Russian Political, Economic, and Security Issues and U.S
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Yeltsin Coup in Russia Increases War Danger
Click here for Full Issue of EIR Volume 26, Number 33, August 20, 1999 U.S.A. and NATO as a whole, have lost the ability to conduct presently ongoing world crises, I could not guarantee suc- regular warfare. The chief reason is economic. As in “Desert cess, but I am the only figure who might have a chance Storm,” and as is shown in the resumed war on Iraq, and of success. the recent war against Yugoslavia, NATO is not capable of fighting war to win with military force on the ground. The very adoption of the lunacy of “Air-Land Battle 2000” by the U.S.A. attests less to what the U.S. military forces can do, Yeltsin coup in Russia than what they have lost the capability of doing. In the war against Yugoslavia, NATO did not fight war; increases war danger indeed, both NATO and the President of the U.S.A. insisted, that this was a punishment expedition, not an actual war. What by Konstantin George NATO’s bombing attacks did, was to destroy the economy of most of the nations bordering the Danube east of Vienna. Once the British monarchy prevailed upon President Clinton On the morning of Aug. 9, Russian President Boris Yeltsin to abandon the reconstruction perspective he had announced issued a decree, firing Prime Minister Sergei Stepashin and earlier, that entire region of southeastern Europe has been dismissing the cabinet. In a statement from the Presidential transformed into a bloody mass of attrition which will soon Press Office, as carried by Itar-TASS, Yeltsin named Vladi- destroy, chain-reaction style, the entire economy of both mir Putin, who has been head of the Federal Security Service northern and western Europe. -
Russian Political, Economic, and Security Issues and U.S. Interests
Order Code RL33407 CRS Report for Congress Received through the CRS Web Russian Political, Economic, and Security Issues and U.S. Interests Updated August 8, 2006 Stuart D. Goldman Specialist in Russian & Eurasian Affairs Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Congressional Research Service ˜ The Library of Congress Russian Political, Economic, and Security Issues and U.S. Interests Summary Vladimir Putin won reelection as President in March 2004, in an exercise in “managed democracy” in which he took 71% of the vote and faced no serious competition. The pro-Putin Unified Russia party similarly swept the parliamentary election in December 2003 and controls more than two-thirds of the seats in the Duma. Putin’s twin priorities remain to revive the economy and strengthen the state. He has brought TV and radio under tight state control and virtually eliminated effective political opposition. Federal forces have suppressed large-scale military resistance in Chechnya and in 2006 succeeded in killing most of the top Chechen rebel military and political leaders. The economic upturn that began in 1999 is continuing. The GDP and domestic investment are growing impressively after a long decline, inflation is contained, the budget is balanced, and the ruble is stable. Major problems remain: 18% of the population live below the poverty line, foreign investment is low, and crime, corruption, capital flight, and unemployment remain high. Putin apparently seeks simultaneously to tighten political control and accelerate economic reform. Russian foreign policy has grown more self-confident and assertive, fueled in part by huge profits from oil and gas exports. Russia seeks to use its role as an energy giant to revive its status as a world power. -
The Dual Structure and Mentality of Vladimir Putin´S Power Coalition: A
This report analyses the Russian authoritarian regime that emerged under Vladimir Putin and attempts to give a wider context to the so-called FSB-ization of the Russian government. The Dual Structure and Mentality of Joris van Bladel The first part of the report deals with Putin’s main achievements in domestic and foreign policy and examines the extent to which state policy has fulfilled the aspirations of the Russian public. The much-needed stability and Vladimir Putin’s Power Coalition security that Putin has brought to the country seem to outweigh the fact that the government has veered towards authoritarianism. The degree to which Russian society has truly been taken over by the FSB is critically examined, A legacy for Medvedev and this process of FSB-ization is explained in a wider social and historical context. DR. JORIS VAN BLADEL The second part aims to bring some insight into the current political dynamic by examining the power relations in the coalition and the mentalities typical of the major factions: the ‘siloviki’ and the liberal. In particular, the ‘siloviki’ are critically examined with regard to their history, their typical modes of thinking, and their rise to influence. The very notion of ‘siloviki’ is given a more precise explanation by showing why they have come to power, whom the term ‘siloviki’ should actually be applied to, what their mode of thinking is like, and how PowerCoalition Putin’s Vladimir of Mentality and Dual Structure The influential they are likely to be in the future. The study then focuses on the actual siloviki faction: its members, its role, and its influence. -
Global Financial Flows of Putin's Russia
FREE RUSSIA FOUNDATION based on exclusive field work materials Global Financial Flows of Putin’s Russia WASHINGTON, DC JULY 2020 FREE RUSSIA FOUNDATION based on exclusive field work materials GLOBAL FINANCIAL FLOWS OF PUTIN’S RUSSIA WASHINGTON, DC JULY 2020 Free Russia Foundation Washington, DC, 2020 Editors Peter Eltsov and Natalya Lunde Contents About this Project 3 Key Findings 4 Introduction: The Power and Weakness of Putin’s Illicit System 8 Chapter 1: The System 16 Chapter 2: Organizing and Financing Political and Military Projects 28 Chapter 3: The Key Players 40 Chapter 4: The Future of the System: Plausible Scenarios 50 Chapter 5: Risks and Threats to the US and International Security 63 Chapter 6: Recommendations 79 Table 1: The System’s Lines of Action 91 Table 2: The System’s Types of Financing 92 Table 3: Examples of Projects 93 Table 4: Scenarios 94 Table 5. Interviews Cited in this Report 96 About this Project In the past decade, Putin’s Russia has emerged as a rogue regime seeking to advance its interests domestically and globally by non-traditional means circumventing international norms, institutions and agreements. Events of the past few years, including Russia’s invasion of Georgia (2008) and Ukraine (2014), the downing of the MH17 (2014), assassination attempts in the U.K. (2006, 2012, 2013, 2018), coup plots in the Balkans (2016, 2018), and bounty offered to Afghan militants for killing US troops (2019-2020), to name just a few of the most outrageous and widely known cases, have demonstrated the destructive potential of an unrestrained Russia to the interests of the United States and its allies. -
Putin's Russia
No. 36 4 March 2008 rrussianussian aanalyticalnalytical ddigestigest www.res.ethz.ch www.russlandanalysen.de THE PUTIN LEGACY ■ ANALYSIS Putin’s Political Legacy 2 By Robert Orttung, Washington ■ ANALYSIS Putin’s Economic Legacy 5 By Anders Åslund, Washington ■ OPINION POLL Putin’s Russia: the Years 2000–2007 in the Eyes of the Population 8 ■ ANALYSIS Putin’s Foreign Policy Legacy 11 By Edward Lucas, London ■ OPINION POLL Th e World’s View on Putin’s Russia. Results of an International Opinion Poll 14 ■ ANALYSIS Vladimir Putin’s Central Asian Policy 2000–08: In Search of Security and Infl uence 17 By Andrei A. Kazantsev, Moscow ■ ANALYSIS Th e North and South Caucasus and Russia under Putin: Problems and Challenges 21 By Sergei Markedonov, Moscow ■ DOCUMENTATION Th e Preliminary Offi cial Result of the 2008 Presidential Elections 25 Research Centre for East Center for Security Otto Wolff -Stiftung DGO European Studies, Bremen Studies, ETH Zurich rrussianussian aanalyticalnalytical russian analytical digest 36/08 ddigestigest Analysis Putin’s Political Legacy By Robert Orttung, Washington Russian President Vladimir Putin has created a political system that is in many ways unique to Russian his- tory as it combines some Soviet practices, achievements from the Gorbachev and Yeltsin period, and new features. Russia is much more open to foreign infl uence than it was during the Soviet period. Most Russian citizens are free to travel, and Russians have access to the Internet, which provides unfettered information, debate, and some ability to organize on line. With the end of offi cial state planning for the economy and the occurrence of high oil and gas prices, Russian citizens are now better off economically than ever before. -
Russian Politics Timeline 1999-2011 Havighurst Center for Russian and Post-Soviet Studies Miami University Oxford Ohio 2011
Russian Politics Timeline 1999-2011 Havighurst Center for Russian and Post-Soviet Studies Miami University Oxford Ohio 2011 Ilya Glazunov. The Market of Our Democracy, 1999 Prepared by Prof. Karen Dawisha and students of the Havighurst Colloquium at Miami University, Oxford, Ohio Matthew Bodner Christopher Raines Timothy Boll Kunduz Rysbek Kyzy Ann Daniels Samuel Satterfield Austin Davis Maria Semykoz Kristina Gaietto Vladislav Vyazov Alexandra Henry Ekaterina Zabrovskaya Timothy Model http://www.units.muohio.edu/havighurstcenter/links/PutinsRussia.html Russian Politics Timeline 1999-2011, Prepared by students of Professor Karen Dawisha‘s Havighurst Colloquium class at Miami University, Fall 2011 © The Havighurst Center, 2011. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means without permission in writing from the Havighurst Center. Havighurst Center for Russian and Post-Soviet Studies Harrison Hall Miami University Oxford Ohio 45056 513-529-3383 email [email protected] Karen Dawisha, et al., Russian Politics Timeline 1999-2011 (Oxford, OH: Havighurst Center, Miami University, 2011). 2 Russian Politics Timeline 1999-2011, Prepared by students of Professor Karen Dawisha‘s Havighurst Colloquium class at Miami University, Fall 2011 Table of Contents 1999-2001 ................................................................................................. 5 2001-2002 ............................................................................................... 11 2003-2004