates for office and questions. Candidates and committees supporting candidates for federal, state and judicial office are not regulated by Chapter 211A. Chapter 211B regulates a variety of campaign practices and applies to all federal, state, judicial and local candidates, except for President and Vice President, and committees supporting them. It also regulates the activities of committees formed to promote or oppose ballot questions and proposed constitutional amendments. COMPLAINTS A complaint alleging a violation of Chapter 211A or 211B MUST be filed with the Office of Administrative Hearings (OAH). For further information on complaints and penalties, see the OAH’s Fair Campaign Practices webpage (https://mn.gov/oah/self-help/administrative-law-overview/fair-campaign.jsp), or contact OAH at: Office of Administrative Hearings 600 North Robert Street St.
    [Show full text]
  • Federal Election Campaign Laws
    FEDERAL ELECTION CAMPAIGN LAWS Compiled by the FEDERAL ELECTION COMMISSION FEBRUARY 2019 FEDERAL ELECTION CAMPAIGN LAWS Compiled by the FEDERAL ELECTION COMMISSION PREFACE The Federal Election Commission (FEC) has prepared this compilation of Federal campaign laws as an informative service to the general public. There are three major sections of this compilation: 1. FEDERAL ELECTION CAMPAIGN LAWS: The text of the “Federal Election Campaign Act (FECA) of 1971,” as amended, the “Presidential Election Campaign Fund Act,” as amended, and the “Presidential Primary Matching Payment Account Act,” as amended, as codified in titles 52 and 26 of the United States Code. (See Amendments in THE FEDERAL ELECTION COMMISSION 1974, 1976, 1977, 1979, 1981, 1983, 1984, 1989, 1990, 1991, 1992, 1993, 1994, 1995, 1996, 1999, 2000, 2002, 2004, 2005, 2007, 2008, 2013, 2014 and WASHINGTON, D.C. 20463 2018: Pub. L. No. 93-443, Pub. L. No. 94-283, Pub. L. No. 95-216, Pub. L. No. 96-187, Pub. L. No. 97-51, Pub. L. No. 98-63, Pub. L. No. 98-355, Pub. COMMISSIONERS L. No. 98-620, Pub. L. No. 100-352, Pub. L. No. 101-194, Pub. L. No. 101- 280, Pub. L. No. 102-90, Pub. L. No. 102-393, Pub. L. No. 103-66, Pub. L. ELLEN L. WEINTRAUB, Chair No. 103-272, Pub. L. No. 104-79, Pub. L. No. 104-88, Pub. L. No. 104-287, MATTHEW S. PETERSEN, Vice Chairman Pub. L. No. 106-58, Pub. L. No. 106-346, Pub. L. No. 107-155, Pub. L. No. 107-252, Pub. L. No.
    [Show full text]
  • A Joint Project of the Campaign Finance Institute, American
    A Joint Project of The Campaign Finance Institute, American Enterprise Institute and Brookings Institution More information about the authors and additional copies of this report are available from: Campaign Finance Institute 1667 K St., NW Suite 650 Washington, DC 20006 (202) 969-8890 www.CampaignFinanceInstitute.org American Enterprise Institute 1150 Seventeenth Street, N.W. Washington, DC 20036 (202) 862-5800 www.AEI.org The Brookings Institution More information about the authors and additional and 1775 Massachusetts Ave, NW electronic copies of this report are available from: Washington, DC 20036 (202) 797-6000 www.Brookings.edu Campaign Finance Institute 1667 K St., NW Suite 650 Washington, DC 20006 (202) 969-8890 The conclusions and recommendations expressed in this report are solely the www.CampaignFinanceInstitute.org responsibility of its authors and not of the trustees, staff or financial supporters of the Campaign Finance Institute, American Enterprise Institute or Brookings American Enterprise Institute Institution. 1150 Seventeenth Street, N.W. Washington, DC 20036 (202) 862-5800 www.AEI.org The Brookings Institution 1775 Massachusetts Ave, NW Washington, DC 20036 (202) 797-6000 www.Brookings.edu A Joint Project of The Campaign Finance Institute, American Enterprise Institute and Brookings Institution ii iii Acknowledgments The CFI, AEI, Brookings working group was supported through a generous grant from The Pew Charitable Trusts. We would like to thank Michael Caudell-Feagan, Doug Chapin and Carolynn Race for their encouragement of this effort. This project benefited greatly from the advice and assistance of several other individuals: CFI’s Data and Systems Manager, Brendan Glavin, prepared the tables and figures.
    [Show full text]
  • Public Financing, George Bush, and Barack Obama
    Legislation and Policy Brief Volume 1 Issue 1 Fall 2008 - Election Law: Legislation and Article 4 Controversies 9-24-2010 Public Financing, George Bush, and Barack Obama: Why the Publicly Funded Campaign Does Not Work, and What We Can Do to Fix It Jordan Acker American University Washington College of Law, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.wcl.american.edu/lpb Part of the Administrative Law Commons, Legislation Commons, and the Politics Commons Recommended Citation Acker, Jordan (2009) "Public Financing, George Bush, and Barack Obama: Why the Publicly Funded Campaign Does Not Work, and What We Can Do to Fix It," Legislation and Policy Brief: Vol. 1: Iss. 1, Article 4. Available at: http://digitalcommons.wcl.american.edu/lpb/vol1/iss1/4 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Washington College of Law Journals & Law Reviews at Digital Commons @ American University Washington College of Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in Legislation and Policy Brief by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons @ American University Washington College of Law. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE LEGISLATION AND POLICY ROUNDTABLE ELECTION LAW: LEGISLATION AND CONTROVERSIES VOLUME 1, ISSUE 1 FALL 2008 The Legislation and Policy Roundtable Volume 1, Issue 1, Fall 2008 Public Financing, George Bush, and Barack Obama: Why the Publicly Funded Campaign Does Not Work, and What We Can Do to Fix It263 Jordan Acker I. Introduction After the Supreme Court upheld the Federal Election Campaign Act in Buckley v. Valeo,264 the modern system for campaign finance was born; since the 1980 election, most presidential candidates have accepted some form of public financing.
    [Show full text]