Review of Public Administration and Management
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
The Future of the Nation-State Project in Africa: the Case of Nigeria
3 The Future of the Nation-State Project in Africa: The Case of Nigeria Nduba Echezona As the Cold War cycle played itself out, some of the multinational nation-states which had been taken for granted such as the former Soviet Union, Czechoslovakia and Yugoslavia suddenly dissolved. Their splitting pointed towards a direction which had hitherto been a trend in world politics, namely that the nation’s territory had to be synonymous with the territory of the state, the nation being made up of people with shared cultures and myths of blood ties. This direction in Europe might have set a worldwide pace. Africa has shown very little sign of complying with it. Africa entered the post-Cold War era with seemingly high prospects of terri- torial disintegration. This was exemplified by many civil wars in recent years, some with genocidal features. But, except for Eritrea and, to a lesser extent Somaliland, the political map of Africa’s states and borders has remained remarkably unchanged. Wars in Liberia, Sierra Leone, Rwanda, Burundi and the Democratic Republic of Congo have not caused these states to split. Nonetheless, wars have led to spatial recompositions, to emerging spaces of sovereignty within state territories and to renewed challenges to the official geography from above — the latter being defined by: the various corporations that have or have had the political or technocratic vocation of establishing, defending or modifying foreign or internal (administrative) borders of established states and organizing their geographical space (regular armies, diplomatic corps, colonial or contemporary administrators) (Ben Arrous 1996:17). 3.Chap.3_2.pmd 79 10/06/2009, 11:10 80 African Studies in Geography from Below In Nigeria, the colonial and postcolonial efforts to construct a nation-state from above rather than from below produced an ‘uncertain’ Nigerian; somebody with equivocal national feelings and many other allegiances. -
Multidisciplinary Research
ISSN (Online) : 2455 - 3662 SJIF Impact Factor :5.148 EPRA International Journal of Multidisciplinary Research Monthly Peer Reviewed & Indexed International Online Journal Volume: 5 Issue: 5 May 2019 Published By :EPRA Publishing CC License Volume: 5 | Issue: 5 | May 2019 || SJIF Impact Factor: 5.148 ISSN (Online): 2455-3662 EPRAEPRA International International Journal Journal of of MultidisciplinaryMultidisciplinary Research Research (IJMR) (IJMR) Peer Peer Reviewed Reviewed Journal Journal GOVERNANCE AND THE YORUBA NATION: THE PLACE OF TRADITIONAL RULERS IN THE ADMINISTRATION OF THE PEOPLE Folorunso, Christianah Omowamide Emua, Charles Imoisi Social Studies Department, Social Studies Department, College of Education, College of Education, Ikere-Ekiti, Nigeria Ikere-Ekiti, Nigeria ABSTRACT In the days of yore, the traditional Rulers played the role of upholding the values of the people and also the concern with the affairs of administering their domain. Their roles were not absolutely independent or collaboration with the local authorities to identify the needs of their communities and be involved in the design of policy and service delivery. This paper examines and compares the place of traditional Rulers in the administration of people during the pre-colonial, colonial, post-colonial era and modern day’s traditional rulers. The paper also examines the role of traditional rulers on the social, cultural and political developments in Yoruba land. This study relies on historical and textual analysis through a survey approach. KEYWORDS: Governance, Yoruba Nation, Traditional Rulers, and Development. INTRODUCTION migrated from the Middle-Eastern part of the world The word traditional ruler entails the reigned of during the medieval period. They are a religious group a monarchy or a title ruler vested with the authority to of people who are mainly Christians, Muslims or of rule over people in the affairs of their life. -
CIFORB Country Profile – Nigeria
CIFORB Country Profile – Nigeria Demographics • Nigeria has a population of 186,053,386 (July 2016 estimate), making it Africa's largest and the world's seventh largest country by population. Almost two thirds of its population (62 per cent) are under the age of 25 years, and 43 per cent are under the age of 15. Just under half the population lives in urban areas, including over 21 million in Lagos, Africa’s largest city and one of the fastest-growing cities in the world. • Nigeria has over 250 ethnic groups, the most populous and politically influential being Hausa-Fulani 29%, Yoruba 21%, Igbo (Ibo) 18%, Ijaw 10%, Kanuri 4%, Ibibio 3.5%, Tiv 2.5%. • It also has over 500 languages, with English being the official language. Religious Affairs • The majority of Nigerians are (mostly Sunni) Muslims or (mostly Protestant) Christians, with estimates varying about which religion is larger. There is a significant number of adherents of other religions, including indigenous animistic religions. • It is difficult and perhaps not sensible to separate religious, ethnic and regional divides in Nigerian domestic politics. In simplified terms, the country can be broken down between the predominantly Hausa-Fulani and Kunari, and Muslim, northern states, the predominantly Igbo, and Christian, south-eastern states, the predominantly Yoruba, and religiously mixed, central and south-western states, and the predominantly Ogoni and Ijaw, and Christian, Niger Delta region. Or, even more simply, the ‘Muslim north’ and the ‘Christian south’ – finely balanced in terms of numbers, and thus regularly competing for ‘a winner-take-all fight for presidential power between regions.’1 Although Nigeria’s main political parties are pan-national and secular in character, they have strong regional, ethnic and religious patterns of support. -
Criminality & Reprisal Attacks in Nigeria's Middle Belt
PAST IS PROLOGUE: CRIMINALITY & REPRISAL ATTACKS IN NIGERIA’S MIDDLE BELT CHOM BAGU KATIE SMITH PAST IS PROLOGUE: CRIMINALITY & REPRISAL ATTACKS IN NIGERIA’S MIDDLE BELT CHOM BAGU KATIE SMITH PAST IS PROLOGUE: 3 Criminality And Reprisal Attacks In Nigeria’s Middle Belt ABOUT THE AUTHORS Chom Bagu is Senior Peace and Conflict Advisor for Search for Common Ground in Nigeria. He previously served as Search’s Country Director in Nigeria, was a conflict advisor for USAID, and is a journalist by training. He is based in Abuja, Nigeria. Katie Smith is a Policy Research Associate for Search for Common Ground, based in Washington, DC. This report is issued by Search for Common Ground as part of a series highlighting policy insights from peacebuilding experts around the world, identified through our network of staff and partners. The views expressed in this report are those of the authors alone and do not represent the institutional position of Search for Common Ground. For further information on Search for Common Ground or this report, please write to Search for Common Ground’s office in Washington DC, 1601 Connecticut Ave NW, Suite 200, Washington, DC 20009, or call the Communications Office at +1 202-265-4300 or visit our website, www.sfcg.org © 2017 Search for Common Ground This publication may not be reproduced in whole or in part and in any form for educational or nonprofit purposes without special permission from Search for Common Ground, provided the reproduction includes this Copyright notices and the Disclaimer below. No use of this publication may be made for resale or for any other commercial purpose whatsoever without prior permission in writing from Search for Common Ground. -
Religious Conflicts and Education in Nigeria: Implications for National Security
Journal of Education and Practice www.iiste.org ISSN 2222-1735 (Paper) ISSN 2222-288X (Online) Vol.6, No.2, 2015 Religious Conflicts and Education in Nigeria: Implications for National Security Ushe Mike Ushe, Ph.D School of Arts and Social Sciences,National Open University of Nigeria,Lagos. Abstract The persistent religious conflicts and insecurity in Nigeria has given meaningful Nigerians a cause for deep concern in recent times. Many of them wonder why religion which used to be the cohesive factor and core of national unity, peaceful co-existence and national development has become a tool for political manipulation, violence, destruction of lives and property in Nigeria in contemporary time. This paper examines education as a catalyst for resolving conflicts and enhancing national security in Nigeria. The paper first of all defined the terms that are used in this presentation. It also makes a review of some religious conflicts experienced in Nigeria together with their causes and the effects. Furthermore, the paper examined education in Nigeria as a catalyst for sustenance of national security. The paper utilized both secondary sources and observation methods for data collection and presentation. Finding from the research reveals that religious conflicts and insecurity are endemic in Nigeria in the last two decades. The Muslims and Christian adherents have fought wars in Nigeria than they had actually fought for peace, thereby threatening peaceful co-existence and national security among the citizenry. The paper recommends among others, that the government should employ meaningful ways such as education and inter-faith dialogue to enhance peaceful co-existence and national security in Nigeria. -
NIGERIA Executive Summary The
NIGERIA Executive Summary The constitution and other laws and policies protect religious freedom and, in practice, the government generally respected religious freedom. Selected state governments, individuals, and groups outside of the national government occasionally committed abuses. The government did not demonstrate a trend toward either improvement or deterioration in respect for and protection of the right to religious freedom. Overall, the government did not act swiftly or effectively to quell communal violence or to investigate and prosecute those responsible for such violence. Federal, state, and local authorities have not effectively addressed underlying political, ethnic, and religious grievances leading to violence. A climate of impunity exists, as authorities rarely prosecute and punish those responsible for violent attacks. The main targets of such violence include political and ethnic rivals, businesses, homes, churches, mosques, and rural villages. There were reports of societal abuses or discrimination based on religious affiliation, belief, or practice. Attacks by elements of the extremist sect Boko Haram, which purportedly aimed to implement a stricter form of Sharia throughout the country, claimed the lives of both Christians and Muslims. The sect claimed responsibility for such acts of violence as the United Nations headquarters suicide bombing in Abuja on August 26 and the Christmas Day bombing in front of a church in Madalla on December 25. Violence, tension, and hostility between Christians and Muslims increased, particularly in the “Middle Belt,” exacerbated by “indigene” (native) and settler laws, discriminatory employment practices, and fierce competition between herdsmen and farmers over use of land. The U.S. government regularly discussed religious freedom and tolerance with the government as part of its overall policy to promote human rights and improve inter-religious relations. -
The Ombatse Crisis in Nigeria: Background, Recent Developments and Possible Solutions
Journal of Interdisciplinary Conflict Science Volume 2 Issue 2 Article 1 2-2016 The Ombatse Crisis in Nigeria: Background, Recent Developments and Possible Solutions Simeon Onyemachi Hilary Alozieuwa Ph.D. Institute for Peace and Conflict Resolution, Abuja, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://nsuworks.nova.edu/jics Part of the American Politics Commons, Comparative Politics Commons, International and Area Studies Commons, International Relations Commons, Models and Methods Commons, Other Political Science Commons, Peace and Conflict Studies Commons, and the Political Theory Commons Recommended Citation Alozieuwa, S. O. (2016). The Ombatse Crisis in Nigeria: Background, Recent Developments and Possible Solutions. Journal of Interdisciplinary Conflict Science, 2(2), -. Retrieved from https://nsuworks.nova.edu/ jics/vol2/iss2/1 This Research Article is brought to you for free and open access by the CAHSS Journals at NSUWorks. It has been accepted for inclusion in Journal of Interdisciplinary Conflict Science by an authorized editor of NSUWorks. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Ombatse Crisis in Nigeria: Background, Recent Developments and Possible Solutions Cover Page Footnote References Anton du Plessis. 2011. “Exploring the Concept of Identity in World Politics.” Politics of Identity and Exclusion in Africa: From Violent Confrontation to Peaceful Cooperation, No. 11 (Seminar Report) Johannesburg, RSA Ankie Hoogvelt. 2001 (second edition). Globalization and Post -Colonial World: the New Political Economy of Development. Hampshire, Palgrave. Bolaji Akinyemi. 2003. “Ethnic militias and the national question in Nigeria” in Tunde Babawale, (ed) Urban violence, ethnic militias and the challenge of democratic consolidation in Nigeria. Lagos, Malthouse Press Limited. Badmus Isiaka Alani, 2003. -
No Tribe in Crime Changing Pastoralism and Conflict in Nigeria’S Middle Belt
No Tribe in Crime Changing Pastoralism and Conflict in Nigeria’s Middle Belt. Chitra Nagarajan 9/4/19 Pastoralism in the Middle Belt Contents 1.0 Executive summary ....................................................................................................... 3 1.1 Summary of findings ................................................................................................... 3 1.2 Introduction ......................................................................................................................... 4 1.3 Methodology ........................................................................................................................ 4 1.4 Overarching Principles ......................................................................................................... 5 1.5 Research Methods ............................................................................................................... 6 1.5.1 Limitations..................................................................................................................... 8 2.0 Pastoralism in Nigeria today ................................................................................................ 8 2.1 Group identification ......................................................................................................... 8 2.2 Occupation ....................................................................................................................... 8 2.3 The settled/ nomadic spectrum ...................................................................................... -
Governing “Ethnicized” Public Sphere: Lessons from the Nigerian Case
CODESRIA 12th General Assembly Governing the African Public Sphere 12e Assemblée générale Administrer l’espace public africain 12a Assembleia Geral Governar o Espaço Público Africano ةيعمجلا ةيمومعلا ةيناثلا رشع ﺣﻜﻢ اﻟﻔﻀﺎء اﻟﻌﺎم اﻹﻓﺮﻳﻘﻰ Governing “Ethnicized” Public Sphere: Lessons from the Nigerian Case Orji Nkwachukwu Ebonyi State University 07-11/12/2008 Yaoundé, Cameroun Abstract This paper analyzes the role of power-sharing in governing the Nigerian public sphere. It examines the meaning, actors, procedures and practices of power-sharing in Nigeria. The paper assesses the opportunities and challenges arising from the use of power-sharing as a method of governing the public sphere and highlights the lessons that Nigeria’s experience presents to other African countries struggling with the challenge of ethnic diversity. The paper argues that power-sharing as it is being practiced in Nigeria widens the asymmetrical and oligarchic power of the dominant elite groups, creates a dependency syndrome, and hampers the growth of democracy. It contends that the Nigerian case exposes the contradictions and limitations of power-sharing as an institutional approach to the regulation of the public sphere. Introduction Nigeria’s heritage of ethnic diversity has had an overwhelming impact on the country’s public sphere, leading to its “ethnicization”. On the other hand, the stiff political competition among the elite has resulted in the “politicization” of ethnicity in the country. The result of the above is a highly contested public sphere, which has been made the arena of rhetorical confrontations between various ethnic groups in the country. However since the 1970s, the Nigerian political elite have adopted power-sharing as a strategy to manage inter-group relations, mitigate the negative effects of ethnic politics, and transform the “ethnicized” public sphere through the introduction of the discourse of “unity in diversity”. -
Conflict-Sensitive Journalism and the Nigerian Print Media Coverage of Jos Crisis, 2010-2011
CONFLICT-SENSITIVE JOURNALISM AND THE NIGERIAN PRINT MEDIA COVERAGE OF JOS CRISIS, 2010-2011. BY JIDE PETER JIMOH Matric No. 130129 B.SC, M.SC MASS COMMUNICATION (UNILAG), M.A. PEACE AND CONFLICT STUDIES (IBADAN) A thesis in Peace and Conflict Studies submitted to the Institute of African Studies in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the Degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY of the UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARYMarch 2015 ABSTRACT The recent upsurge of crises in parts of Northern Nigeria has generated concerns in literature with specific reference to the role of the media in fuelling crises in the region. Previous studies on the Nigerian print media coverage of the Jos crisis focused on the obsolescent peace journalism perspective, which emphasises the suppression of conflict stories, to the neglect of the UNESCO Conflict-sensitive Journalism (CSJ) principles. These principles stress sensitivity in the use of language, coverage of peace initiatives, gender and other sensitivities, and the use of conflict analysis tools in reportage. This study, therefore, examined the extent to which the Nigerian print media conformed to these principles in the coverage of the Jos violent crisis between 2010 and 2011. The study adopted the descriptive research design and was guided by the theories of social responsibility, framing and hegemony. Content analysis of newspapers was combined with In-depth Interviews (IDIs) with 10 Jos-based journalists who covered the crisis. Four newspapers – The Guardian, The Punch, Daily Trust and National Standard were purposively selected over a period of two years (2010-2011) of the crisis. A content analysis coding schedule was developed to gather data from The Guardian (145 editions with 46 stories), The Punch (148 editions with 85 stories), Daily Trust (148 editions with 223 stories) and National Standard (132 editions with 187 stories) totalling 573 editions which yielded 541 stories for the analysis. -
The Press and Politics in Nigeria: a Case Study of Developmental Journalism, 6 B.C
UIC School of Law UIC Law Open Access Repository UIC Law Open Access Faculty Scholarship 1-1-1986 The Press and Politics in Nigeria: A Case Study of Developmental Journalism, 6 B.C. Third World L.J. 85 (1986) Michael P. Seng John Marshall Law School Gary T. Hunt Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.law.uic.edu/facpubs Part of the Comparative and Foreign Law Commons Recommended Citation Michael P. Seng & Gary T. Hunt, The Press and Politics in Nigeria: A Case Study of Developmental Journalism, 6 B. C. Third World L. J. 85 (1986). https://repository.law.uic.edu/facpubs/301 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by UIC Law Open Access Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in UIC Law Open Access Faculty Scholarship by an authorized administrator of UIC Law Open Access Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE PRESS AND POLITICS IN NIGERIA: A CASE STUDY OF DEVELOPMENTAL JOURNALISM MICHAEL P. SENG* GARY T. HUNT** I. INTRODUCTION ........................................................... 85 II. PREss FREEDOM IN NIGERIA 1850-1983 .................................. 86 A. The Colonial Period: 1850-1959 ....................................... 86 B. The First Republic: 1960-1965 ........................................ 87 C. Military Rule: 1966-1979 ............................................. 89 D. The Second Republic: 1979-1983 ...................................... 90 III. THE THEORETICAL FOUNDATION FOR NIGERIAN PRESS FREEDOM: 1850- 1983 ..................................................................... 92 IV. TOWARD A NEw RoLE FOR THE PRESS IN NIGERIA? ....................... 94 V. THE THIRD WORLD CRITIQUE OF THE WESTERN VIEW OF THE ROLE OF THE PRESS .................................................................... 98 VI. DEVELOPMENTAL JOURNALISM: AN ALTERNATIVE TO THE WESTERN VIEW OF THE ROLE OF THE PRESS .............................................. -
The Press and Politics in Nigeria: a Case Study of Developmental Journalism, 6 B.C
Boston College Third World Law Journal Volume 6 | Issue 2 Article 1 6-1-1986 The rP ess and Politics in Nigeria: A Case Study of Developmental Journalism Michael P. Seng Gary T. Hunt Follow this and additional works at: http://lawdigitalcommons.bc.edu/twlj Part of the African Studies Commons, Comparative and Foreign Law Commons, and the Politics Commons Recommended Citation Michael P. Seng and Gary T. Hunt, The Press and Politics in Nigeria: A Case Study of Developmental Journalism, 6 B.C. Third World L.J. 85 (1986), http://lawdigitalcommons.bc.edu/twlj/vol6/iss2/1 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Law Journals at Digital Commons @ Boston College Law School. It has been accepted for inclusion in Boston College Third World Law Journal by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons @ Boston College Law School. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE PRESS AND POLITICS IN NIGERIA: A CASE STUDY OF DEVELOPMENTAL JOURNALISM MICHAEL P. SENG* GARY T. HUNT** I. INTRODUCTION........................................................... 85 II. PRESS FREEDOM IN NIGERIA 1850-1983 .................................. 86 A. The Colonial Period: 1850-1959....................................... 86 B. The First Republic: 1960-1965 . 87 C. Military Rule: 1966-1979............................................. 89 D. The Second Republic: 1979-1983...................................... 90 III. THE THEORETICAL FOUNDATION FOR NIGERIAN PRESS FREEDOM: 1850- 1983..................................................................... 92 IV. TOWARD A NEW ROLE FOR THE PRESS IN NIGERIA?...................... 94 V. THE THIRD WORLD CRITIQUE OF THE WESTERN VIEW OF THE ROLE OF THE PRESS.................................................................... 98 VI. DEVELOPMENTAL JOURNALISM: AN ALTERNATIVE TO THE WESTERN VIEW OF THE ROLE OF THE PRESS.