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The English Building Industry in Late Modernity: an Empirical Investigation of the Definition, Construction and Meaning of Profession

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The English Building Industry in Late Modernity: an Empirical Investigation of the Definition, Construction and Meaning of Profession THE ENGLISH BUILDING INDUSTRY IN LATE MODERNITY: AN EMPIRICAL INVESTIGATION OF THE DEFINITION, CONSTRUCTION AND MEANING OF PROFESSION Timothy Stephen Eccles Submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirement for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy London School of Economics and Political Science 2009 1 UMI Number: U615682 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U615682 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 lueses qo&s"f* ix.oia&2_ TABLE OF CONTENTS Abstract 6 Acknowledgements 7 Abbreviations 7 Chapter 1: Definitions 8 1.0 Introduction: Purpose and Boundaries of the Study 8 1.0.1 Selection of Professions 10 1.0.2 The Building Industry 12 1.0.3 Late Modernity 14 1.1 The Research Paradigm 16 1.2 Methodology 18 1.2.1 Individual Professionals 25 1.2.2 Professional Associations 26 1.2.3 The Professional Firm 27 1.3 Structure of the Thesis 29 1.4 Conclusions 31 Chapter 2: A Selected Literature Review 33 2.0 Introduction 33 2.1 Functionalism: what is a profession? 33 2.2 Functionalism and Semi-Professionalism 39 2.3 Functionalism: Conclusions 40 2.4 Political Influence of Professions 40 2.5 Professions and Power: Professions, Economic Elites and the State 42 2.6 Professions, the Market and Class Relations 44 2.7 Division of Expert Labour: Jurisdiction 48 2.8 Comparative Approaches to Profession 50 2.9 The Professions within Business and Sociology for Business 52 2.10 Professions and Organisational Theory 58 2.11 Conclusions 60 Chapter 3: The Building Professions 64 3.0 Introduction 64 3.1 History and the Building Professions 64 3.2 Origins of the Building Professions 68 3.3 Consolidation of the Professions within the Building Industry 79 3.4 Decline of the Professions within the Building Industry 82 3.5 Wider Considerations of Decline 89 3.6 Conclusions 91 2 Chapter 4: Professional Associations 93 4.0 Introduction 93 4.1 The Future Professional Association 95 4.1.1 Running a Professional Association 95 4.1.2 Education and Training of Professionals 102 4.1.3 Continuing Professional Development 103 4.1.4 Maintaining Standards and Quality 103 4.1.5 Strategic Direction for Professional Associations 106 4.1.6 Conclusions 108 4.2 The System of Professional Organisation 109 4.2.1 The Study Association 109 4.2.2 The Qualifying Association 110 4.2.3 Trade Associations 110 4.3 Conclusions 112 Chapter 5: The Control of Admission and Training 115 5.0 Introduction 115 5.1 Controlling Admission 120 5.2 Why ‘control’ admission? 123 5.3 Control and Quality 127 5.4 What is being controlled? 133 5.5 Worth of the Professional Qualification 137 5.6 On what basis should control be administered? 140 5.7 Why Control Training? 142 5.8 Who Controls Training? 146 5.9 Constructing Competence 150 5.10 Published Sensemaking: RICS Educational Reviews 155 5.10.1 Wells Report 155 5.10.2 Eve Report 156 5.10.3 Review of Educational Policy (Brett-Jones Report) 156 5.10.4 Marketing Surveying Education 157 5.10.5 Agenda for Change 157 5.10.6 Investing in Futures 158 5.10.7 And so? 159 5.11 The Construction of Control of the Architect: Registration, ARB and RIBA 160 5.12 Conclusions 165 Chapter 6: Define and Defend a Jurisdiction 168 6.0 Introduction 168 6.1 How to Define a Jurisdiction? 168 6.2 Who Defines a Jurisdiction? 175 6.2.1 Royal Charter 176 3 6.2.2 Statute 177 6.2.3 Association and Identity 179 6.3 The Corporate Creation of a Jurisdiction: What is a Jurisdiction? 180 6.4 Defending the Jurisdiction 183 6.5 The Case of Architecture 189 6.6 The Case of Surveying 193 6.6.1 Quantity Surveying as a Professional Jurisdiction: the Formal Route 195 6.6.2 Building Surveying versus Engineering as a Discipline 203 6.7 Conclusions 207 Chapter 7: Regulate Each Other’s Behaviour 211 7.0 Introduction 211 7.1 Peer Regulation: ‘each other’ 212 7.2 Executive Regulation: Non-Peers versus Peers 215 7.3 Executive Regulation: Strategic Decoupling 218 7.4 Third Party (State) Regulation: ARB 225 7.5 RICS Engagement and Approved Decoupling 228 7.6 Competency Enforcement: Losing Members versus Control 232 7.7 Conclusions 233 Chapter 8: Defend and Enhance Corporate Status 236 8.0 Introduction 236 8.1 Modem 237 8.2 Commercialisation 240 8.3 Playing with the ‘Big Boys’ 240 8.4 Member Sensemaking of Self-status 242 8.4.1 By Report 242 8.4.2 Respondents . 244 8.5 Organisational Sensemaking: Case of RICS 254 8.5.1 Surveyors and their Future 254 8.5.2 Surveying in the Eighties 256 8.5.3 Cubbon Report 256 8.5.4 Structure and Designations Review 257 8.5.5 Agenda for Change 257 8.5.6 The New RICS (The Harris Report) 258 8.5.7 The Brooke review 259 8.5.8 Carsberg review 260 8.6 Executive Sensemaking 260 8.7 RIBA and Status 263 8.8 Conclusions 265 Chapter 9: Conclusions 267 9.1 The Research Problem 267 4 9.2 Summary 268 9.3 What Professions Do 271 9.3.1 Control Admission and Training 272 9.3.2 Define and Defend a Jurisdiction 273 9.3.3 Regulate Each other’s Behaviour 276 9.3.4 Defend and Enhance Corporate Status 278 9.4 Profession as an Identity 279 9.5 Narrative Themes 282 9.6 Secondary Literature in Focus 284 9.6.1 Functionalism 285 9.6.2 Power 287 9.6.3 Professional Project 289 9.6.4 Jurisdiction 290 9.6.5 Managerialism 292 9.7 Final Conclusions 293 Bibliography 296 APPENDICES 372 Appendix A: Occupational Definitions 372 Appendix B: Overview Brief Given to Individual Participants 384 Appendix C: Schedule of Interviewees 387 Architects 387 Building Surveyors 388 Commercial-Developer Professionals 389 Quantity Surveyors 389 Others 391 Associations 391 Appendix D: Selected List of Organisations within the English Building Industry 393 Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the MPhil/PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without the prior written consent of the author. I warrant that this authorization does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. 5 Abstract Abstract This thesis describes the methods by which individuals and associations give meaning to the concept of profession within the English building industry in the late modem period. The hypothesis is that professional associations control occupations. Whilst this might be accepted in a wider literature, building professionals identify with a far bleaker, late modem, interpretation of profession. The literature portrays a ‘backwards’ industry without a determinant authority, characterised by fragmented and servile professional associations. The thesis utilises Burrage’s (2006) four-goal-framework to structure its investigation through semi-structured interviews with professionals and their associations. This proposes that associations control admission and training, define and defend a jurisdiction, set up a system to govern their own members and seek to improve their corporate status. This work concludes that professionals and associations strategically engage with these issues. There are problems facing professions, but their demise is not one of them. Indeed, rather than be defensive, associations are enhancing their controlling systems. This involves a looser coupling between associations and their membership, which creates some fracturing to the construction of identity. However, the result is new forms of occupational provision, in alliance with both clients and the state, that establish clear dialogues for identity and very specific types of service that are well separated from external ‘quacks’. Faced with an environment that is ostensibly deeply sceptical, associations are selective in how they defend and enhance both their status and control systems. This has led, for example, to a withdrawal from controlling entry in the face of government demands to widen participation, to be replaced with strong regulatory schemes for members. This creates standardisation and practical guarantees of competency, a powerful executive in a quasi-judicial regulatory role, and clear rules of behaviour and permanent training through CPD. The result is ‘competent’, ‘safe’, ‘good’ and ‘ethical’ occupational jurisdiction. 6 Abstract Acknowledgements Firstly, I owe a debt of gratitude to all those participants who gave up their valuable time and agreed to be interviewed, providing me with such a rich vein of unique empirical data. Thank you. I also owe a great deal to Andrew, to Monika and to Ben for their moral support through this process. Finally, I would like to thank my family for their encouragement during many difficult periods, and especially to my Mum for proofing.
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