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BOB BOUGHTON AND DEBORAH DURNAN

4. POPULAR EDUCATION PEDAGOGY AND SOUTH–SOUTH SOLIDARITY

An Asia Pacific Perspective

INTRODUCTION

Australia, our homeland, is a colonial settler state, created as a nation in 1901 from six separate colonial territories illegally claimed by Britain in the 18th and 19th centuries. This massive land theft dispossessed over 500 separate Indigenous nations, numbering perhaps one million people, who had occupied the continent and associated islands for over 50,000 years. Today, 220 years since the invasion began, the descendants of those peoples are still not recognised constitutionally as the country’s original owners, nor have they been able to negotiate any treaty relationships with the settler population. To live in Australia as we do, as non- Indigenous people, then, is to live as part of an occupation force. For this reason, ‘decolonising solidarity’ is a fundamental principle of progressive ‘settler’ politics in Australia (Land, 2015). Solidarity with the decolonisation struggles of the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples of Australia has historically involved solidarity links with international labour and socialist movements. In the 1950s, for example, activists in an Aboriginal strike struggle on pastoral properties took their case to international forums, and their demands for equal treatment were raised at the United Nations by the Soviet ambassador (Boughton, 2001). Our own1 political activism began later, in the 1970s, when we began working with the Aboriginal rights movement, with movements in other countries of the Asia Pacific and also with southern Africa. In the 1990s, we joined the international Popular Education Network, whose South African members hosted us on a visit in 2006, where we were ‘exposed’, as Filipino popular educators call it, to some of the work of the South African popular education movement. Now, a decade later, we reciprocate the solidarity we experienced on that visit by contributing a chapter to this volume, exploring the relationship between popular education and international solidarity in our region. The chapter begins with a brief account of popular education in Australia and our region. We then reflect on the longer history of popular education and international solidarity, its roots in the movement for socialism and national liberation, and the role of mass literacy campaigns in that movement. The next section introduces the Cuban Yo, Sí Puedo! (Yes, I Can!) programme of south–south solidarity in the field

Bob Boughton and Deborah Durnan - 9789463009232 Downloaded from Brill.com10/01/2021 06:29:21AM via free access B. Boughton & d. durnan of adult literacy, drawing on our direct experience of this work in Timor-Leste and Aboriginal Australia. This leads into a discussion of the philosophy and practice of solidarity, as it is understood by the Cuban popular educators who developed this work, before concluding with some final reflections.

POPULAR EDUCATION IN AUSTRALIA AND THE ASIA PACIFIC

The term ‘popular education’ is relatively new to Australia. Paulo Freire visited our country in 1975, as a guest of the Australian Council of Churches, and his visit helped spur the development of a radical education movement whose focus, however, was mainly on universities and schools (Griffiths & Downey, 2015; Harris, 2014). It took another two decades before the Centre for Popular Education formed, at the University of Technology Sydney, providing an institutional base for a radical adult education focused on social movements. By then, popular education was already flourishing in the region, with active movements in Indonesia, the Philippines, Malaysia, several Pacific Island nations and in Timor-Leste. Our first contact with this movement was not through our university or adult education connections, but through the anti-US-bases movement and the Nuclear Free and Independent Pacific movement, both of which had strong and active networks of solidarity throughout the region. A series of mass actions in 1987 and 1988 at the US military intelligence facility known as Pine Gap in Alice Springs (where we lived at the time) brought us into direct contact with popular education, also known by the term the Filipinos used, ‘cultural action’. In the years that followed, there were several exchanges, some facilitated by the Asia Pacific Bureau of Adult Education, and some by peace movement and solidarity organisations, in which Australians like ourselves learned more of this vibrant regional movement. This was, above all, a movement against colonialism, militarism and imperialism in the region, and its key demands were for peace, independence and popular sovereignty for the Indigenous and colonised peoples of the region. Of course, these movements had a much longer history than many activists knew at that time. The peace movement, for example, had already become a mass force in the region during the years of the American war in Vietnam, and before that, in the nuclear disarmament movement of the 1950s. The antiwar movement had spawned a Southern African Liberation Centre (SALC) which operated in Sydney in the 1970s, supporting the independence struggles in the Portuguese colonies and the anti-apartheid struggle in South Africa. SALC was one of the main organising centres of the successful anti-apartheid demonstrations against the visiting South African rugby side in 1971. These demonstrations also highlighted the emergence of a new and more militant black leadership in the Aboriginal rights movement, who used the opportunity to draw attention to Australia’s own apartheid-style legislation and the ongoing history of decolonisation (Foley, 2001). Like the Aboriginal struggle, many of the so-called modern anticolonial, anti- imperial independence struggles in countries of the Asia-Pacific region had

Bob Boughton and Deborah Durnan - 9789463009232 Downloaded from Brill.com10/01/2021 06:29:21AM via free access Popular Education Pedagogy and South–South Solidarity originated in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. Recovering this history, and helping contemporary activists and popular educators to know and reflect on it, has since become an integral part of our work in popular education. One of the most important lessons to learn from this is that the key centres of popular struggle, for almost all of the last 100 years, have been in the so-called periphery, the countries of the global South. For English speakers of Anglo-European heritage, this is very hard to come to terms with, because our education system, our media and many other sources of information and analysis are relentlessly Eurocentric. This is one reason why we argue that the work of international solidarity is itself a pedagogy, a form of popular education, because it teaches us an alternative version of world history. This work has its academic counterpart in the recent turn to ‘southern theory’ (Connell, 2007).

DOES POPULAR EDUCATION HAVE A PAST?

That said, our historical research into the origins of popular education has in fact taken us back to Europe, to the early international socialist movement which linked the traditions of French revolutionary Jacobinism to the trade union and democratic aspirations of English Chartism. In earlier work (Boughton, 1997), we argued that the Chartist leader Ernest Jones, who became an ally of Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, was a founder of English-speaking popular education, editing the Chartist newspaper whose masthead carried the slogan ‘A people’s education is safe only in a people’s hands’ (Armstrong, 1988). It was the Chartists who took the French idea of solidarity into the First International, where it became a core value of the international socialist movement. Solidarity, in those times, was a basic principle of the society which revolutionaries sought to build, and it was also a principle of their struggle to get there and a practical aspect of their strategy. As Michael Lebowitz (2015, p. 38) reminds us in his work on 21st-century socialism, drawing on recent experiences in Latin America, and on his study of the failures of Soviet-style socialism in Eastern Europe, the principle of solidarity is fundamental to socialism because it recognises, in the words of the Communist Manifesto, that ‘The free development of each is the condition of the free development of all’. The European working-class movement discovered this in the 19th century, well before Emile Durkheim introduced the concept into the lexicon of academic sociology. Karl Liebknecht, German socialist and co-founder with Rosa Luxemburg of the Spartacist League and the Communist Party of Germany, wrote that ‘the concept of general human solidarity is the highest cultural and moral concept; to turn it into reality is the task of socialism’ (Pensky, 2008, p. 7). Similar discoveries were made at the same time within the independence and workers’ movements of the global South. For example, José Martí, the 19th-century revolutionary and educator (Streck, 2008) who is recognised as the father of Cuban independence, and whose bust appears outside every school in Cuba, declared Patria es humanidad (Our homeland is humanity). This same spirit animated

Bob Boughton and Deborah Durnan - 9789463009232 Downloaded from Brill.com10/01/2021 06:29:21AM via free access B. Boughton & d. durnan the international collaboration that Vladimir Lenin aimed to achieve through the Communist International he established in 1919, linking communist and workers’ parties and national liberation movements from around the world. It was likewise expressed in the Tricontinental Conference hosted by the revolutionary government of Cuba in Havana in January 1966, which aimed to unite the anti-imperialist movements of Asia, Africa and the Americas. This Conference, according to Thomas Muhr (2016), created the first institutionalised expression of ‘south–south’ collaboration following World War II. From this longer historical vantage point, it becomes clear that international solidarity and popular education have been intimately related for more than 150 years, because both have been central to the work of the movement for socialism. Any number of case studies of international solidarity work would reveal that, like all work, it involves a pedagogy. In other words, while participants’ focus may be on specific actions and political outcomes, solidarity work also changes the participants themselves, and is therefore an example of what we now call social movement learning (Choudry, 2009). More importantly, it is part of what for Marx defined revolutionary practice: the simultaneous changing of circumstances and human activity or self-change (Lebowitz, 2015). In this chapter, however, we want to go beyond the idea of international solidarity as an implicit pedagogy, to discuss the way socialists have used popular education itself as a means of expressing and consolidating international solidarity. The use of mass literacy campaigns as a popular education strategy in the struggle for socialism dates back to the years immediately following the Bolshevik revolution in Russia. In a speech to the Second Congress of Political Education, Lenin said: As long as there is such a thing in the country as illiteracy, it is rather hard to talk about political education. To overcome illiteracy is not a political task, it is a condition without which one cannot even talk about politics. (Kenez, 1982, p. 175) A mass literacy campaign became one of the main strategies of the Bolshevik government, one whose results are still the subject of major debate. But, whatever the results, the linking of mass literacy campaigns to the need for political education went on to become a defining feature of other revolutionary and national liberation movements in the 20th century, with campaigns conducted, among others, in pre- revolutionary China (Hayford, 1987), in the areas of French Indochina controlled by the Vietnamese national liberation armies and in the liberation movements of southern Africa. This socialist heritage was a major foundation to the iconic Cuban literacy campaign of 1961 (Kozol, 1978), which also had an explicitly political education agenda (Fagen, 1964). By the time, then, that Paulo Freire began to theorise the politics of literacy to a resurgent popular education movement in Latin America, there had already been six decades of literacy campaign practice by socialist and national liberation movements on which to draw.

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TIMOR-LESTE, CUBA AND YO, SÍ PUEDO!

Our own involvement in literacy campaigns came about through our solidarity work. In the 1980s and 1990s, supporting the struggle of the people of East Timor against the invasion and occupation of their country by the regime of the Indonesian military dictator General Suharto became a major focus of the Australian peace movement in which we were active participants. It is now recognised that international solidarity played a significant role in the eventual defeat of the Indonesian strategy, supported by Australia and most western powers, to integrate this tiny island nation into the Indonesian Republic (Fernandes, 2011). What is less known is that this solidarity work began in Australia in the offices of the SALC in Sydney, whose links with the national liberation movement in the Portuguese colonies of Africa also helped create solidarity links with the Timorese liberation party, FRETILIN2 (Boughton, Durnan, & Da Silva, 2015). Our involvement in solidarity work with FRETILIN during the 24 years of the Indonesian occupation led us to be invited by the FRETILIN government in 2005 to assist with developing their national adult literacy campaign. At that stage, over 50 per cent of adults, and a much higher proportion in the countryside, had minimal if any literacy in either of the country’s official languages (Portuguese and Tetum). To overcome this problem, FRETILIN had the support of Cuba, which had already sent over 400 doctors to help Timor build a primary healthcare system, and in late 2005, the first Cuban literacy mission of 11 educators arrived to begin work on developing a national literacy campaign. This is how we first learned of Yo, Sí Puedo!, Cuba’s international model for building adult literacy. Working with staff in the Ministry of Education and a team of activists from Dai Popular, the country’s popular education movement (Durnan, 2005), the Cuban advisers first undertook pilot projects. They utilised materials in Portuguese which had been developed for Brazil, where Yo, Sí Puedo! is used by, among others, the Landless Workers’ Movement (Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra). To assist the local tutors (called monitors) they developed a manual in the local Indigenous language Tetum, trained organisers and tutors from every district, and helped establish national, regional and local structures to lead the campaign. The first classes opened in the capital, Dili, in June 2007. Six years later, over 200 000 adults had taken part, and every one of Timor-Leste’s 13 districts had been declared ‘free of illiteracy’. Remarkably, all this was achieved despite both a major political crisis which led to the loss of government by the independence party FRETILIN, and no support from the myriad international aid and development agencies operating in the country (Boughton, 2010; Boughton & Durnan, 2014). In 2012, as the Timor-Leste campaign was winding down, a new one was beginning in a remote Aboriginal community in Australia, in the town of Wilcannia in western New South Wales (Boughton, Chee, Beetson, Durnan, & Leblanch, 2013). The experience of Timor-Leste had taught a group of us who had worked on it what might be possible in our own country, and with the support of our Aboriginal colleague, Jack Beetson, we were able to begin a pilot of the campaign model here.

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On the day the campaign was launched, one of the speakers was Zelia Fernandes, a member of the Timorese women’s movement (Organização Popular da Mulher Timorense) and an activist in Dai Popular. In September 2004, Zelia had helped organise her newly independent country’s first national adult literacy conference, which resolved to embark on a national literacy campaign. As she told the crowd of more than 300 locals, mostly Aboriginal people, who had gathered in the Wilcannia town park for the launch: I was surprised but also happy to hear that the Wilcannia community is launching an adult literacy campaign, using the same method as Timor-Leste, Yo, Si Puedo! Or Yes, I Can! The method is flexible and already used in many countries in the world. In Timor we translate it into our official languages Los, hau bele! (Tetum) and Sim, eu posso! (Portuguese). East Timor started the campaign in 2007 with support from Cuban Advisors. The campaign was running in 13 districts across the country. Today 7 districts are declared freed of illiteracy and about 164,000 people have learned to read and write. By 2015 East Timor will be declared free of illiteracy… Today is a historic day for us, the Wilcannia Aboriginal Adult Literacy Campaign will start soon. So facilitators and participants and campaign team, don’t think that you are alone. With everyone around you, your family and your community and with international solidarity to support you, you can make this campaign happen and [be a] success. (Boughton & Durnan, 2014, pp. 560–561)

CUBA, POPULAR EDUCATION AND INTERNATIONAL SOLIDARITY

In 2005, when the first Cuban advisers arrived in Timor-Leste, 15 other countries had already begun to benefit from this remarkable programme of south–south cooperation. At the time of writing, there are now 30 countries that have joined this global movement to address the problem of low literacy. According to Cuban authorities, the total number of people who have gained basic literacy since the model was first used in Haiti in 2000 now numbers close to 10 million. Yo, Sí Puedo! thus stands alongside Cuba’s better-known medical missions, which send Cuban doctors all over the word while bringing students from the recipient countries to train in medicine in Cuba, as a model for 21st-century south–south solidarity and cooperation (Brower, 2011; Kirk & Erisman, 2009). However, apart from our own articles, there remain very few other English-language academic studies of this work (e.g. Artaraz, 2012; Muhr, 2015; Ratcliffe, 2014). It is no accident that this campaign originated in a socialist country which, since its own revolution in 1959, has struggled to build and maintain solidarity links with people, governments and movements in struggle all over the world. Readers in southern Africa will be aware, as perhaps others are not, of the historic role played by Cuba in providing military support to the liberation forces in Angola against the

Bob Boughton and Deborah Durnan - 9789463009232 Downloaded from Brill.com10/01/2021 06:29:21AM via free access Popular Education Pedagogy and South–South Solidarity invading army of apartheid South Africa (Saney, 2009). Less well known, perhaps, are the educational aid missions which accompanied the military mission, and which continued after victory had been won (Hatzky, 2008). Cuba has been particularly active in supporting other countries’ literacy campaigns, well before Yo, Sí Puedo!, with Cuban advisers having taken part in campaigns in Angola, Nicaragua and Guinea Bissau in the 1970s and 1980s. Over time, Cuba has developed its own philosophy and theory around mass literacy provision, one which is virtually unknown in the English-speaking world (Canfux Gutiérrez, González, & Hickling-Hudson, 2012). The ‘Cuban School’ of literacy, as their own literacy academics refer to it, is based on the humanist philosophy of José Martí, of which international solidarity is a core concept. It also owes a great deal to the pedagogical ideas of Che Guevara (Holst, 2009), and to the experience of over 50 years of mass literacy campaign work, beginning with its own campaign in 1961.

MASS LITERACY CAMPAIGNS AND THE PEDAGOGY OF INTERNATIONAL SOLIDARITY

In 2010, we were able to visit Cuba and meet with the academics at IPLAC3 in Havana to discuss our evaluation of the campaign in Timor-Leste and the possibility of mounting a campaign in Australia. We returned three years later, to attend Pedagogia 2013, a conference which brings together several thousand educators from Latin America, the Caribbean and countries in Africa such as Angola and Namibia where Cuba is providing educational assistance. On these visits we spent some time with one of the founders of Cuba’s international literacy work, Jaime Canfux. In presentations on the Cuban School, Canfux argued that mass illiteracy should be understood as a historically determined dialectical contradiction between those who are literate, because they have received an education, and those who are illiterate, because they have not. This contradiction, he argues, which arises from past patterns of inequality, plays a fundamental role in either the perpetuation of that inequality or in overcoming it. Cuban educators developed Yo, Sí Puedo! to fulfil the need for a programme capable of reaching millions in a short time and at minimal cost. In the Cuban view, theory, such as the theory of Paulo Freire, is only as good as the practice which it generates. There has to be not just a theory of liberation, but a liberatory practice, a practice which bridges that contradiction, allowing teachers and learners to work together on a mass scale to produce something different, a more equal society. How that is to be done can only be decided on the basis of the real existing conditions of the society concerned, and each society will need to approach the problem in the way which suits its conditions. This is, nevertheless, a powerful lesson in solidarity. The role of the Cubans is not to import their own politics into the country or context in which they work, but to support the development of participation by the least literate in the political processes available to them. No less an authority than Karl Marx made a similar point in a speech to the International Workingmen’s Association in 1869:

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On the one hand a change of social circumstances is required to establish a proper system of education, on the other hand a proper system of education is required to bring about a change of social circumstances; we must therefore commence where we are. (Blunden, n.d.) For this reason, unlike Cuba’s own literacy campaign materials, or those used, for example, in the 1979 Nicaraguan literacy crusade, the content of Yo, Sí Puedo! is deliberately ‘non-political’. The Cubans believe that the political content and meaning has to be made by the local leaders, teachers and participants, based on their own existing conditions. So, for example, in Venezuela, the Yo, Sí Puedo! campaign was an essential part of the process of mobilising supporters of the Bolivarian revolution to become more active participants in locally managed political organisations, such as the communal councils. It played a similar role, in Nicaragua, according to Muhr (2015, p. 127), who concludes from his study of the campaign that Yo, Sí Puedo! should not be regarded as ‘best practice transfer’ among developing countries, but as integral to South–South cooperation as a collective counter-hegemonic process of Third World liberation and emancipation for structural transformation towards a socially just and democratic world order. On the other hand, in Timor-Leste, where the campaign had to survive a change of government following the 2006/2007 political crisis, it became much more a conventional literacy programme, with little explicit political content. Likewise, in Australia, where liberal democratic ideology is dominant, the campaign in Aboriginal communities does not aim to provide political education in the way it has in some Latin American countries. Rather, it seeks to give people the tools to become more active participants in their own local Indigenous organisations, such as Land Council organisations, and in the wider political process.

CONCLUSION

From both our historical research and our direct experience we have come to see that the theory and practice of international solidarity which we have inherited from the movement for socialism is an essential component of the curriculum and pedagogy of popular education. Acts of international solidarity are themselves educative, in that they give us direct access to the international character both of capitalism and of the struggles to transform it. But more than that, they expand our understandings of who ‘we’ are, building a common understanding across the diversity and difference which often tends to divide our struggles. Nowhere is this more important than in the work on which the Cubans have been engaged now for over 55 years, the work to bring into the process of political participation and struggle the 800 million adults across the globe who have been denied the most fundamental right to learn.

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NOTES

1 The authors, Bob and Deborah. 2 Frente Revolucionária de Timor-Leste Independente (Revolutionary Front for an Independent East Timor). 3 IPLAC, the Institute for Pedagogy in Latin America and the Caribbean, is the centre within the José Varona Pedagogical University in Havana where Yo, Sí Puedo! was developed, and where Cuban advisers are trained to undertake the international literacy missions.

REFERENCES

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Bob Boughton University of New England

Deborah Durnan Literacy for Life Foundation

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