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Schriftkulturen – Identitäten Der Antike Sprachen – Schriftkulturen – Identitäten der Antike Beiträge des XV. Internationalen Kongresses für Griechische und Lateinische Epigraphik Wien, 28. August bis 1. September 2017 Einzelvorträge Wiener Beiträge zur Alten Geschichte online (WBAGon) 1 (wbagon.univie.ac.at) Herausgegeben von TYCHE – Verein zur Förderung der Alten Geschichte in Österreich vertreten durch Franziska Beutler und Theresia Pantzer Wien 2019 This article should be cited as: Tuomo Nuorluoto, Names and Social Distinction: How were Roman Female patronae Recorded in the Nomenclature of Their Slaves?, in: F. Beutler, Th. Pantzer (ed.), Sprachen – Schriftkulturen – Identitäten der Antike. Beiträge des XV. Internationalen Kongresses für Griechische und Lateinische Epigraphik, Wien 28. August bis 1. September 2017: Einzelvorträge, Wiener Beiträge zur Alten Geschichte online (WBAGon) 1, Wien 2019 (DOI: 10.25365/wbagon-2019-1-15) This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License. © authors 2019 I NHALTSVERZEICHNIS Emiliano A r e n a Una nuova evidenza di sigle “demotiche” e di synkletos dalla Sicilia tardoellenistica: SEG LIX.1102 e la storia di Kale Akte François B é r a r d Les carrières des sous-officiers de l’armée romaine : derrière la diversité des parcours l’affirmation d’une forte identité militaire Francesco C a m i a At the Crossroads of Different Traditions. Social and Cultural Dynamics in Roman Thrace Through the Epigraphic Practice Massimo C asagrande, Gianfranca Salis I miliari di Capoterra (Cagliari – Sardegna). Notizia preliminare Patrizia d e Bernardo Stempel Celtic Religion between Epichoric and Roman Epigraphy Françoise d e s Boscs Epigraphie des amphores de la Bétique et épigraphie lapidaire. L'apport d'une approche croisée à l'histoire socio-économique des élites : Le dossier des Stertinii Paul E r n s t L’usage du latin dans les pratiques épigraphiques des Italiens installés dans la Grèce égéenne aux IIe et Ier siècles avant notre ère Concepción Fernández-Martínez CLE de las Galias: Estado de la cuestión y avances para la edición de CIL XVIII/3 Rossella G i g l i o, Rossana D e S i m o n e Epigraphica Lilybetana. Tra Punici, Greci e Romani. Un decennio di ricerche (2006–2016). Note bibliografiche Hernán González Bordas, Jérôme France A Mention of conciliabula in the Imperial Regulation from Lella Drebblia (AE, 2001, 2083), Dougga, Tunisia Takashi Hasegawa Identités et statuts sociaux des commerçants connus dans les sanctuaires de Nehalennia Christine Hoët-van Cauwenberghe Fanum Martis (Gaule Belgique) : L’écrit du quotidien dans un vicus Nervien Sara Kaczko Greek Myths, Local Pottery and Vase-Inscriptions: Hellenic Culture and Indigenous Identity in 4th Century Magna Graecia Urpo Kantola Römische Namen in griechischen Inschriften: Ein Überblick auf die Filiationen und andere Genitivbestimmungen im Späthellenismus und in der frühen Kaiserzeit Tuomo Nuorluoto Names and Social Distinction: How were Roman Female patronae Recorded in the Nomenclature of Their Slaves? Julien M. O g e r e a u, Ulrich H u t t n e r The Inscriptiones Christianae Graecae Database. Towards a Digital Corpus of Early Christian Inscriptions from Greece and Asia Minor Taisuke Okada Some Notes on IG I3 1032 and the Crews of Athenian Triremes in the Fifth Century BCE Werner Petermandl, Astrid Schmölzer, Wolfgang Spickermann Zum Start des FWF-Projekts ‚Die keltischen Götternamen in den Inschriften der römischen Provinz Germania Inferior‘. Mercurius Gebrinios: Ein Fallbeispiel Catherine S a l i o u Espace urbain et mémoire des empereurs en Orient dans l'Antiquité tardive Felix H. S c h u l t e Städtische Politik im kaiserzeitlichen Italien. Epigraphisch überlieferte Beschlüsse der städtischen Dekurionenräte und ihre Aussagen bezüglich der munizipalen Selbstverwaltung Erkki S i r o n e n Abteilung der Verse in den spätantiken Epigrammen von Griechenland Marco Tentori Montalto Die Weihgaben des Kroisos für Amphiaraos: Herodot und BÉ 2015, n. 306 Ekkehard W e b e r Lateinische Epigraphik in Wien Serena Z o i a Donne in Transpadana ai tempi della romanizzazione tra conservatorismo e innovazione T UOMO N UORLUOTO NAMES AND SOCIAL DISTINCTION: HOW WERE ROMAN FEMALE PATRONAE RECORDED IN THE NOMENCLATURE OF THEIR SLAVES? The inspiration for this survey came from a correspondence with the Finnish professor and epigraphist Heikki Solin some time ago. I had asked his view on an inscription that he had previously discussed1: AE 1998, 336 (Ferentinum) Demetrius / Serranae Antoni / [m]inister Spei sacr(um) The inscription records a slave of ‘Serrana, wife of Antonius’. Who she was, is not clear. The name Serranus/a itself could technically be either a nomen or a cognomen.2 As the latter, it was used by senatorial Atilii during the Republic, and in theory the wife of Antonius could belong to that noble house. It seems, however, more likely, as Solin suggests, that she was a local woman. First, we have no information of any senatorial Atilii owning land (or anything else for that matter) near Ferentinum, where the inscription was apparently discovered.3 Second, the document dates to the early Empire, and the Atilii Serrani were in decline already in the late Republic.4 It seems therefore better to assume that the wife of Antonius was a local woman, perhaps belonging to the municipal aristocracy of Ferentinum. The next step would be then to establish whether Serrana was her nomen or cognomen. Solin was quite convinced that we are dealing with a gentile name, because, as he claims, among common people it would be unthinkable if a freeborn woman was designated with only her cognomen in the nomenclature of her slave.5 This claim, in fact, is what primarily encouraged me to conduct this survey. Indeed, Solin’s argument seems right. But so far there seems to be no systematic study on how female patronae were actually called in the nomenclatures of their slaves.6 Such a study seems justified also in light of the fact that, in the Roman world, it is only in the nomenclatures of slaves and former slaves that the person’s identity could be clarified through a reference to a woman. In the case of the freeborn population, such indication, if there was one, was practically always to a male relative (father, grandfather, brother, even son(s)) – but never to a female one. A study of this kind may therefore be of interest also from a gender historical point of view. The material for this contribution consists mostly of the cases compiled in Solin’s book of slave names from the city of Rome.7 For this reason the discussion here will mainly focus on urban inscrip- tions. My aim is to investigate the different ways, in which female patronae could be recorded in the 1 Solin 1998, pp. 138-140. 2 Schulze 1904, p. 371; Solin & Salomies, Repertorium, p. 169; as a nomen also CIL III 14206,27 (Philippi), attesting Serrana Sex(ti) f(ilia) Secunda. Prof. Olli Salomies has also informed me of the existence of another inscription from Philippi, recording a ‘Serrana Secunda’, who perhaps was the same woman (this inscription for some reason is not in the Clauss-Slaby database). Furthermore, the name Seranus/a may be a variant of Serranus/a, cf. for example AE 2009, 1125 = TitAq 1, 207. 3 At least there are no mentions in Andermahr 1998. 4 The last consul was in office in 106 BCE (see MRR 1, p. 552), and from the imperial period we only know one Atilius Serranus (PIR2 A 1308) and in addition one Nonius Asprenas Calpurnius Serranus (PIR2 N 125). 5 “...sarà qui preferibile intendere Serrana come gentilizio, perché sarebbe assai insolito chiamare la padrona solo con il co- gnome, a meno con si tratti di una rappresentante femminile della famiglia dei famosi Atilii Serrani, nel qual caso l’omissione del gentilizio sarebbe in qualche modo perdonabile; ma è evidente che abbiamo a che fare qui con gente comune, non con una famiglia senatoria, e tra gente comune non è pensabile che una donna ingenua fosse designata con il solo cognome nell’ono- mastica del suo schiavo. Serrana sarà dunque qui un gentilizio...” Solin 1998, p. 139. 6 Manumitted slaves are largely omitted from this survey, but for a future study it might be worth taking them into consideration as well. 7 H. Solin, Die stadtrömischen Sklavennamen: ein Namenbuch. Stuttgart 1996. 2 XV. Internationaler Kongress für Griechische und Lateinische Epigraphik nomenclature of their slaves, and to find out if these styles can tell us something about the background and status of the person in question. I believe that the material, comprising of 446 cases, will suffice to give a general picture of the phenomenon.8 From a methodological point of view, it may be worth pointing out that slave names with no patron mentioned at all are by far more common than those with a patron on record, let alone a female patron (we are talking about several thousands of attestations vs. some 446). The fact that the patrona is even mentioned may therefore be of some significance for the discussion on such matters as rank and status. In other words, it is naturally more likely for an elite woman to be recorded as part of the nomenclature of her slave than it is for a person outside the upper classes, since this also would also elevate the slave’s own standing, although in many cases personal affection and other such factors may obviously also have played a role. Survey of the material The following tables are given to illustrate the different onomastic patterns, in which female patronae were recorded, and their chronological and social distribution. Table 1: Onomastic styles attested for female patronae: Nomen9: 214 Cognomen: 11410 Nomen + Cogno- Other & incer- men: 108 tae N 131 C 71 N + C 98 Aug.
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