DOCSLIB.ORG

Introduction

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Introduction Downloaded from https://doi.org/10.1017/S0145553200011561 Special Section: https://www.cambridge.org/core Chronologies and Complexities of Western Neoliberalism Val Marie Johnson . IP address: 170.106.33.14 Introduction , on 02 Oct 2021 at 11:49:15 What is that hedonistic world, that realm of pure political economy, ever kept in view by the adepts of Neo- liberalism when they attack us and cry triumphantly, “You will never get further nor do better!” This hedonistic world is that in which free competition will reign; . where every indi- , subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at vidual will be conversant with his true interests . ; where everything will be carried on by genuinely free contract . [, by] a bargaining where neither violence, nor fraud, nor lies, nor ignorance, nor dependence . will come in to upset so delicate an operation: a world where the law of supply and demand will bring about the maximum of utility for both individual and society. Where is that world? Nowhere save in the inaccessible regions of abstract thought. (Charles Gide, “Has Co- operation Introduced a New Principle into Economics?”) As a recent call for papers on the history of neoliberalism points out, confu- sion with regard to its meaning and currency in part stems from the fact that its proponents and critics “too often naturalize” neoliberalism (H-Net 2010): https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms it is framed as inevitable or an all- purpose concept that ultimately defines nothing (ibid.; see also Rose 1996; Lemke 2002). The essays in this section seek to rectify this by looking carefully in various ways at the history of neo- Social Science History 35:3 (Fall 2011) DOI 10.1215/01455532-1273330 © 2011 by Social Science History Association . Downloaded from https://doi.org/10.1017/S0145553200011561 324 Social Science History liberalism and other forms of liberalism, thus denaturalizing the ideas and https://www.cambridge.org/core practices that they encompass in the present. In a testament to the perceived reach of neoliberal practice and thought, neoliberalism has in the last two decades been the subject of scholarly inves- tigations too diverse and extensive to summarize briefly, in fields includ- ing international relations (Overbeek 1993; Simon 1995; Wook Lee 2008), international development (Dello Buono and Bell Lara 2008; Mensah 2008), social geography and urban studies (Brenner and Theodore 2002; Harvey . IP address: 2005), environmental studies (Heynen et al. 2007), history (Thompson 2007; Hamilton 2009), sociopolitical theory (Barry et al. 1996; Lemke 2002; Brown 170.106.33.14 2003), and criminology and law (Hannah- Moffat and O’Malley 2007; Social Justice 2007). Bringing together the work of the political sociologists Stephanie Lee , on Mudge and John Krinsky and the urban sociologist Christopher Mele, this 02 Oct 2021 at 11:49:15 section highlights how neoliberalism can be fruitfully analyzed both through a broad comparative method of the sort Mudge deploys and through fine- grained case studies centered on the sort of more localized issues and scales found in Mele’s and Krinsky’s essays. Mudge’s 1945–2004 survey of politi- cal programs from 22 Organisation for Economic Co- operation and Devel- , subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at opment (OECD) nations documents a shift to neoliberal emphases in these programs across Continental, Nordic, and Anglo- liberal countries with increasing uniformity from the 1970s on. Mele and Krinsky trace the devel- opment of neoliberal urban political economies back into the post–World War II histories of a small and a large US city, respectively. Mele scrutinizes industrial and postindustrial urban development in Chester, Pennsylvania, and Krinsky considers union participation in consecutive New York City governing regimes. We begin here by examining the complexities involved in the definition and chronology of different forms of liberalism, including neo- liberalism, and how these play out in scholarship and contemporary events. We then turn to an overview of the section essays and their contributions. https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms Even a brief foray into historical and contemporary questions around neoliberalism reveals the recurring tensions and confusions surrounding it and other forms of liberalism. Neoliberalism is now commonly understood to be the intellectual child of neoclassical liberal economists working in the Ger- man and Austrian schools beginning in the 1930s and in connection with the (University of) Chicago school from the 1950s on. These economists’ advo- cacy of individual freedom, private property, and competitive markets as the . Downloaded from https://doi.org/10.1017/S0145553200011561 Introduction 325 ultimate values of government, and their critique of collectivism and state- led https://www.cambridge.org/core social organization,1 were marginal into the 1960s because social or welfare lib- eral ideas and tactics advocated by economists such as John Maynard Keynes held sway (assigning significant roles to state regulation of markets, public expenditure, and so on). At least as early as the 1970s, however, various fac- tors—including a series of local, national, and international capitalist crises— led to the gradual ascendance of previously marginalized neoclassical ideas (Cockett 1995; Harvey 2005; Foucault 2008; Mudge in this section). In their . IP address: emerging neoliberal forms, tactics to promote individual freedom and choice and critiques of welfare methods were informed by perceptions of the eco- 170.106.33.14 nomic and moral costs of socialized government (Rose 1996; Foucault 2008). In part through the national political leadership of figures such as Mar- garet Thatcher, Ronald Reagan, and Deng Xiaoping and the development of , on international organizations and agreements such as the World Trade Organi- 02 Oct 2021 at 11:49:15 zation and the North American Free Trade Agreement, from the late 1970s through the 1990s neoliberalism was forged globally into a new economic orthodoxy and majoritarian politics. By the first decade of the 2000s thinking and governing through tools conducive to the production of choice, compe- tition and profit (deregulation of markets, privatization of services, empha- , subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at sis on individual responsibility, and so on) were well institutionalized in and beyond the formal economic realm (Stiglitz 2002; Brown 2003; Harvey 2005). In the context of the recent and ongoing global economic crisis, there has been much popular speculation about a shift in dominant thought and prac- tice away from neoliberalism and back toward a welfare liberal approach to defining and solving problems, including prominently those created by capi- talism. According to this speculation, in the face of the crisis, “We are [again] all Keynesians now” (Boston Globe 2008; see also Fox 2008; Meacham and Thomas 2009). History provides considerable material that inspires caution in the face of oversimplified chronologies of “rise and fall” and definitions of neolib- https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms eralism and its relations with other forms of liberalism. The Oxford Eng lish Dictionary entries for neo- liberal and neo- liberalism credit the first Eng lish- language use of these terms to an 1898 publication by the French econo- mist and economics historian Charles Gide. As in the epigraph above, Gide chided the Italian Maffeo Pantaleoni and other neoclassical economists in his era for their blind adherence to the abstract principles of competitive free market capitalism and for their rejection of “co- operative” principles. Downloaded from https://doi.org/10.1017/S0145553200011561 326 Social Science History He argued that the latter principles were “children” of liberty that might be https://www.cambridge.org/core used “to restore the free play of supply and demand” when it was disturbed and yet neoliberals treated them as a “poor relation” in the family of liberal political economy (Gide 1898: 491, 494). Gide (ibid.: 492) dubbed such thinkers “new Liberals” because, he argued, their adherence to these abstract principles (also espoused by clas- sical liberals) was motivated by “scientific” considerations rather than by “a narrow conservatism” or “the a priori desire to justify the existing economic . IP address: order.” Here we have an early version of the construction of economists as professional experts, detached from politics and economic interests, that 170.106.33.14 was essential to the eventual rise of both economists as technocratic political actors and neoliberalism as majoritarian politics (see Babb 2004; Mudge in this section).2 , on But Gide (1898: 491–92) underscored as well that there was much that 02 Oct 2021 at 11:49:15 was not new about neoliberal ideas in his era, when French economists were “accustomed for over half a century to hear the highest authorities in the political economy we call libérale declaring . that co- operation” was a delusional approach. In the late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries, conflict and interchange between advocates of ideas and tactics aspiring to a , subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at “pure political economy” of competing individuals and those seeking more “co- operative” arrangements have been prominently associated with histori- cal developments from the Depression and the two world wars forward. Gide reminds us that these struggles were part of the history of Western liberal- ism, and of politics and economics more broadly, well before the twentieth century. His critique of the “inaccessible” and “hedonistic” qualities of neo- liberal “pure political economy” (in response to the neoliberal framing of cooperative economics as delusional) is also prescient of very recent analyses of how fantasy plays a key role in the workings of contemporary neoliberal- ism (Dean 2008, 2009). abandonment Newsweek In recent speculation about the of neoliberalism, https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms proclaimed on its February 7, 2009, cover that “we are all socialists now” above an agitprop image of a red hand and a blue hand (Republican and Democrat) locked in embrace.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • The Neglect of the French Liberal School in Anglo-American Economics: a Critique of Received Explanations
    The Neglect of the French Liberal School in Anglo-American Economics: A Critique of Received Explanations Joseph T. Salerno or roughly the first three quarters of the nineteenth century, the "liberal school" thoroughly dominated economic thinking and teaching in F France.1 Adherents of the school were also to be found in the United States and Italy, and liberal doctrines exercised a profound influence on prominent German and British economists. Although its numbers and au- thority began to dwindle after the 1870s, the school remained active and influential in France well into the 1920s. Even after World War II, there were a few noteworthy French economists who could be considered intellectual descendants of the liberal tradition. Despite its great longevity and wide-ranging influence, the scientific con- tributions of the liberal school and their impact on the development of Eu- ropean and U.S. economic thought—particularly on those economists who are today recognized as the forerunners, founders, and early exponents of marginalist economics—have been belittled or simply ignored by most twen- tieth-century Anglo-American economists and historians of thought. A number of doctrinal scholars, including Joseph Schumpeter, have noted and attempted to explain the curious neglect of the school in the En- glish-language literature. In citing the school's "analytical sterility" or "indif- ference to pure theory" as a main cause of its neglect, however, their expla- nations have overlooked a salient fact: that many prominent contributors to economic analysis throughout the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries expressed strong appreciation of or weighty intellectual debts to the purely theoretical contributions of the liberal school.
    [Show full text]
  • The Shifting Geopolitics of Coronavirus and the Demise of Neoliberalism – (Part 2)
    Reports The Shifting Geopolitics of Coronavirus and the Demise of Neoliberalism – (Part 2) Dr. Mohammed Cherkaoui March 22 2020 Al Jazeera Centre for Studies Tel: +974-40158384 [email protected] http://studies.aljazeera.n Terrible decisions have to be made when hospitals are overwhelmed in Italy [Getty] European economic historians fear some déjà vu memories of the Black Death, which spread in the continent in the mid-14th century and led to the death of one third of the population. This reduction of demography caused scarcity of labor, increase in wages, decrease in inequality, and contested the then-feudal system in Europe. It also paved the way for the Industrial Revolution which Industrial Britain was hit by ‘King Cholera’ in 1831-32, 1848-49, 1854 and 1867. Tuberculosis also was responsible for the death of one-third of the casualties in Britain between 1800 and 1850. This nightmarish refrain comes back now stronger as epidemics have been ‘great equalizers’, and may initiate long-term implications nor only for European economic growth, but also for the world economy. After the US Federal Reserve decided to slash the benchmark interest rate to between zero and 0.25 percent (down from a range of 1 to 1.25 percent) and to buy $700 billion in Treasury bonds and mortgage-backed securities in a Sunday emergency meeting, the Dow Jones industrial average plunged 2,250 points at the open and trading suspended almost immediately the following day Monday, March 16. President Trump has framed the pandemic in xenophobic terms and made the wildly- irresponsible claim that “it will go away.
    [Show full text]
  • Social Economy As Social Science and Practice
    CAHIERde RECHERCHE 2004 # 6 Efficience et Mutations des Organisations Industrielles Social Economy as Social Science and Practice : Historical Perspectives on France 1 Danièle DEMOUSTIER Damien ROUSSELIERE Octobre 2004 Laboratoire d’Economie de la Production et de l’Intégration Internationale – FRE2664 UPMF-BP47 -38040 GRENOBLE Cedex 9 [email protected] Tél. : 04 76 82 56 92 http://www.upmf-grenoble.fr/lepii 1 Social Economy as Social Science and Practice: 1 Historical Perspectives on France Danièle DEMOUSTIER ESEAC, Equipe de Socio-Economie Associative et Coopérative Institut d’Etudes Politiques de Grenoble [email protected] Damien ROUSSELIÈRE LEPII, Laboratoire d’Economie de la Production et de l’Intégration Internationale CNRS-Grenoble II [email protected] Forthcoming in CLARY J., DOLFSMA W., FIGART D. (eds) Ethics and the Market: Insights from Social Economics, London & New York, Routledge, Advances in Social Economics, 2005. 2 Introduction Nowadays social, economic, political and cultural changes have exercised wide influence transforming the surrounding context, affecting organizations that recognize themselves in “social economy” due to their status (cooperative, mutualist and associative). They seem to live off the very contradictions that distance some among them from the solidarity built up, which leads others, in turn, to redefine their projects (Vienney 1994). On the other hand, they provoke the emergence of new organizations that identify themselves as belonging to the sphere of “civil and solidarity-based economy” [économie solidaire]. Thus the actors themselves, the authorities and public opinion on the whole, demand more legibility, in order to recognize the particularity of forms of economic production that assert themselves increasingly in a service economy (Gadrey 2000).
    [Show full text]
  • Happiness and Unhappiness of the Economic Agent 19Th International Conference of the Charles Gide Society University Paris 1 Panthéon-Sorbonne
    Happiness and Unhappiness of the Economic Agent 19th International Conference of the Charles Gide Society University Paris 1 Panthéon-Sorbonne. 7-9 July 2022 Call for Papers The 19th conference of the Charles Gide Society will take place at the University Paris 1 Panthéon-Sorbonne from the 7th to the 9th of July 2022. This event, organized by PHARE (Philosophie, Histoire et Analyse de la Pensée Econonmique, University Paris 1), LED (Laboratoire d’Economie Dyonisien, University Paris 8) and CES (Centre d’Economie de la Sorbonne, University Paris 1) will address the topic “Happiness and Unhappiness of the Economic Agent”. Emerging during the French and Scottish enlightenments, political economy was developed as a narrative of the origins, which presented history as taking us away from unhappiness and progressing towards a future of happiness. The stages theories of Smith or Turgot illustrate this perspective. During the same period, the philosophy of Rousseau presented an opposite view, fledging society being characterized by happiness from which civilization led us away. These considerations were part of an empiricist philosophy of knowledge inspired by Locke and Condillac, stressing that human beings were more sensible to pain than to pleasure. What has become of these ways of relating happiness and unhappiness, pleasure and pain, on the one hand, and the progress of wealth and civilization, on the other, during the process of economic development? Since the end of 18th century, the question of happiness, like that of unhappiness, was a central concern of classical Utilitarianism. This is true of Bentham and his precursors, of course, but it is also true of those, such as J.
    [Show full text]
  • Institutions in Economic Thought Call for Papers
    13th Charles Gide Conference Institutions in Economic Thought Call for papers (Deadline: November 27, 2009) International Conference of the Charles Gide Association Organised by PHARE (Pôle d’Histoire de l’Analyse et des Représentations Economiques) Paris – May 27 to 29, 2010 PHARE (University of Paris I Panthéon‐Sorbonne) organizes in Paris from May 27 to 29, 2010 the 13th Biennial International Conference of the Charles Gide Association for the Study of Economic Thought (ACGEPE). The theme of the conference is “Institutions in Economic Thought”, but communications in history of economic thought on other issues are also welcomed. A reflection on institutions is essential to understand the economic world, from organizational routines to crises, from transaction to public intervention. The history of economic thought emphasizes that all economic theories, and not only those that declare themselves as such, integrate institutions in their arguments. Whether mere rules of the game or embedded in the economic life, chosen or spontaneous, legal or informal, institutions are indeed necessary for coordination among agents. Proposals for communications on the conference theme fall within one or several of the following topics: 1. The history of theories that make institutions an object of economic analysis. Themes of the communications may be the study of specific trends (for example, New Institutional Economics: Transaction Cost Theory, Public Choice, Law and Economics), concepts (the action in the institution, efficiency, justice, evolution…) or methods. 2. The history of theories that make institutions a tool of analysis, such as institutional theories of the economy (Old American Institutionalism, German Historical Schools, Theory of Regulation, Economics of Conventions, New Economic History, Classical, Marxist, Keynesian and Austrian trends…).
    [Show full text]
  • Clive Morrison-Bell, the Tariff Walls Map, and the Politics of Cartographic Display
    1 ‘The map that would save Europe’: Clive Morrison-Bell, the Tariff Walls Map, and the politics of cartographic display Mike Heffernan and Benjamin J. Thorpe School of Geography University of Nottingham Nottingham NG7 2RD Abstract This essay uses the personal archives of Clive Morrison-Bell (1871-1956), a campaigning Conservative politician who made extensive use of maps and cartographic models, to consider the entangled histories of cartography, economics and geopolitics in early twentieth-century Britain. Particular attention is paid to Morrison-Bell’s Tariff Walls Map (TWM), a large three-dimensional model of Europe on which international borders were represented by actual physical walls, the varying heights of which indicated average tariff restrictions imposed on traded goods by each European country. The TWM was one of the most widely debated maps of the 1920s and 1930s. Versions were exhibited in national parliaments, government ministries, chambers of commerce, and at international conferences across Europe and the United States, part of an ultimately unsuccessful campaign against economic protectionism. By depicting nation- states as volumetric spaces separated by physical barriers, the TWM contributed significantly to the idea of the ‘wall’ as an economic and geopolitical division. Keywords: Clive Morrison-Bell; European cartography; free trade; protectionism; tariff reform. ‘Something there is that doesn’t love a wall’ Robert Frost, Mending Wall, 1914 Clive Morrison-Bell (1871-1956) was a British member of parliament who made repeated use of maps and cartographic models in political campaigns before and after World War One, some associated with the Conservative Party, others of a more general character (Figure 1).
    [Show full text]
  • 16Th International Conference of the Charles Gide Association for the Study of Economic Thought Strasbourg, 14–16 April 2016
    16th international conference of the Charles Gide Association for the Study of Economic Thought Strasbourg, 14–16 April 2016 Call for papers st (Deadline for the submission of proposals: 1 of January 2016) The 16th international conference of the Charles Gide Association for the Study of Economic Thought will take place at the University of Strasbourg, 14–16 April 2016. This conference is organised by the laboratory Bureau d’Economie Théorique et Appliquée (BETA). This international conference will propose sessions on the theme “expectations, conjectures and coordination”, although any other proposal in the fields of the history of economic thought and philosophy of economics is also welcome. Expectations, conjectures and coordination Contemporary economic analysis was born with the study of strategic interactions between individuals. At the turn of the 17th and 18th centuries, Boisguilbert placed the issue of the available information and of expectations at the core of his explanation of economic fluctuations. For Boisguilbert, expectations of future prices formed by agents on agricultural markets can prove either stabilising or destabilising, depending on whether the economy is in a situation of free trade or prohibition. Later, Smith warned us about market exchange: “it is not from the benevolence of the butcher, the brewer, or the baker that we expect our dinner, but from their regard to their own interest”. Here, the issue is about an interpersonal relationship: a consumer who would count on the acquisition of a good thanks to the benevolence of a producer is most likely to see his conjecture invalidated. Satisfying one’s needs through market exchange thus requires accurate forecasting of the behaviour of other agents, which is to forecast their own conjectures.
    [Show full text]
  • The Social Economy
    THE SOCIAL ECONOMY : THE WORLDWIDE MAKING OF A THIRD SECTOR Jacques Defourny & Patrick Develtere Centre d’Economie Sociale HIVA University of Liège Catholic University of Leuven This text is the first chapter of a collective book entiteld L’économie sociale au Nord et au Sud, compiled by J. Defourny, P. Develtere and B. Fonteneau (De Boeck, 1999). INDEX Introduction 3 I. Sources of the social economy 4 The association, a phenomenon as old as society itself 4 The ideological pluralism of the social economy in the XIX century 5 The range of religious influences 7 The forces of nationalism and the quest for a third way 8 The cultural entrenchment of the social economy 9 The complexion of a society is constantly changing 10 II. A contemporary definition of the social economy 11 The legal and institutional approach 11 The normative approach 15 Social economy or non-profit sector? 17 III. Conditions for developing the social economy 23 The social economy, child of necessity 23 The condition of necessity in the South 23 The condition of necessity in the North 24 Collective identity and shared destiny 25 Community forces in the South 26 What are the mobilising forces in the North? 28 Conclusion 30 Bibliography 31 3 INTRODUCTION The term "social economy" first appeared in France during the first third of the XIX century. For a long time, its meaning was much broader and amorphous than it is today. Anyone can develop their own a priori conception of the social econ- omy, simply by placing more or less emphasis on either its economic or its social dimensions, both of which are wide-ranging.
    [Show full text]
  • Professional Economists and Policymaking in the United States, 1880-1929
    ABSTRACT Title of Dissertation: IRRELEVANT GENIUS: PROFESSIONAL ECONOMISTS AND POLICYMAKING IN THE UNITED STATES, 1880-1929 Jonathan S. Franklin, Doctor of Philosophy, 2014 Dissertation Directed By: Professor David B. Sicilia, Department of History The rapid establishment and expansion of economics departments in colleges across the United State in the late nineteenth century indicates a significant shift in the way Americans understood economic science and its importance to federal economic policy. This dissertation addresses that phenomenon by explaining how American economists professionalized; and how that process influenced economic policymaking in the U.S. from the formation of the American Economic Association in 1885 to the Great Depression of the 1930s. Chapters alternate between analyzing the dilemmas economists faced while crafting a distinct academic discipline and investing early professional economists’ role in the federal economic policymaking process. Three emerging themes help explain the consistent failure of early U.S. economists to translate modern economic theory to economic policy in a timely fashion. First, public skepticism and the persistence of folk economics proved to be a powerful deterrent to professionally-trained economists’ authority in debates over policy matters. The combination of democratic idealism, populist politics, and skepticism regarding the motivations of professionally-trained economists undercut much of the social prestige professional economists garnered as educated elites. Second, disagreement among professional economists, often brought on by young economists’ efforts to overturn a century’s worth of received wisdom in classical economic theory, fostered considerable dissent within the field. Dissent, in turn, undermined the authority of professional economists and often led to doubt regarding economists’ abilities among the public and policy compromises that failed to solve economic problems.
    [Show full text]
  • Social Economy As Social Science and Practice: Historical Perspectives On
    Social economy as social science and practice : historical perspectives on France Danièle Demoustier, Damien Rousselière To cite this version: Danièle Demoustier, Damien Rousselière. Social economy as social science and practice : historical perspectives on France. Eleventh World Congress of Social Economics ”Social economics : a paradigm for a global society”, Albertville, 8-11 Juin 2004, 2004, pp.41. halshs-00102532 HAL Id: halshs-00102532 https://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-00102532 Submitted on 2 Oct 2006 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. Eleventh World Congress of Social Economics Social Economics: A Paradigm for a Global Society, Albertville, France June 8-11, 2004 Social Economy as Social Science and Practice: Historical Perspectives on France1 Danièle DEMOUSTIER ESEAC, Institut d‘Etudes Politiques de Grenoble Damien ROUSSELIERE LEPII, CNRS-Grenoble II Session : Social Economics and Economic Sociology Résumé Dans cet article, nous nous intéressons aux significations du terme polysémique d‘ « économie sociale », apparu à la fois comme concept dans le cadre de la création d‘une science sociale en lien avec les traditions libérale, chrétienne ou socialiste des économistes et pour désigner un ensemble de pratiques et/ou d‘institutions, avec l‘implantation du capitalisme en France.
    [Show full text]
  • Political Economy and the ’Modern View’ As Reflected in the History of Economic Thought
    n. 476 December 2012 ISSN: 0870-8541 Political Economy and the ’Modern View’ as reflected in the History of Economic Thought Mário Graça Moura 1;2 António Almodovar 1;2 1 FEP-UP, School of Economics and Management, University of Porto 2 CEF.UP, Research Center in Economics and Finance, University of Porto POLITICAL ECONOMY AND THE ‘MODERN VIEW ’ AS REFLECTED IN THE HISTORY OF ECONOMIC THOUGHT * Mário Graça Moura 1, António Almodovar 2 Abstract: This paper focuses on the gradual decomposition of classical political economy and its transformation into ‘economics’, a process which was to culminate in the conception of ‘theory’ as a mere engine of analysis. Why exactly did modern ‘economics’ become accepted? What was meant to be achieved – and was it? And why did some writers reject both old political economy and modern economics? We intend to contribute to an understanding of these issues by analysing a set of representative histories of economic ideas from this period: those by Luigi Cossa (1880), John Kells Ingram (1915, originally published in 1888), and Charles Gide and Charles Rist (1915). Keywords: History of Economic Thought; Methodology; Classical Economics. JEL Classification: B1; B4 * This paper was presented at the Joint conference AHE, IIPPE, FAPE, July 5 – 7, 2012, Paris, France. We are grateful to the participants in this conference, especially to Nuno Martins for his written comments. 1 Faculty of Economics, University of Porto, and CEF.UP. CEF.UP is financially supported by FCT (Fundação para a Ciência e a Tecnologia). Corresponding author: please email to [email protected] or address to Rua Dr Roberto Frias, 4200-464, Porto, Portugal.
    [Show full text]
  • Heterodox Economics Newsletter Issue 257 — January 06, 2020 — Web1 — Pdf2 — Heterodox Economics Directory3
    Heterodox Economics Newsletter Issue 257 | January 06, 2020 | web1 | pdf2 | Heterodox Economics Directory3 Yesterday, this year's ASSA meeting4 in San Diego has ended. The ASSA meeting is probably the greatest gathering of economists throughout the year and it is noteworthy insofar as the ASSA is one of the very few places, where exchange between heterodox and mainstream economists could be facilitated. I say 'could be', because actually this is only rarely the case: mainstream researchers typically do not participate in heterodox sessions, while heterodox economists, who do occasionally visit mainstream sessions, often remain invisible there as the standard mainstream session does not allow for much discussion. This separation has been further amplified by an evaluation system used by the AEA, which assigns future slots for sessions based on past attendance. This scheme creates an additional (and in my view unhelpful) incentive to stick in one's 'in- group' and abstain from interparadigmatic engagement (see also here5 for a specific criticism of this practice). By the way, the same incentive - stick with your in-group to maximize visibility for your own field or approach - emerges in the context of citation- based evaluation routines (see here6 for an elaboration). However, the ASSA is nonetheless a great to place to stay in touch with major debates in the profession and to find some potential insights and inspiration. Even if I cannot attend personally (as in this year; otherwise you would have gotten a more extended report:-), I always screen the contributions in the heterodox sessions, which can be quickly assessed here7 (Hint: You have to search of different heterdox associations first to not get lost - a compilation of these associations can be found here8 ).
    [Show full text]