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CHAPTER FOURTEEN KOLLEKTIEF MUZIEK THEATer’S REPOSITIONING OF MOLUCCAN ISSUES Fridus Steijlen Introduction1 In this contribution I focus on the Kollektief Muziek Theater (KMT), a Moluccan collective that emerged at the beginning of the 1980s. The KMT was a politically active, left-wing collective, which consisted of a theatre group named Dengan harapan (With hope), a choir Merantau (‘Abroad’ or ‘in exile’), and a popular music band called H-Gang (named after the playground of its members). H-Gang was the best known and the band performed most regularly out of all three. The repertoire of KMT reflects both the fundamental political changes taking place among Moluccans in the Netherlands and the turbulent 1980s in which many social movements manifested in the Netherlands. In more than one respect the repertoire of KMT can be seen as an encounter between Indonesia and the Netherlands (or more generally, the West). Such an encounter is reflected in the use of language – mixing Indonesian, Dutch and English – but it can also be recognized in the themes taken up in the songs and the critical stance towards both Indonesian and Dutch society. The repertoire reflects the audience KMT imagined itself, the issues they were willing to address, the call for self-reflection among their Moluccan peers, but also signs of soli- darity with other more external cases elsewhere in the world. KMT fitted into a wider tradition of awareness theatre that was popular in the 1970s. KMT was a child of its time. Today, listening to its performances one can- not help but feeling it is outdated. However, its sounds echo the often radical changes within the Moluccan community throughout the 1980s. 1 This contribution is based on earlier 1980s research (see references), observations and a recent interview with Roy Wannee (Oost-Souburg; 30 March 2010). All quotes are from this interview. On several later occasions I verified statements by Roy with others involved in MTK and Pemuda 20 Mai. These members were Njonkie Pattinama, Anis de Jong, Joop Sahetapy, Jan Malawauw and Nico Lopulissa. © Fridus Steijlen, 2014 This is an open access chapter distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution‐ Noncommercial 3.0 Unported (CC‐BY‐NC 3.0) License. Fridus Steijlen - 9789004258594 Downloaded from Brill.com09/26/2021 01:21:08AM via free access 320 fridus steijlen Echoes Browsing the internet I found a YouTube clip of H-Gang that was uploaded in 2006. The group played a song called Ibu Tien (the nickname of the wife of former Indonesian President Suharto) in the headquarters of the Moluccan Evangelical Church in Houten (province of Utrecht).2 The clip showed a bunch of Moluccans in their fifties, singing about the need for revolution in Indonesia in the month of May. The song dated from 1982, when it was written just before the May general elections in Indonesia. It was performed at different gigs by the band, especially at meetings of left-wing Moluccan youth organizations that opposed the military regime of Suharto. I had quite often heard them play this song back in 1982 when I was involved in some of these meetings. For example, together with Merantau, the Moluccan choir, H-Gang played at a conference of the Moluccan Schooling Kollektif in Assen (April 1982), which focussed on the upcoming Indonesian elections, but also at a conference of the Komitee Indonesia in which the arms trade with Indonesia was fiercely discussed (June 1982). Later on, H-Gang was to perform at the Melkweg Venue (one of Amsterdam’s better known pop-stages). Listening to and watching H-Gang on YouTube was like hearing an echo from a distant past. Indo- nesia had been transforming over the last decades; Suharto had stepped down in 1998, but also the Moluccan community had thoroughly changed. Meanwhile, at the end of the 1970s and at the beginning of the 1980s, the Moluccan community in the Netherlands had changed from exiles into migrants. To understand the implication of these changes we need to know more about the political background of the Moluccan community. Political Background Moluccan Community In 1951, upon arrival to the Netherlands, the vast majority of Moluccans considered themselves nationals of the Republik Maluku Selatan (RMS); the South Moluccan Republic that was proclaimed on 25 April 1950 in Ambon. The proclamation of the RMS was a response to the dismantling of the Federal Structure of Indonesia in 1950. The federal structure was the result of the colonial war and negotiations between the Netherlands and Indonesia after the latter’s proclamation of a free Republic in 1945. During 2 www.youtube.com/watch?v=hprwHoyUPr0 (last accessed, May 2011). Fridus Steijlen - 9789004258594 Downloaded from Brill.com09/26/2021 01:21:08AM via free access repositioning moluccan issues 321 the colonial era and the subsequent colonial war, the Moluccans, especially the Christians among them, had partly sided with the Dutch colonial power. Within the framework of a federal state, with the South Moluccas as a province of the state of East Indonesia (Negara Indonesia Timur; NIT), they felt safe because of a reasonable measure of self-governance. How- ever, with the collapse of the federal structure they were afraid of losing this self-governance, as they feared that old scores would be settled and they would be dominated by their old enemy, the Indonesian republi- cans. In order to escape all of this, they proclaimed the independent RMS. When in September 1950 the Indonesian army attacked the RMS movement, forcing it into the hinterlands of the island of Seram, it sparked a guerrilla conflict that would last until 1963. Moluccans still serving in the Dutch army outside the Moluccan Islands and awaiting their demobili- zation supported this new Moluccan republic. The developments in the Moluccas made their return almost impossible, because they were seen as potential RMS guerrilla and the Indonesian and Dutch governments did not want them to go to the Moluccas. As the Dutch government was still responsible for the 12,500 Moluccans (3,500 soldiers and their family) they were eventually transported to the Netherlands (Steijlen 2010). After their arrival in 1951, the Moluccans were housed in special camps. Because most of these camps were not really fit for long-term residence in the 1960s the government built special wards to house Moluccans. Inside the wards, the community was organized along the lines of the previous camps, with a Moluccan council, social welfare, a Moluccan church, etc. As the Moluccans had come as supporters of the RMS, they – like the Dutch government – were convinced their stay would be a tempo- rary one. They would go home as soon as the RMS was re-established. This expectation continued until the end of the 1970s and into the 1980s. During this time, Moluccans were perceived as exiles. The second generation of Moluccans became active in the politics of the RMS and they started to radicalize. This led to an outburst of violence into the 1970s with six hostage-taking actions, the consequences of which were thirteen casualties, including six Moluccan hijackers. The very same networks of second-generation Moluccans, which had given birth to more radical and violent groups, would also give rise to a new perspective. In the mid-1970s, young Moluccans started to discuss the rigidity of the RMS ideas and its proclamation was largely perceived to be as a result of decolonization. It was a reaction to the dismantling of the federation, which itself was a construction forced upon by the Dutch. In their opinion, it was better to Fridus Steijlen - 9789004258594 Downloaded from Brill.com09/26/2021 01:21:08AM via free access 322 fridus steijlen fight for the remaining Moluccans at home and their right to self determi- nation, enabling them to opt for a self chosen future. In the course of the 1980s, this redefinition of RMS ideals became more generally accepted among Dutch Moluccans. This significant change in the course of the RMS, from ex-patria nationalism (independence for the homeland) to vicarious nationalism (advocating right for relatives in the Moluccas), changed Dutch Moluccans from exiles into migrants. Their future no longer depended on the realization of a RMS, but was now in the Netherlands (Steijlen 1996: 223–247; Smeets and Steijlen 2006: 360–376). It is important to notice that one of the factors that contributed to the change of political orientation was the social problems the Moluccan community faced during the mid-1970s. Two of the major problems were unemployment and drug abuse. In 1981 it was estimated that drug abuse among Moluccan youngsters was almost twenty times as much as among their Dutch peers (Steijlen 1984: 42). Unemployment among Moluccans in the same period was 2.5 times higher (Smeets and Steijlen 2006: 299). The shift in political orientation coincided with a shift from political activ- ism to social work advocated by a second generation of Dutch Moluccans. It was also an era in which the Moluccan community started to liberate itself from the social control exhorted by RMS and the first generation that had arrived in the Netherlands. It was an era for Western-inspired women’s rights organizations to come to the fore, with new and independent Moluccan media mushrooming and fierce debates on topics hitherto taboo among the Moluccan community (Steijlen 2008). Pemuda 20 Mai The core of people who had started questioning the RMS ideals was organized around two left-wing Moluccan youth organizations: Gerakan Pat- timura and Pemuda 20 Mai. Gerakan Pattimura, the Pattimura Movement, was named after a Moluccan freedom fighter in 1817, and had its origins in circles of Moluccan students in 1973/1974, many of them living outside the Moluccan wards.

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