Magnitude and dynamics of Chilean immigration, according to the census of 2002* Jorge Martínez Pizarro Centro Latinoamericano y Caribeño de Demografía

Abstract Resumen

From the microdata obtained from the XVII Magnitud y dinámica de la inmigración en National Population Census and the VI Chile, según el censo de 2002 Tenement Census of 2002, the magnitude and dynamics of Chilean immigration is examined. A partir de los microdatos del XVII Censo After that, some demographic aspects are Nacional de Población y de VI de Vivienda de explored, amongst which stands out the 2002, se examina la magnitud y dinámica de la unprecedented migration magnitude reached in inmigración en Chile. Luego se exploran 2002 that, nonetheless, is transformed in a very algunos aspectos demográficos, entre los que small figure if compared with the Chilean destaca la inédita magnitud de la inmigración migration magnitude, and to a very small alcanzada en 2002 que, no obstante, se traduce impact compared to the one registered in en una modesta cifra si se compara con la countries of immigration tradition. The central magnitud de la emigración chilena, y un sections contain an analysis of the principal impacto relativamente pequeño frente al que se characteristics of immigrants according to registra en países de tradición inmigratoria. Las origin, gender, age, and arrival period. The secciones centrales contienen un análisis de las working insertion of immigrants occupies a principales características de los inmigrantes special space: are explored the working según su origen, sexo, edad y periodo de segmentation, economic participation and the llegada. La inserción laboral de los inmigrantes insertion according to the occupations, mainly ocupa un espacio especial: se explora en la to the Peruvian domestic workers. segmentación laboral, la participación económica y la inserción según ocupaciones, Key words: migration, international migration, prestando atención preferencial a las immigration, sociodemographic characteristics trabajadoras domésticas peruanas. of the migrants, Chile. Palabras clave: migración, migración internacional, inmigración, características sociodemográficas de los migrantes, Chile. Introduction hile is a country whose economic performance in the last years has been outstanding and from there, it has been given a privileged C condition in the Latin American context. A small country that, according to many of its historians and politicians, suffered from a convulsive history in the last quarter of the XX century. Along with the democracy recovering, came * An extended version of the present document was published in the Serie Población y Desarrollo, núm, 49, 2003, de la División de Población —Celade, de la Comisión Económica para América Latina y el Caribe (CEPAL): El encanto de los datos. Sociodemografía de la inmigración en Chile según le censo de 2002. The author acknowledges the colaboration of Daniela Vono. Papeles de POBLACIÓN No. 44 CIEAP/UAEM a growing presence of foreigners, mainly from South America, which raised worries of different nature. It is relatively simple to sustain that it is a new immigration. It must be accepted that international migration brings new opportunities for the different people, fact that reckons the forces that govern the contemporary mobility and transforms it in one of the most distinctive dimensions of international relations. At the same time, Chile should be acknowledged, traditionally, a country of migration. The exacerbation of the immigration’s novelty character can create confusions. For example, at an academic level, some researchers spread the idea that Chile had turned into an attraction “pole” for immigrants from bordering countries as well as from countries outside Latin America. Here a summarizing phrase: “Chile, in this context, from its new economic situation, attracts people from neighbouring countries and even from Asia and Europe” (Mella y Sotherel, 1999: 180). That perspective encountered too much echo in the media, which collaborated, (and are still doing it), while creating the image that in Chile a migration wave would be in process. The various representations of the immigrants were not safe from stigmatizations, mainly those people coming from Bolivia and Peru. The role of the media in the creation of opinions in this matter that requires meticulous revisions in its analysis is over-dimensioned to the extent that the studies with that character are few and derived from isolated efforts or, if recent, are not fully spread. Even though the official registers of residence concessions and visas to foreigners are not, rigorously, a statistical source for the immigration analysis, a first balance indicated that the country was not suffering from a wave, and there were a great number of women in search of domestic jobs, a phenomenon already observed in other realities. With the result from the 2002 census we can introduce fundamental doubts: how is, in general terms, the immigration condition in Chile and what are the contributions of the census backgrounds? What is the composition according to origin, sex, age and studies of the immigrants? How many are the Peruvian domestic helpers? Where do they work? And, what is their profile?

104 Magnitude and dynamics of Chilean immigration, according... /J. Martínez

More immigrants than ever, but fewer than the migrants

2002 census shows a total figure of 185 thousand foreigners living in Chile. For our aims, they can be considered as immigrants. Along them, a total of a bit more than 10 thousand were censed as non-residents, that is, those who usually live in other countries (INE, 2003).1 According to the information from the national censuses since 1952, in 2002 the number of these people is the highest (table 1). If compared to the oldest censuses, only in 1907 the closest figure can be found, which was close to 132 thousand people. With such evidence Chile has reached an unprecedented absolute magnitude of immigrants, which accompanies the aforementioned perceptions on immigration.

A twist for Chilean migration

The migratory phenomenon is nothing new in Chile. Chilean immigration has been a tenacious characteristic in the society. Based on the data from IMILA (International Migration Research in Latin America, of Celade), our precedents in the late 1980’s were a maximum figure of 500 thousand people living abroad (Martinez, 1997). We do not have a complete table from IMILA for the years close to 2000, although the precedents of the main countries of regional destination register a figure around 300 thousand people. In concern to the extra- regional migration, the available data in the web sites of the statistical organizations indicate that around that year, 85 thousand Chilean people were living in the United States, 25 thousand in Canada, and around 18 thousand in Spain, these being the largest magnitudes. In other European countries the counting was of about 30 hundred thousand altogether (Germany, Belgium, Italy, Norway and Sweden), and something similar counting together Australia, Israel and Japan.

1 Based in a comparison between the definitive permanence evolutions and the definite figures of 1992, Doña (2002) estimated that in the year 2000 there would be about 170 thousand immigrants in Chile. The permanent residence registers issued date from May, 1992 and the more disaggregated information is available since 1996.

105 april/june 2005 Papeles de POBLACIÓN No. 44 CIEAP/UAEM 0.94 -6.74 24.57 75.56 -13.74 variation variation (per 100) (per 100) Intercensus Intercensus 1.42 1.28 1.14 1.04 0.99 0.91 relation relation Masculinity 42992 45936 42343 41273 52690 96340 Men Women 60886 60886 58917 48098 43072 52380 88124 Both Sexes 90441 90441 84345 103878 103878 104853 105070 184464 24.29 20.49 26.91 18.38 13.25 variation (per 100) 100) (per Intercensus Intercensus TABLE 1 0.96 0.96 0.96 0.96 0.96 0.96 0.97 relation relation Masculinity 3020437 3761308 4541256 5754373 6795148 7668740 Total population Foreign population Men Women 2912558 2912558 3612807 4343512 5521068 6553254 7447695 Both Sexes 5932995 7374115 8884768 11275440 11275440 13348401 15116435

CHILE; FOREIGN RESIDENT POPULATION ACCORDING TO THE CENSUSES FROM 1952 2002 Census year 1952 1960 1970 1982 1992 2002 Source: National population censuses.

106 Magnitude and dynamics of Chilean immigration, according... /J. Martínez

While using non conventional sources, such as the consulates’ registers that do not show strict estimations since can be affected by numerous doublings, as well as by omissions, the Chilean government indicates a figure of 800 thousand people. At the same time, the first register of Chileans abroad, being done by the government since September 2003, presented an alternate estimation of 200 thousand people on South and Central America (including people who were born in Chile and from Chilean origin; INE, 2004).2 Anyway, the total number of Chileans living abroad includes a respectable quantity of population formed by an accumulated migration that, depending of the junctures experienced by the country, has been formed by political and economic factors. Traditionally Argentina has been the destination country chosen by the majority of Chilean migrants, followed by far, the United States and Venezuela. The points that have been more prominent, mainly by the media and public debate that in the research field are; the amount and tendencies of the moving abroad; exile and the identification of destination countries; as well as the characteristics of those who migrate, specially those related to their qualification levels.

From migration to immigration

Gong back to immigration, the intercensus variation in the last period (1992-2002) in the number of immigrants in Chile is also larger than that registered in the last fifty years, commensurable with the one registered a the end of the XIX century: it is an increase of 75 percent between 1992 and 2002. These increments were very fluctuant in other periods, and in the sixties seventies the stock of people who were born aboard decreased (table 1). The suspicions that many sectors in Chile would like to know for sure is if this country is really turning into an attractive place for migrants from neighbouring countries. But it too early to affirm so. Instead, it is time to worry about the representations and fears before the arrival and presence of foreigners. Not trying to settle a doctrine, we think that this

2 Between September and October 2003, the fist stage of the register was implemented. This initiative is in search of the generation of information about Chilean people loving abroad. The participation is voluntary and it one of the goals is to interview those Chileans who have been living abroad for more than six months, as well as their children, despite their nationality. The planning and application of the register is a combined activity between consuls and Chilean communities in the different countries. It is an unprecedented project and identical experiences are unknown. The initiative allows fostering a new entailment and participation from the Chilean in the exterior with their origin country. (Gobierno de Chile, 2003b; OIM, 2003).

107 april/june 2005 Papeles de POBLACIÓN No. 44 CIEAP/UAEM conversion is a fact in which many factors meet. We must remember that the transformation from emitter to receiver countries, such as Korea, Spain and Italy (Martin y Widgren, 2002) took long and took place in the middle of a very singular social, economic and politic transition. In Korea, the immigrant communities played and important role in the technological innovation and important initiatives for their return were boosted, as well as stimuli to retain immigrant potentials. In both the European countries, the transformation took place during an economic convergence process, produced by the efforts of community integration. Both nations stand opposite to debate and tensions about the extra-communitarian immigration. There are also other countries whose immigration was sustained for decades and that now are destiny for immigrants and people who are coming back; the example here is Ireland. On the other side, in the current stock of immigrants in Chile is observed that women dominate slightly, situation that was already noticed in 1992, but that was not manifested in the last fifty years. If this is part of the new migration, are we in presence of a quantitative feminization of the migration in Chile? Despite the phenomenon adopts intricate characteristics, it is not possible to identify it as an isolated tendency in the Chilean case, and accounts for the current expressions that the Latin American mobility adopts (Martínez, 2003), where women acquire higher visibility, which suggests that the interest for their knowledge and cultural representations on the immigrants will demand a renewed attention that will go further in the evaluation of magnitudes.

The modest demographic impacts

Even when the absolute magnitude of immigrants is the largest in the history of Chile, the percentage that comprises the population of people who were born abroad over the total population of the country is still ostensibly small, barely superior of one percent (graphic 1). According to the estimations made by the United Nations Population Division around year 2000, this incidence is very modest if compared to the one presented in many other countries. Territories of clear signs of migratory attraction register much higher percentages; such is the case of come European nations and countries from other regions (such as the Middle East and Oceania); actually there are fourteen, with more than a million inhabitants, where their immigrants are a fifth of their total population (United Nations, 2002b). The conclusion is that many countries in the world present a

108 Magnitude and dynamics of Chilean immigration, according... /J. Martínez percentage of immigrants a little bit higher than the one percent of their total population. On the other hand, in several countries where the natural growth rhythm of their population has decreased substantially until turning null or even negative, the migratory balance contributes decisively to maintain a positive demographic equilibrium, enhancing its role in the replacement of populations and feeding the debate about the necessity of migration. In Chile, this situation is very different, since, despite there is a low and descending growth rhythm in its population in the regional context, the migratory contribution is in the negative axis according to the official projections – that have not been revised yet from the data of the census of 2002 -. With an estimated total growth rate of 1.2 percent annually, the net migration is of -0.06 percent (Celade, 2003). In Argentina —a country that after being the destination of several millions of Europeans in the middle of the XX century is still receiving important quantities of people from neighbouring countries— immigrants register a percentage incidence of approximately four percent (graphic 2; United Nations, 2002b), situation that is also observed in other countries from the region. In this country total migration has a minimal contribution to the demographic growth (Celade, 2003). In Costa Rica —with almost 300 thousand immigrants, most of them Nicaraguan who arrived in the last years— the national census of 2002 showed that the percentage over the total population was close to eight percent (doubling in some districts such as in San José).3 At the same time, the official projections —revised with the incomes of the same source – indicate that the contribution of the total migration— being this one positive, is of approximately one third of the total growth, whose principal component is higher of that of Chile (Celade, 2003). These antecedents demonstrate that Costa Rica is a genuine attraction place for migration at a sub-regional scale. Despite the vigorous increment in the number of migrants in Chile, its relative presence is practically minimal. Thus, this makes it difficult to attribute significantly notorious consequences about working markets and the use of social services. This kind of repercussions must be examined meticulously at disincorporated geographic scales, attempting to face negative perceptions in the imaginary collective of some sectors in communal spaces.

3 These data can be directly processed from the website www.inec.go.cr, which contains an application of Celade’s Redatam.

109 april/june 2005 Papeles de POBLACIÓN No. 44 CIEAP/UAEM

GRAPHIC 1 CHILE: IMMIGRANT POPULATION AND PERCENTAGE OVER THE TOTAL POPULATION, 1952-2202

200000 2 150000 2 100000 1

Volume 50000 1 Percentage 0 0 1952 1960 1970 1982 1992 2002 censal year Source: table 2.

GRAPHIC 2 THE AMERICAS: PERCENTAGE OF IMMIGRANTS OVER THE TOTAL POPULATION IN SELECTED COUNTRIES IN YEAR 2000 (ESTIMATIONS FROM THE POPULATION DIVISION OF THE UNITED NATIONS)

20 18 16 14 12 10 8

Percentages 6 4 2 0 Argentina Costa Rica Chile Panama Paraguay Uruguay Venezuela United Canada States Countries

Source: United Nations (2002b).

110 Magnitude and dynamics of Chilean immigration, according... /J. Martínez

It is necessary to spread these examined antecedents, which helps, very probably, to set in the right place the presence of immigrants in Chile, removing all the sensationalist visions, prejudices and fears, concomitantly contributing to highlight it acceptance and with this to favour its real integration. The relevant issue in the Chilean case is that, besides the percentage of immigrants in the total population was higher in other times, as it happened in the first half of the XX century, when it was the four percent of the total population. Then it had a tendency to decrease and in 1982, as well as in 1992, descended to less than one percent (table 2). Actually, from the half of the XIX century to the following half of the XX century the percentage was always above one percent. Then, in 2002, there was a small recovery.

TABLE 2 CHILE: PERCENTAGE OVER THE RESIDENT FOREIGN POPULATION OVER THE TOTAL POPULATION IN THE CENSUSES FROM 1952 TO 2002

Census year Total population Foreign population Percentage 1 2 2/1

1952 5932995 103878 1.75 1960 7374115 104853 1.42 1970 8884768 90441 1.02 1982 11275440 84345 0.75 1992 13348401 105070 0.79 2002 15116435 184464 1.22 Source: National population censuses. Main characteristics of migrants

The census information of 2002 is extremely important in order to draw a profile of migrant according to their origin, sex, age and period of arrival, in order to advance in a basic interpretation of immigration. Similarly, it provides antecedents to examine the labour insertion of migrants and to explore in the working segmentation the economic participation and the insertion of some occupations, giving special attention to Peruvian domestic workers and their principal sociodemographic characteristics.

111 april/june 2005 Papeles de POBLACIÓN No. 44 CIEAP/UAEM

Origin: essentially from South America

Depending the origin country (birth place), it is noticeable that people from South America sum the 68 percent (table 3). Even more, only the four first stocks represent the 68 percent: Argentineans, Peruvians, Bolivians and Ecuadorians, in that order, from which the first two conform almost the half of migrants (47 percent). Argentina and Peru have experimented a high rate of migration in the last years, as it is proved by the presence of its migrates in countries such as the United States and Spain, where they reach magnitudes and, at least, in the case of the Argentinean, growth rates higher than those registered in Chile.4 According to the censal data, Peruvians constitute the 21 percent of the population of the foreigners living in Chile and occupied the second place. This position does not agree with the fact the Peruvians were the first majority to be given permanent residency and temporary and liable to contract visas accumulated in the decade of 1990 (Doña, 2002). Probably because of that last fact is that the Peruvian presence was the object of debates and representations on migration in the media. Indeed there was a great increase since 1992 in the number if Peruvian immigrants, —far, the highest relative increment among the consigned groups— followed by the immigrants form other Andean countries: Ecuador and Colombia (table 3). On the other hand, the number of Europeans (17 percent of immigrants), continue decreasing, as its migrant stock ages, and the Asians (with barely the four percent of the total stock), registered a slight increment, which is another element to doubt about the hypothesis of “attraction” of Chile for immigrants from other regions.5

4 As an example, in the United States, the Argentinean sum 89 thousand people (www.census.gov) and in Spain, 104 thousand (www.ine.es). 5 However, the presence of Chinese and Koreans is visible in Chile —as in other countries of the region— in sectors such as commerce, dressing and restaurants. According to Doña (2002) among the permanent residence given in the decade of 1990, there was registered an increment. The presence of Chinese people has been accompanied by discrimination. Flores (1994) mentioned that from the end of the XIX century were object of the xenophobia from some sectors which were afraid of the “yellow danger” and its patterns of original concentration, in function of the guano activity and its later displacement to the central zone. The Chilean society has always discriminated the yellow race. “To work as a Chinese”,“china” in the rural areas; any peasant moving to the city just to work as a domestic aid kept the name china…to the people with small eyes are nicknamed “chinos”, among our peoples it has been defines as a stereotype, that Chinese people can eat, usually, “denigrating” food…” (p. 75). It has to be acknowledged that some history characters received that nickname.

112 Magnitude and dynamics of Chilean immigration, according... /J. Martínez

TABLE 3 CHILE: TEN PRINCIPAL ORIGIN COUNTRIES AND REGIONS OF TEH FOREIGNERS AND SOME CHARACTERISTICS, 2002

Percentage Percentage over Masculinity Variation of younger Country and Origin region Number immigrants relation 1992-2002 than 15 y.

Total 184 464 100.0 0.91 60.97 18.44 Argentina 48 176 26.12 1.00 39.99 31.12 Peru 37 860 20.52 0.66 394.97 9.00 Bolivia 10 919 5.92 0.84 41.27 9.96 Ecuador 9 393 5.09 0.83 314.34 19.54 Spain 9 084 4.92 1.07 -7.77 8.42 United States 7 753 4.20 1.23 24.07 27.29 Brazil 6 895 3.74 0.85 49.57 22.87 Germany 5 473 2.97 0.95 -2.32 10.03 Venezuela 4 338 2.35 0.94 80.98 23.33 Colombia 4 095 2.22 0.82 145.80 13.77 South America 125 161 67.85 0.84 98.51 20.10 North America 11 295 6.12 1.17 37.19 27.18 Central Am & the Caribbean 5 782 3.13 1.02 112.03 12.11 Europe 31 780 17.23 1.05 -1.22 12.37 Asia 7 735 4.19 1.26 16.91 9.02 Africa 1 302 0.71 0.98 66.92 9.91 Oceania 1 409 0.76 0.90 48.00 23.07 Source: National population censuses and Celade’s IMILA project.

Sex: feminization and gender

According the composition by sex, the slight predominance by women in the total can be appreciated in seven of the ten main migratory stocks (graphic 4 and table 3). The more outstanding facts are the strong predominance of women in the Peruvian immigration and the equilibrium among the Argentinean immigrants. The major presence of Peruvian women was already suggested by the data from the visas issued, but since that information is based on the demand of working contracts, it is possible to suppose that it was affected by the eventual higher sub- register by the male population, it the hypothesis that the occupational insertion from the Peruvian women —mainly in the domestic service— it is ruled, in a higher proportion, by the demand of working contracts and some other less formal occupations than those performed by men.6

6 The visa data, in that case, do not record the current occupation, but the one at the moment of the application. A revision of this has been performed by Stefoni (2002 and 2003).

113 april/june 2005 Papeles de POBLACIÓN No. 44 CIEAP/UAEM

GRAPHIC 3 CHILE: PRINCIPAL ORIGIN COUNTRIES OF THE FOREIGNERS, 2002

Argentina 26%

Resto países 42%

Per ú 21% Ecuador Bolivia 5% 6% Source: table 3.

The feminization of migration contains significant figures. A direct reading of this phenomenon is that women are more frequently migrating alone, probably in conditions of greater autonomy, or in the framework of familiar strategies; whatever the case, it is necessary to investigate the rationale behind the migratory decisions, which could throw light on the mobility’s temporal character, the conditions of cycle of life and the social networks that establish the destiny points establish. At the same time, the study of feminization in migration suggests that the diversity of working opportunities for migrant women is being narrowed, more than for the native female population, which results in the sources of social vulnerability. It is also much precaution is suggested with these conclusions, since victimization should be avoided, fact that would bring their segmented working insertion. These facts are just a sample of the, more than the revisions on the migrant populations according to the sex, what is needed is to advance with determination in a gender approach of migration (see, for example, Martínez (2003), at www.cepal.cl/celade and the bibliography identified there).

114 Magnitude and dynamics of Chilean immigration, according... /J. Martínez

GRAPHIC 4 Index of masculinity Index 2002 (MEN PER EACH WOMAN) r 0.00 0.20 0.40 0.60 0.80 1.00 1.20 1.40

Peru US Brasil Total Bolivia Spain Ecuado

Colombia Germany

Argentina Venezuela

Countries CHILE: MASCULINITY INDEXES OF THE TEN PRINCIPAL ORIGIN COUNTRIES FOREIGNERS,

115 april/june 2005 Papeles de POBLACIÓN No. 44 CIEAP/UAEM

Age: arriving workers and children who return

The prominent participation of people in active ages among the Peruvian and Bolivian immigrants is an indicator that the working component —as a direct motivation of migration— is changing thus it registers less than 10 percent of children. This behaviour contrasts with the same age segment incidence among Argentinean (children are almost a third) and Ecuadorian (where they are almost one fifth) (table 3). When comparing the distribution by the Argentinean and Peruvian immigrants’ sex and age, it is highly noticed that they are two very different groups, besides the marked differences in the men and women participation in central ages, in the case of people who were born in Peru (graphics 5 and 6). Besides it is very noticeable to prove that the structure by sex and age of the population born in Argentina living in Chile is very similar to that of the population of this country, which indicates that the Argentinean immigration has a familiar character. The census information allows the elaboration of indexes of working participation of immigrants according to their sex. Compared to the national total, foreigners register a higher incorporation to the working forces. graphic 7 shows that, among the main groups, Peruvians have the highest rates of activity, to the extent that Peruvian women duplicate the rate of participation of Chilean women in the total population of the country and —according to graphic 7— they reach the same intensity as Ecuadorian men, which is another group that is distinguished by its intense working participation (despite the relatively high number of children). On the contrary, the Argentinean population seems to register more similar behaviours to the ones presented by the population in Chile. Antecedents on the proportion of employed and the structure of occupations complements these remarks and allows the approaching to the productive contribution of foreigners (putting in front arguments to the worries about the cost foreigners cause when demanding for education and health). The intense working participation in some groups of immigrants suggests that the contributions can be, potentially, very relevant.

116 Magnitude and dynamics of Chilean immigration, according... /J. Martínez

GRAPHIC 5 CHILE: PERCENTAGE STRUCTURE PER SEX AND AGE OF THE POPULATION BORN IN ARGENTINA, 2002

75 y más

60-74

45-59

30-44

15-29

Menos de 15

25 20 15 10 5 0 5 10 15 20 25

Hombres Mujer es

GRAPHIC: 6 CHILE: PERCENTAGE STRUCTURE BY SEX AND AGE OF THE POPULATION BORN IN PERU, 2002

75 and more

60-74

45-59

30-44

15-29

Less than 15

25 20 15 10 5 0 5 10 15 20 25

Men Women

117 april/june 2005 Papeles de POBLACIÓN No. 44 CIEAP/UAEM

GRAPHIC 7 CHILE: LABORAL PARTICIPATION RATES ACCORDING TO THE GENDER OF THE MAIN GROUPS WHICH WERE BORN ABROAD, 2002

Total nacidos en el extranjero

Ecuatorianos

Argentinos

Per uanos

Bolivianos

0 102030405060708090100 Tasas de participación laboral (por cien)

Hombres Mujer es

Besides, graphic 5 gives indications to suppose that the immigration of people who were born in Argentina is caused by the return of Chileans with their children born in the trans-Andean country (situation that could be extended to other origins), as it was verified in the 1992 census and has been registered in various cases of migration between neighbouring countries. The important fact is that in a situation like this is not correct to forget the incidence of the processes of Chileans’ return, which operated during the decade of 1990,7 even if we can say the repatriation of Chileans is an unaccomplished subject and with sad memories from its beginning, at the beginning of the decade of 1980, the dictator Augusto

7 For a child of Chilean parents who was born abroad to get the Chilean nationality, it is necessary for him/her t olive in the country for a year, this according to the Constitution, Art. 10, num. 3. This has been modified by a constitutional reform virtually conducted in the Congress, and that eliminates the residence time.

118 Magnitude and dynamics of Chilean immigration, according... /J. Martínez

Pinochet created a consultative commission where he proved to be a human rights breaker for he ordered the publication of authorizations for the return of exiles, where Santillo (1986: 3) mentioned that “there are juveniles, deceased, detained, missing people, people who have never gone out or return without impediments, repeated names, etc…”. The return is also part of the migration process. The figures from the national censuses of 1992 and 2002 show that the return of Chileans before each census had more significance with the recovery of the democracy than when the Coordination of Parties for the Democracy (ruling coalition) started its third period on the chair. Possibly the return in 2002 was led by economic factors or cycle of life than to exile reasons, but it is interesting to mention that Argentina was the principal origin both times. Now, the antecedents of age, and specially, the heterogeneity of children and active people’s participation, as well as the intense working participation some groups reach, is an objective base from where to discuss the real demands of education services and the productive contribution of immigrants, specially among the people of Peruvian origin. This must also lead to sharing the concern on the insertion of the working immigrants —mentioned the case of the Peruvians— with the reinsertion of the emigrated Chilean families, a forgotten subject in the debates on immigration.

Period of arrival: intense recent immigration among Peruvians and Ecuadorians

One of the principal fundaments to describe as new the immigration the set of accumulated flows in Chile until 2002 is the concentration of the arrivals from the second half of the decade of 1990. The worries for the migratory phenomenon — including the references in the press media— started to proliferate since then and the initial investigation was concentrated on the more starring flows: those of people of Peruvian origin. From the data of table 4 we can see that also the Ecuadorian have concentrated their arrivals from that date, but it seems their immigration has been less visible. It is every time more acknowledge that both of the mentioned countries are the scenario of an intense migration that shares some socioeconomic characteristics of the migrants and certain similarities in the periods where they have occurred starting in the XX century (Altamirano, 2003a). Although with

119 april/june 2005 Papeles de POBLACIÓN No. 44 CIEAP/UAEM old roots, in a short time, in Ecuador migration has reached unprecedented magnitudes and characteristics in its history, and there are signs of its undoubting importance, as the vigorous presence of Ecuadorians in countries out of the region and the selective character of the migrants. In Peru, migration is not something new and it is necessary to mention that its volume has been associated with the major or minor political and economical stability of the country, to the extent that some identify it as one of the countries with more migration in the world, which, however, it would not have been become of capital attention of governments and the civil society (Altamirano, 1992; 2003a and 2003b). The presence of Ecuadorians and Peruvians in Chile is comparatively small, despite the observed tendencies in the second half of the 1990’s decade. It is necessary to reiterate that the estimations present much higher figures, even in countries far from the region. It is estimated that in the United States 328 Peruvians the eight Spanish-speaking community of immigrants —and 281— the tenth, had residence in 2000 (www.census.gov) and in Spain, in 2001, 54 thousand Peruvians and 220 thousand Ecuadorians resided there (the main Latin American stock, of a recent and peculiar dynamism) (ww.ine.es).8 The image of Chile as a principal option for Peruvian migrants in function of its salary advantages and economic stability9 which so simply was spread among the media, to identify them as conditions of migratory attraction, to make the audience believe that migrants came in waves that as such, were a threat and were uncontrollable. It is almost sure that such appreciation was directed to part of the Andean immigration, since there was a concentration of Peruvian and Ecuadorian immigration from the second half of the decade of 1990, according to the data of the arrival in the country. Most of Argentineans and Bolivians arrived in the country before 1996 (table 4).

8 In the census performed in Ecuador in 2001 was included a battery of questions directed to households with migrated Ecuadorians (it means, those households were all the members have migrated are not counted). The processing of the microdata has thrown a total of about 380 thousand people (53 percent men), which represents the minimal estimation. Due to the criterion with which the information is obtained, it is probable that the differences among those data and the data from the censuses of other countries is due to the migration of all the members of a family, which is more notorious in old migration. That way, 187 thousand Ecuadorians were registered in Spain and almost 6 thousand in Chile, but only 100 thousand in the United States and c about 7 thousand in Venezuela (the census in this country presented almost 30 thousand in 2001). If it is true that the data must be carefully examined and exploit the most of them, instruments such as the census are useful for these kind of research, which were already proposed, in various ways long ago by several authors, and used in some countries, specially from the censuses of the decade of 1980 (Martinez, 1999). 9 The per capita income of Chile in 2000 (5 473 dollars) is 2.4 times superior to the one of Peru and 3.8 times superior of Ecuador (Cepal, 2002).

120 Magnitude and dynamics of Chilean immigration, according... /J. Martínez

TABLE 4 CHILE: PERIOD OF ARRIVAL OF THE IMMIGRANTS FROM THE PRINCIPAL FIVE ORIGIN COUNTRIES IN 2002 (PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION BY SEX)

Origin country Period arrival to the country Until 1995 From 1996 Total Men Women Men Women Men Women

Argentina 61.4 64.6 38.6 35.4 100.0 100.0 Bolivia 27.4 20.7 72.6 79.3 100.0 100.0 Peru 63.9 67.7 36.1 32.3 100.0 100.0 Ecuador 24.5 24.6 75.5 75.4 100.0 100.0 Spain 77.3 79.1 22.7 20.9 100.0 100.0

In general, it is known that South American migration is selective and is far from being exportation of people in poverty conditions. For example, there is a distinguishable selectivity among the Ecuadorian immigrant population in Spain in comparison to the one in their origin country: 20 percent of Ecuadorians older than 25 years have obtained a university degree, while in Ecuador, this figure is just the 16 percent.10

The insertion in the economic activity: a colourful frame

The data of 2002 show that the insertion of the migrant active population according to branches of activities has as first majorities the domestic service (16 percent) and retailing (13 percent) branches that are followed, from far, by owner’s activities (nine percent). The information from IMILA reveals that in 1992 migrants would distribute mainly in retailing (26 percent) and activities related to services (24 percent); the domestic service represented only the three percent of the working force. This shows important modifications that are the result of both the changes in the immigration composition as well as in the work demand.

10 Raquel Martínez Buján (2003) suggests that this situation can be generalized for South Americans in Spain. The Celade studies show that, with some variations, such selectivity is also present in the migratory exchanges within the countries of the region and that, in general, tends to be lower when the migration is of greater magnitude and occurs in neighboring countries.

121 april/june 2005 Papeles de POBLACIÓN No. 44 CIEAP/UAEM

In order to have an idea of the changes in the work demand, it can be mentioned that the principal branches of activities of the economically active population in Chile are retailing (20 percent) and the manufacturing industries (12 percent). The domestic service represents the six percent (16 percent among the feminine population) (INE, 2003). What was the situation in 1992? The industry represented 17 percent and retailing 16 percent; the domestic service represented the seven percent (22 percent among women). Then, there are some indications that the working segmentation among the immigrants is not strictly new, but, as a result of the mentioned modifications, it seems to have turned more visible. That is why such guess is more stable if the structure of activities is distinguished, according to the origin of immigrants. By considering the origin country, the working insertion shows a very heterogeneous panorama. Peruvian population is concentrated in the domestic service (43 percent) while Ecuadorians are concentrated in social services and health (33 percent). Such intense concentration is not observed in Argentineans or Bolivians, who are in the first place in retailing (17 and 19 percent respectively) (graphic 8). The presence of Peruvian women in the domestic service is very concentrated, since that occupation represents more than the 70 percent of the working force of such origin; Peruvian women represent almost 80 percent of female foreigners working in that branch. What this basic exploration suggests that the segmented insertion patterns among the immigrant population, that refer to an orientation towards specific sectors of the work market where natives do not usually work (because supposedly they reject them because the low pay and bad reputation) are more visible among women of Peruvian origin; the segmentation could be also found among the Ecuadorian immigrant population, but in a less notorious way (the domestic service represents the 14 percent of the working force). The relevant issue here is that the segmentation narrows the possibilities of working insertion next to concentrations in the working markets dynamics, which can represent a source of vulnerability among foreigner workers who, in the case of the domestic service, its linked to the stigmatization this has always had, and to the complex relations employers have with the employees, characterized by the diffuse distinction between servility conditions, time domination and contractual obligations (Stefoni, 2002). Anyway, it is important to mention that not all the immigrant groups share the same characteristics, and those are not constant in the time. The information from 1992 and 2002 reveals that, for example, Argentinean and Peruvian have similarities and differences; the first are given by the insertion in the activity branches in 1992, both in men and women; the differences are notorious in 2002 in women, with the segmentation of Peruvians in the domestic service (tables 5 and 6). 122 Magnitude and dynamics of Chilean immigration, according... /J. Martínez

Domestic Service Domestic 25 30 35 40 45 50 Percentage

15 20 GRAPHIC 8

10 Retailing commerce Retailing

5

COMMERCE AND DOMESTIC SERVICES, 2002 0

rgentinian Peruvian Bolivian A Ecuadorian

CHILE: INSERTION TO THE WORKING FORCE OF PRINCIPAL FOREIGN GROUPS INTO Total of people who were were who of people Total Born abroad

123 april/june 2005 Papeles de POBLACIÓN No. 44 CIEAP/UAEM 7.4 8.6 12.7 22.4 36.7 100.0 234 305 511 534 935 438 16.6 2 26.0 3 19.6 6 100.0 17 297 808 029 534 21.3 2 48.5 1 100.0 7 053 289 933 100.0 6 TABLE 5 231 14.714.4 321 549 9.1 1 10.8 21 0.9 61 1.0 515 6.6 10.8 21 0.9 1.0 61 1 30.531.2 696 2 636 8.1 4.7 286 1 10.7 66 3.0 23.023.9 534 1 Men Women Both sexes Both Men Women 100.0 2 481 685 244 505 225 646 FROM 15 YEARS OF AGE AND OLDER, 1992 2002 26.8 2 100.0 11 43 0.8 69 0.613.6 303 540 8.9 346 4.4 609 3.5 495 577

Branch Branch 793 4.5 1992 %1992 %2002580 7.4 2.8 169 2002 % 1 624 5.4 71 3.2 % Agriculture 2002 % 9.1 509 17.5 Mining % 1992 138 0.8 976 Industry 126 1.1 116 1.5 1.9 108 8 0.4 0.2 12 Electricity Electricity 100 0.9 124 0.7 0.5 27 4 0.2 0.4 24 31 0.4 494 Construction 8.9 1 3 Commerce 1 15.0 838 Services 1 10.2 570 Transport Finance Domestic 517 service 9.3 257 2.2 207 9.3 190 3.1 724 9.3 447 2.5 Total 5 CHILE: POPULATION BORN IN ARGENTINA, ECONOMICALLY ACTIVE, BY SEX AND ACTIVITY BRACH,

124 Magnitude and dynamics of Chilean immigration, according... /J. Martínez TABLE 6 15 YEARS OF AGE AND OLDER, 1992 2002 Men Women Both sexes Both Men Women 17 1.0 43.0 71.5 131 11496 453 11043 5.2 4.0 114 14.3

Total Total 100.0 11303 100.0 1696 100.0 26744 2496 100.0 100.0 12441 800 100.0 Branch Branch 2002 % %1992 1992 % Agriculture 2002 % 437 3.9 15 1.9 57 3.4 2002 % 509 1.9 72 0.5 72 2.9 Mining 1992 % Industry 1738 6.5 14.9 110 1.0 55 3.2 Electricity 129 5.2 1685 7 0.9 5 0.6 53 0.3 122 7.2 2124 18.8 301 17.7 129 0.5 19 0.1 60 2.4 Construction 95 11.9 9 0.5 558 81 0.7 2682 10.0 3.6 396 15.9 Commerce 2 0.3 1098 2514 22.2 209 26.1 518 30.5 Services 7 0.0 11 0.4 3612 13.5 7.1 727 29.1 88 0.3 Transport 985 3.7 153 6.1 5287 19.8 2296 14.9 539 21.6 2991 26.5 224 38.0 315 18.6 196 1.3 789 7.0 37 4.6 116 6.8 Finance Domestic 186 11.0 service 119 1.1 92 11.5 99 0.6 278 11.1 218 0.8 CHILE: POPULATION BORN IN PERU, ECONOMICALLY ACTIVE, BY SEX AND ACTIVITY BRACH, FROM

125 april/june 2005 Papeles de POBLACIÓN No. 44 CIEAP/UAEM

The domestic service and female Peruvian immigrants

The concentration of female Peruvian immigrants in the domestic service is a finding to develop a wide agenda of research that includes diverse aspects: their qualifications, working conditions, residence projects, appreciation about the immigration experience, their contact with their families and the strategies they follow to face different risks they may encounter, among other subjects that have been of interest amidst some researchers.11 Some of them are susceptible to be approached with the census information. We have to specify that more than three quarters of the Peruvian females of more than 12 years in Chile have more than 10 years of studies (a slightly lower proportion to that of men, but higher to female Peruvian immigrants in 1992). Another important aspect to highlight is the fact that most of the Peruvian women are mothers, even without having a stable couple, situation that in 1992 was clearly less marked. table 7 shows that more than the 85 percent has at least one child, very probably in their origin country due to their occupation. Indeed, according to the relationship structure to the interior of the households, the fact that Peruvian women, unlike men, have similar proportions as head of family, wives or live-in lover, respectively (15 percent), all of them inferior to the condition of member of domestic service “indoors”, that represent the main category (30 percent approximately).12 We must mention that the Peruvian women are a low percentage of domestic service employees working in Chile: just four percent. The Peruvian domestic service workers are represented in grand scale by the communes f the East side of Santiago: there they reach values of more than 85 percent of the working force of Peruvian women —almost 100 percent in Lo Barnachea and Vitacura. These domestic workers are then fundamentally “indoors”, with proportions close to 60 percent in the national total, contrasting ostensibly with the figures that the Chilean, and of other origins, domestic workers register.

11 Stefoni (2002: 127) mentioned that “…we do not have the statistical information that allows us to know the percentage of people working in this activity, but some case studies present this reality”. This premise was obliged and explains, to our understanding, the preferences to case studies and the difficulty of generalizing the results. 12 The category of “indoors” domestic service was included for the first time with such denomination in the census ballot of 2002. Understanding this term as the people who work as assessors of the house being part of it, since they have a room within their employer’s house (they eat and sleep in it). The characterization of this singular working relationship has turned recurrently in the temporal dedication of the employee; the woman is available 24 hours a day to respond the family’s need.

126 Magnitude and dynamics of Chilean immigration, according... /J. Martínez

TABLE 7 CHILE: WOMEN BORN IN PERU, OF 15 YEARS OF AGE AND OLDER, ACCORDING TO MARITAL STATUS AND PRESENCE OF CHILDREN, 1992, 2002

Without children With children Total Marital Status 1992 2002 1992 2002 1992 2002

Married 222 521 1 335 9 151 1 557 9 672 Single 831 1 644 133 3 404 964 5 048 Other 42 23 508 1 564 550 1 587 Total 1 095 2 188 1 976 14 119 3 071 16 307

Sociodemographic profile of the Chilean domestic workers

The Chilean domestic workers in Chile have a profile of younger age than their Chilean and other origins peers: 40 percent are between 20 and 29 years old, much contrasted percentage with those other groups (graphic 9). Besides, the situation is not much different between the “indoors” and “outdoors” service for the Peruvian women. In the case of the Chilean women, the age profile change is strong, for those who work in the first condition are clearly younger. This would mean that, from the employers’ point of view, there is a preference for younger women when choosing a house assessor to work indoors: the possibility of time control, control over week dates and contact with relatives are stronger when there’s a foreign nanny whose children are far away. The idealization of the young nanny, always eager to learn and respond to the family’s needs, is better materialized with the Peruvian women, who has migrated knowing the conditions she would have to accept, despite the fact that she sees the job, at the beginning, as a temporal stay. Possibly the idealization is also associated to other elements difficult to contrast —such as cooking abilities. However, in the case of better instruction would be for the Peruvian women, the perception is corroborated with the census data.

127 april/june 2005 Papeles de POBLACIÓN No. 44 CIEAP/UAEM

GRAPHIC 9 CHILE: WOMEN BORN IN CHILE, PERU AND OTHER COUNTRIES IN THE DOMESTIC SERVICE, BY AGE GROUPS (PERCENTAGE), 2002

Younger than 20 Chile 50.00 Peru 40.00 Others 30.00 60 and more 20-29 20.00 10.00 0.00

50-59 30-39

40-49

Let’s reiterate that this information shows that the active population of Peruvian origin presents higher education levels than the Chilean population; the difference is stronger among domestic workers; three fourths of the Peruvian women have 10 of more years of approved studies, whereas with the Chileans this proportion is a third (table 8).13 For an employer, the process of norms, knowledge and learning transmission is easier with educated women.

13 According to our unprecedented tabulations, 53 percent of the female Peruvian immigrants declare having junior high school approved; 20 percent has technical education and only 8 percent has university education.

128 Magnitude and dynamics of Chilean immigration, according... /J. Martínez

TABLE 8 CHILE: PEOPLE BORN IN PERU AND CHILE EMPLOYED IN THE DOMESTIC SERVICE AND OTHER OCCUPATIONS, BY SEX AND EDUCATION, 2002

Origin country Occupation Years of study Men %

Peru Domestic service Less than 4 12 2.6 Between 4 and 9 70 15.5 10 and more 371 81.9 Total 453 100.0 Other occupation Less than 4 169 1.6 Between 4 and 9 1 178 10.9 10 and more 9 504 87.6 Total 10 851 100.0 Total Less than 4 181 1.6 Between 4 and 9 1 248 11.0 10 and more 9 875 87.4 Total 11 304 100.0 Chile Domestic service Less than 4 4 641 14.7 Between 4 and 9 12 877 47.1 10 and more 12 073 38.2 Total 31 591 100.0 Other occupation Less than 4 252 181 7.1 Between 4 and 9 1 142 837 32.2 10 and more 2 143 035 60.6 Total 3 538 053 100.0 Total Less than 4 256 822 7.2 Between 4 and 9 1 157 714 32.4 10 and more 2 155 108 60.4 Total 3 569 644 100.0

129 april/june 2005 Papeles de POBLACIÓN No. 44 CIEAP/UAEM

TABLE 8 CHILE: PEOPLE BORN IN PERU AND CHILE EMPLOYED IN THE DOMESTIC SERVICE AND OTHER OCCUPATIONS, BY SEX AND EDUCATION, 2002

Origin Occupation Years of study Women % Both % country sexes

Peru Domestic Less than 4 507 4.6 519 4.5 service Between 4 and 9 2 358 21.4 2 428 21.1 10 and more 8 178 74.1 8 549 74.4 Total 11 043 100.0 11 496 100.0

Other Less than 4 72 1.6 241 1.6 occupation Between 4 and 9 412 9.4 1 590 10.4 10 and more 3 915 89.0 13 419 88.0 Total 4 399 100.0 15 250 100.0

Less than 4 579 37.7 760 2.8 Total Between 4 and 9 2 770 17.9 4 018 15.0 10 and more 12 093 78.3 21 968 82.1 Total 15 442 100.0 26 746 100.0 Chile Domestic Less than 4 39 098 13.2 43 739 13.3 service Between 4 and 9 159 031 53.6 173 908 53.0 10 and more 98 359 33.2 110 432 33.7 Total 296 488 100.0 328 079 100.0

Other Less than 4 50 237 3.2 302 418 5.9 occupation Between 4 and 9 269332 17.0 412 169 27.6 10 and more 1 261 098 79.8 3 404 133 66.5 Total 1 580 667 100.0 5 118 720 100.0

Less than 4 89 335 4.8 346 157 6.4 Total Between 4 and 9 428 363 22.8 1 586 077 29.1 10 and more 159 457 72.4 3 514 565 64.5 Total 1 877 155 100.0 5 446 799 100.0

130 Magnitude and dynamics of Chilean immigration, according... /J. Martínez

Are only the domestic service Peruvian women who keep a distance in their education profiles? The data reflect that also the Peruvian male population has a slightly superior percentage of people with 10 years or more of approved studies than their Chilean counterpart in the occupation set. However, the Peruvian immigrants are less visible, or at least these characteristics have not been very recognized in the immigrant’s representations. The employer’s preferences of Chilean women over Peruvian ones in the domestic service could be consolidated in the future. Meanwhile among the Chilean women an 18 percent of the domestic workers work in the “indoors” modality, with the Peruvian women the percentage is more than the 60 percent, which is clearly expressed in working demand —small by the time being— which is satisfied with the offer of cheap manpower; educated and willing. Moreover, among the Peruvian women, the level of instruction is higher than that of foreign women of other origins, who are mainly “outdoors” (table 9 and graphics 10 and 11). In our opinion, the antecedents permit to state that there is not working competence between Peruvian and Chilean women. This should not lead to a confusion of planes; since another reading is that the Peruvian immigrants face a strong working segmentation, and can be object of cross stigmatization (gender, nationality and occupation) and face risks of open vulnerability and isolation. However, this victimization can be distanced and it is logic to acknowledge that not all of them live in those conditions (that has been well described in the works by Stefoni 2002 and 2003). The domestic service is also a source of job opportunities, saving possibilities, temporal projects realizations and experience acquisitions that in their countries have been denied. From the Chilean migratory policy point of view, the possibility of advancing in the integration of these immigrants can be one of the main demands to be addressed: it is, for example, of guaranteeing the enjoyment of their full current working rights and the access to health services in equal conditions than the Chilean population.

131 april/june 2005 Papeles de POBLACIÓN No. 44 CIEAP/UAEM

TABLE 9 CHILE. WOMEN WORKING IN THE DOMESTIC SERVICE BY ORIGIN COUNTRY AND EDUCATION, ACCORDING TO SERVICE CONDITION, 2002

Origin Years Out country of study doors % In doors %

Chile Less than 4 31 881 13.1 7 217 13.7 Between 4 and 9 131 289 53.8 27 742 52.7 10 and more 80 694 33.1 17 665 33.6 Total 243 864 100.0 52 624 100.0 Peru Less than 4 162 3.7 345 5.1 Between 4 and 9 790 18.3 1 568 23.3 10 and more 3 375 78.0 4 803 71.5 Total 4 327 100.0 6 716 100.0 Less than 4 154 10.9 103 11.4 Other Between 4 and 9 580 41.0 336 37.1 countries 10 and more 679 48.1 467 51.5 Total 1 413 100.0 906 100.0

GRAPHIC 10 CHILE: WOMEN WORKING IN THE DOMESTIC SERVICE, OUT DOORS, BY ORIGIN COUNTRY AND EDUCATION, 2002 (PERCENTAGE)

Less than 4 80.00

60.00

40.00

20.00

0.00

10 and more Between 4 and 9

Chile Peru Others

132 Magnitude and dynamics of Chilean immigration, according... /J. Martínez

GRAPHIC 11 CHILE: WOMEN WORKING IN THE DOMESTIC SERVICE, IN DOORS, BY ORIGIN COUNTRY AND EDUCATION, 2002 (PERCENTAGE)

Less than 4 80.00

60.00

40.00

20.00

0.00

10 and more Between 4 and 9

Chile Peru Others

Conclusions

The general results of the National Population and Tenement Census in Chile taken in 2002 show that this country if far from constituting an attraction pole for immigrants due to the fact that they are still representing a small figure in the total counting of the population, and there are many other countries where the incidence is much more notorious. However, in absolute figures, the presence of foreign people is the highest in the whole history and has registered an unprecedented relative increment in the decade of 1990, as consequence of the arrival of South American citizens, especially Peruvian women, fact that has created new angles for Chile. Migration from Peru, as well as other neighbouring countries, is part of an ample scale social process, with history and that does not show any signs of change. The data presented do not fit with the arguments of immigrants “waves” or “invasions” and there are strong reasons to doubt about its working competence at big scale (including with this the influences about unemployment in native communities) and its explosive demand of social services. In general, countries whose immigration is more numerous have not been affected either by this

133 april/june 2005 Papeles de POBLACIÓN No. 44 CIEAP/UAEM competence, which tends to occur when the institutional frameworks are incapable of facing the immigration dynamic and favour the arrival, stay and hiring of people without documents. In Chile, the presence of irregular migrants does not seem significant, and this infers, in a preliminary way, due to the similarities between the census estimations of 2002 with those derived from the residence registers and given visas (keep in mind those do not have statistical objectives). The census data are indicators of the fact that immigrants have more qualifications that the Chilean population, particularly in the case of Peruvians, whose immigration is strictly for work (with a very high economic participation). The strong predomination of women in the Peruvian immigration and their preferential insertion in the “indoors” domestic service constitutes, to a large extent, the median profile of the new immigrant: if a great number of these women are employed in those conditions —it is questionable to admit that these people keep totally different conducts in the Chilean households— and that compete with the native workers, conclusion that suggests a preferential status for Peruvian women. The composition of the immigration stock sets evidence, sometimes not well known, as the case of the arrival of children with their returning Chilean parents. We would like to reiterate that, for many reasons, in the debates about international migration in Chile is important to consider the situation of the Chilean migrates. Just the acknowledge that a significant number of Chileans is currently living abroad is fundamental to highlight that mobility is not a new phenomenon among the Chilean population. This way, the identification of a phenomenon of new immigration must circumscribe to the recent tendencies and characteristics, taking out all prejudicial meaning and stimulating the exploitation of the offered opportunities. Which can be the perspective of immigration in Chile? It is difficult to forecast a determinate level of growth of the immigrant stocks of neighbouring origin. However, as in the neighbouring countries are not produced retention conditions of their populations and the migratory process continues or increases, Chile will still be one of the possibilities for some migrants, at least because the difficult restrictions of countries of great attraction. A segmented working market, where the workers are relatively instructed, get to generate some savings and do not compete with the native working force; a country where also social networks are created which sustain the links migrants establish with their relatives, as well as foster the arrival on new contingents, are convincing

134 Magnitude and dynamics of Chilean immigration, according... /J. Martínez arguments to pay attention to the evolution of immigration. This does not mean treats by waves, as it has been trying to demonstrate in this work, but an opportunity; if the people who arrive suffer from vulnerability and are stigmatized and discriminated, there are no reasons to ignore the need of paying attention to the social, economic and political importance of immigration for the involved societies and specially for male and female migrants. The census data in Chile —as in other countries— are very useful since they help to build closer perceptions to what it is observed in international migration, and with that, to define attitudes free from fears towards immigration.

Bibliography

ALTAMIRANO, Teófilo, 1992, Éxodo. Peruanos en el exterior, Fondo editorial de la Pontificia Universidad Católica de Perú, Lima. ALTAMIRANO, Teófilo, 2003a, “Perú y Ecuador: nuevos países de emigración”, en revista electrónica Aportes Andinos, núm. 7, www.uasb.edu.ec/padh. ALTAMIRANO, Teófilo, 2003b, “Transnacionalismo y remesas”, en Yamada Mutsuo (ed.), Emigración latinoamericana: comparación interregional entre América del Norte, Europa y Japón, JCAS Symposium series, 19, Osaka. CELADE, 2003, “América Latina: población por años calendario y edades simples 1995-2005”, en Boletín Demográfico, XXXVI, 71, LC/G.2197-P, Santiago de Chile. CEPAL, 2002, Panorama social de América Latina 2001-2002, Cepal, LC/G/2183-P, Santiago de Chile. DOÑA, Cristián, 2002, Percepción de la inmigración reciente en Chile a través del análisis de medios de prensa, Universidad de Chile, tesis para optar al título de sociólogo, inédito, Santiago de Chile. FLORES, Eusebio, 1994, “Población de origen chino en Chile: un ensayo de geografía histórica”, en Paisajes Geográficos, XIV, 29. GOBIERNO DE CHILE, 2003a, Política migratoria en Chile, Ministerio del Interior, inédito, Santiago de Chile. GOBIERNO DE CHILE, 2003b, Primer registro de chilenos en el exterior. Informe preliminar primera etapa: América del Sur y Centroamérica, Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores,/INE/OIM, octubre, inédito. IDEAS, 1997, Primera encuesta intolerancia y discriminación. Informe y análisis, Universidad de Chile, Programa Democracia Cultural, Santiago de Chile. INE, 2004, “Informe registro de chilenos en el exterior”, en Boletín Informativo, mayo. INE, 2003, Censo 2002, resultados, vol. I, población, país/región, marzo, Santiago de Chile.

135 april/june 2005 Papeles de POBLACIÓN No. 44 CIEAP/UAEM

MARTIN, Philip y Jonas Widgren, 2002, “International migration: facing the challenge”, en Population Bulletin, PRB, marzo, 57, 1. MARTÍNEZ, Jorge, 1997, Situación y tendencias de la migración internacional en Chile, Celade, LC/DEM/R.281, serie B, núm. 120, Santiago de Chile. MARTÍNEZ, Jorge, 1999, “La migración internacional en los censos de población”, en Revista Notas de Población, 69. MARTÍNEZ, Jorge, 2003, El mapa migratorio de América Latina y el Caribe, las mujeres y el género, Cepal, serie Población y Desarrollo, 44, LC/L.1974-P, Santiago de Chile. MARTÍNEZ Buján, Raquel, 2003, La reciente inmigración latinoamericana a España, Cepal, serie Población y Desarrollo, núm. 40, LC/L.1922-P, Santiago de Chile. MELLA, Orlando y Astrid Stoherel, 1999, “Clima de actitudes de los inmigrantes respecto de la sociedad chilena”, en Revista Paraguaya de Sociología, 35, 106. OIM, 2003, Primer registro de chilenos en el exterior, www.oimchile.cl. MELLA, Orlando y Astrid Stoherel, 2002, Estudio diagnóstico y percepción de la migración limítrofe en Chile. Caso Santiago, Seminario taller, inédito, Santiago de Chile. SANTILLO, Mario, 1986, Relación sobre los flujos migratorios hacia Chile y balance del exilio y la emigración chilena en los últimos años, CEMLA, inédito, Santiago de Chile. STEFONI, Carolina, 2002, “Mujeres inmigrantes peruanas en Chile”, en Papeles de Población, 8, 33, UAEM/CIEAP, Toluca. STEFONI, Carolina, 2002b, International migration report 2002, Dep. of Economic and Social Affairs, ST/ESA/SER.A/220. Nueva York. STEFONI, Carolina, 2003, Inmigración peruana en Chile. Una oportunidad a la integración, Flacso/Editorial Universitaria, Santiago de Chile. UNITED NATIONS, 2002a, World populations prospects. The 2000 revision, Dep. of Economic and Social Affairs, vol. I, ST/ESA/SER.A/198, Nueva York. VILLA, Miguel, 1996, “Una nota acerca del proyecto de investigación sobre migración internacional en Latinoamérica-IMILA”, en N. Patarra (comp.), Migrações internacionais: herança XX, agenda XXI, Campinas, Programa Interinstitucional de Avaliação e Acompanhamento das Migrações Internacionais no Brasil, v. 2. VILLA, Miguel y Jorge Martínez, 2002, “Rasgos sociodemográficos y económicos de la migración internacional en América Latina y el Caribe”, en Capítulos del SELA, núm. 65, mayo-agosto.

136