Wall-Randell, Sarah. "What Is a Staged Book? Books As 'Actors' in the Early Modern English Theatre." Rethinking Th

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Wall-Randell, Sarah. Wall-Randell, Sarah. "What Is a Staged Book? Books as ‘Actors’ in the Early Modern English Theatre." Rethinking Theatrical Documents in Shakespeare’s England. Ed. Tiffany Stern. London: The Arden Shakespeare, 2020. 128–152. Bloomsbury Collections. Web. 30 Sep. 2021. <http:// dx.doi.org/10.5040/9781350051379.ch-007>. Downloaded from Bloomsbury Collections, www.bloomsburycollections.com, 30 September 2021, 04:23 UTC. Copyright © Tiffany Stern and contributors 2020. You may share this work for non-commercial purposes only, provided you give attribution to the copyright holder and the publisher, and provide a link to the Creative Commons licence. 7 What Is a Staged Book? Books as ‘Actors’ in the Early Modern English Theatre Sarah Wall-Randell In his widely used textbook of theatrical props design, Thurston James begins the chapter on book- props with a brief comic scene: actor On my entrance, I’m to be carrying a Bible. Do you have it ready? prop crew head Sure, it’s there on the prop table. actor (Walking to the table, searching) You mean—this dictionary? prop crew head You and I know it’s a dictionary. But you’re an actor. You can make the audience think it’s a Bible. [. .] 128 WHAT IS A STAGED BOOK? 129 actor Here, look what this idiot is giving me to use for a Bible. stage manager It looks like a dictionary. prop crew head Aw, a book’s a book. 1 In this vignette, James contrasts the stereotype of the oversensitive, demanding actor with the utility-minded, quick- and-dirty technician. The actor’s view here, that a dictionary would be miscast in the role of a Bible onstage, turns out to be shared not only by the stage manager, but by the author as well, for the rest of James’s chapter offers detailed and painstaking instructions for sourcing, adapting, or constructing, using wood, leather, twine, and various papers, what James calls ‘character books’, or books playing specifi c parts, whose identities must be made legible to the audience. 2 Certainly, for the skilled designer as well as the actor and the discerning audience member, James implies, it is far from true that ‘a book’s a book’. What exactly are book- props, then, once we have granted that they are not uniform and interchangeable objects? Props overall are an especially signifi cant element in the early modern theatre because, in a stagecraft without illusionistic sets, the objects actors hold take on greater prominence. Tiffany Stern has noted the duality in the mimetic expression of early modern props: their ‘heavy realism’, in contrast to the more suggestive or sketched- in quality of scenery, and, on the other hand, the symbolic or metonymic way in which they are used. The nimbler, more effi cient medium of the prop, such as a crown or throne, can stand for what cannot, practically, be brought onstage, such as a castle. 3 The way that props enact theatrical representation, the relationship they effect between the object and what it represents, is variable. Some props are only approximations of, or stand- ins for, the objects they ‘play’ onstage, when the real thing would be too dangerous or too 130 RETHINKING THEATRICAL DOCUMENTS precious: a stage dagger is made of wood, or is blunted; a stage crown is made of base metal painted gold. Other, more quotidian objects, like cups or ropes, may straightforwardly play themselves. Books might be said to make up a distinct, third category of prop: at once a stand-in and the thing itself. When a book is required for a play, the precise title named in the text is not required; an existing book, of the right size and appearance, may be appropriated. 4 But all books have a specifi c identity, whether or not an observer can see it from the outside; even if the actor in Thurston James’ imaginary drama convinces the audience that the dictionary is a Bible, it is still a dictionary. What is the ontological status of a prop book, when it is, and when it isn’t, the book that the play says it is? The nature and provenance of book- props is a pressing question for the study of early modern drama, since late- sixteenth and early- seventeenth- century plays commonly require them. Alan Dessen and Leslie Thomson count 130 examples of books and table- books called for in the stage directions they tabulate in printed plays from 1580 to 1642. 5 Martin Wiggins and Catherine Richardson, in their monumental British Drama 1533–1642: A Catalogue , survey not only props specifi ed in stage directions, but also props whose use is indicated or implied in characters’ lines. Using Wiggins’ and Richardson’s prop lists, limiting my count to plays performed in the public theatres, and not including letters, scrolls, or other documents, but only books that may be presumed to be codices, such as Bibles, prayer- books, law- books, school- books, magic books, and specifi c works like Ovid, Virgil, and Seneca, I fi nd 128 plays recorded by Wiggins between 1580 and 1623, fi rst performed by over a dozen different companies, that include books as props. 6 Many plays call for one book; more than a few, like Marlowe’s Doctor Faustus , Munday et al. ’s Sir John Oldcastle , and Marston’s What You Will , call for a small library. So the early modern stage was a space regularly inhabited by books. Books on shelves or in stacks evoke scenes of study; in an actor’s hand, they offer an image of privacy or pretext for solitude (for instance, the book that Polonius presses on WHAT IS A STAGED BOOK? 131 Ophelia in Hamlet , ‘that show of such an exercise may colour / Your loneliness’ [3.1.44–45]); they give verisimilitude to the swearing of oaths. 7 Yet an assessment and analysis of book- props has lagged behind other exciting recent work both in the fi eld of early modern theatre history and in studies of the material book. In their landmark collection Staged Properties in Early Modern England , Jonathan Gil Harris and Natasha Korda and their contributors defi ne and advance the critical conversation about histories and theories of early modern stage- props, but the essays do not address books. 8 Early modern histories of books and reading, meanwhile, have tended to focus on the many ways in which books, including play- books, were conceived, produced, circulated, and used in ordinary life, to the neglect of those exceptional, spectacular appearances of books onstage. In considering prop-books, we must grapple with lacunae in the record. Even as they are graspable and portable by actors onstage, props are ephemeral within the archive, leaving only partial traces in stage- directions and references within play- texts. As scholars of early modern playing practices have made clear, surviving documentation of props – which includes Philip Henslowe’s famous inventory of costumes and properties owned by the Lord Admiral’s men in 1598 (as it survives in the transcription made by Edmond Malone for his 1790 edition), as well as some other documents of theatrical accounting and a handful of ‘plots’, or backstage outlines of entrances and exits – are, on the one hand, vivid evocations of the staging of plays both extant and lost, and on the other, incomplete documents (Knutson and McInnis have more to say on this in their chapter) that offer only a partial picture of early modern prop- use. Douglas Bruster notes that Henslowe’s inventory seems to select for ‘special things, objects related to particular characters and plays’, as well as inherently valuable or hard- to-replace objects, while passing over less ‘special’ items necessary for staging the plays in the Admiral’s Men’s repertory, such as cups, plates, bottles, letters, and books. 9 Marlowe’s Doctor Faustus , for instance, is specifi cally accommodated in 132 RETHINKING THEATRICAL DOCUMENTS the inventory by the ‘Hell mought’ and ‘j dragon in fostes’, but the multiple books called for by the play – at least four volumes, representing Aristotle, Galen, Justinian, and the Vulgate Bible, are required in Act 1, Scene 1 alone – are unaccounted for. Were these books held among the Admiral’s Men’s stock along with the hell- mouth and dragon, but left unmentioned, or did they come from somewhere else? Peter Thomson conjectures that actors could have made their own properties, while Neil Carson suggests that actors may have supplied small props out of their personal belongings. 10 Korda has proposed that Henslowe, who also operated as a pawnbroker, may have sold or rented to the players, for use as props, items that borrowers had pawned and failed to redeem. 11 In the surviving pawn accounts, the goods Henslowe accepted as collateral are mostly clothing, but on at least one occasion, he received a book in pawn, when, on 16 September 1594, he loaned ten shillings to a Goody Haryson ‘vpon a bybell & x peces of lynen’. 12 The accounts are partial; perhaps there were other, unrecorded books among Henslowe’s stock of pawned property, which could have supplied the multiple books needed in the opening scene of Doctor Faustus and in other plays. Tiffany Stern has suggested another theory of a source for book- props, besides the actors’ own possessions and items forfeited from Henslowe’s pawn business: a potential ‘company library’, a collection of reference books, such as the Bible, Holinshed’s Chronicle , Plutarch’s Lives , Ovid’s Metamorphoses , Painter’s Palace of Pleasure , and other key texts, that could have been owned by a playing company and made available to playwrights to mine as sources in the writing process.
Recommended publications
  • Download Download
    Early Theatre 9.2 Issues in Review Lucy Munro, Anne Lancashire, John Astington, and Marta Straznicky Popular Theatre and the Red Bull Governing the Pen to the Capacity of the Stage: Reading the Red Bull and Clerkenwell In his introduction to Early Theatre’s Issues in Review segment ‘Reading the Elizabethan Acting Companies’, published in 2001, Scott McMillin called for an approach to the study of early modern drama which takes theatre companies as ‘the organizing units of dramatic production’. Such an approach will, he suggests, entail reading plays ‘more fully than we have been trained to do, taking them not as authorial texts but as performed texts, seeing them as collaborative endeavours which involve the writers and dozens of other theatre people, and placing the staged plays in a social network to which both the players and audiences – perhaps even the playwrights – belonged’.1 We present here a variation on this approach: three essays that focus on the Red Bull theatre and its Clerkenwell locality. Rather than focusing on individual companies, we take the playhouse and location as our organising principle. Nonetheless, we are dealing with precisely the kind of decentring activity that McMillin had in mind, examining early drama through collaborative performance, through performance styles and audience taste, and through the presentation of a theatrical repertory in print. Each essay deals with a different ‘social network’: Anne Lancashire re-examines the evidence for the London Clerkenwell play, a multi-day biblical play performed by clerks in the late fourteenth and early fifteenth centuries; John Astington takes a look at acting traditions and repertory composition at the Red Bull and its fellow in the northern suburbs, Golden Lane’s Fortune playhouse; and Marta Straznicky looks at questions relating to the audience for Red Bull plays in the playhouse and the print-shop.
    [Show full text]
  • Repertory and Riot: the Relocation of Plays from the Red Bull to the Cockpit Stage
    132 Issues in Review 28 Knutson, Playing Companies and Commerce, 62. 29 Leggatt, Jacobean Public Theatre, 4. Repertory and Riot: The Relocation of Plays from the Red Bull to the Cockpit Stage On 4 March 1617 the newly built Cockpit playhouse in Drury Lane was assailed by a band of ‘lewde and loose persons, apprentices and others’.1 Writ- ing four days after the event, Edward Sherbourne claimed that between three and four thousand apprentices had mobilized themselves, ‘wounded divers of the players, broke open their trunckes, & whatt apparreil, bookes, or other things they found, they burnt & cutt in peeces; & not content herewith, gott on the top of the house, & untiled it’.2 Consequences were not limited to loss of property. Sherbourne elaborates that ‘one prentise was slaine, being shott throughe the head with a pistoll, & many other of their fellowes were sore hurt’.3 On the same day, John Chamberlain wrote to Dudley Carleton of the disorder in town, adding that the players of Queen Anne’s Men, the current occupants of the Cockpit, ‘defended themselves as well as they could and slew three of them [the rioters] with shot, and hurt divers’.4 The gravity of the situation, at least as far as city authorities were concerned, is clear. In a letter to the lord mayor and aldermen of London, it was reported that ‘there were diverse people slayne, and others hurt and wounded’. Later that month, the privy council ordered security and vigilance against the behaviour of citizens and apprentices to be tightened.5 A number of historical narratives have prioritized the riot, which took place on Shrove Tuesday that year.
    [Show full text]
  • From Sidney to Heywood: the Social Status of Commercial Theatre in Early Modern London
    From Sidney to Heywood: the social status of commercial theatre in early modern London Romola Nuttall (King’s College London, UK) The Literary London Journal, Volume 14 Number 1 (Spring 2017) Abstract Thomas Heywood’s Apology for Actors (written c. 1608, published 1612) is one of the only stand-alone, printed deFences of the proFessional theatre to emerge from the early modern period. Even more significantly, it is ‘the only contemporary complete text we have – by an early modern actor about early modern actors’ (Griffith 191). This is rather surprising considering how famous playwrights and drama of that period have become, but it is revealing of attitudes towards the profession and the stage at the turn of the sixteenth century. Religious concerns Formed a central part of the heated public debate which contested the social value oF proFessional drama during the early modern era. Claims against the literary status of work produced for the commercial stage were also frequently levelled against the theatre from within the establishment, a prominent example being Sir Philip Sidney’s Defence of Poesie (written c. 1579, published 1595). Considering Heywood’s Apology in relation to Sidney’s Defence, and thinking particularly about the ways these treatises appropriate the classical idea oF mimesis and the consequent social value of literature, gives fresh insight into the changing status of drama in Shakespeare’s lifetime and how attitudes towards commercial theatre developed between the 1570s and 1610s. The following article explores these ideas within the framework of the London in which Heywood and his acting company lived and worked.
    [Show full text]
  • The Dramaturgy of Thomas Heywood 1594-1613 Carson, R
    The dramaturgy of Thomas Heywood 1594-1613 Carson, R. Neil The copyright of this thesis rests with the author and no quotation from it or information derived from it may be published without the prior written consent of the author For additional information about this publication click this link. http://qmro.qmul.ac.uk/jspui/handle/123456789/1390 Information about this research object was correct at the time of download; we occasionally make corrections to records, please therefore check the published record when citing. For more information contact [email protected] THE DRAMATURGYOF THOMAS HEYWOOD 1594-1613 THESIS SUBMITTED FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR JANUARY, 1974 OF PHILOSOPHY IN THE R. NEIL CARSON UNIVERSITY OF LONDON WESTFIELD COLLEGE I)IN 1 ABSTRACT This dissertation is an attempt to describe the characteristics of Thomas Heywood's dramatic style. The study is divided into three parts. The first deals with the playwright's theatrical career and discusses how his practical experience as actor and sharer might have affected his technique as a dramatic writer. The second part defines the scope of the investigation and contains the bulk of the analysis of Heywood's plays. My approach to the mechanics of playwriting is both practical and theoretical. I have attempted to come to an understanding of the technicalities of Heywood's craftsmanship by studying the changes he made in Sir Thomas Moore and in the sources he used for his plays. At the same time, I have tried to comprehend the aesthetic framework within which he worked by referring to the critical ideas of the period and especially to opinions expressed by Heywood him- self in An Apology for Actors and elsewhere.
    [Show full text]
  • An A2 Timeline of the London Stage Between 1660 and 1737
    1660-61 1659-60 1661-62 1662-63 1663-64 1664-65 1665-66 1666-67 William Beeston The United Company The Duke’s Company The Duke’s Company The Duke’s Company @ Salisbury Court Sir William Davenant Sir William Davenant Sir William Davenant Sir William Davenant The Duke’s Company The Duke’s Company & Thomas Killigrew @ Salisbury Court @Lincoln’s Inn Fields @ Lincoln’s Inn Fields Sir William Davenant Sir William Davenant Rhodes’s Company @ The Cockpit, Drury Lane @ Red Bull Theatre @ Lincoln’s Inn Fields @ Lincoln’s Inn Fields George Jolly John Rhodes @ Salisbury Court @ The Cockpit, Drury Lane @ The Cockpit, Drury Lane The King’s Company The King’s Company PLAGUE The King’s Company The King’s Company The King’s Company Thomas Killigrew Thomas Killigrew June 1665-October 1666 Anthony Turner Thomas Killigrew Thomas Killigrew Thomas Killigrew @ Vere Street Theatre @ Vere Street Theatre & Edward Shatterell @ Red Bull Theatre @ Bridges Street Theatre @ Bridges Street Theatre @ The Cockpit, Drury Lane @ Bridges Street Theatre, GREAT FIRE @ Red Bull Theatre Drury Lane (from 7/5/1663) The Red Bull Players The Nursery @ The Cockpit, Drury Lane September 1666 @ Red Bull Theatre George Jolly @ Hatton Garden 1676-77 1675-76 1674-75 1673-74 1672-73 1671-72 1670-71 1669-70 1668-69 1667-68 The Duke’s Company The Duke’s Company The Duke’s Company The Duke’s Company Thomas Betterton & William Henry Harrison and Thomas Henry Harrison & Thomas Sir William Davenant Smith for the Davenant Betterton for the Davenant Betterton for the Davenant @ Lincoln’s Inn Fields
    [Show full text]
  • FRONT9 2.CHP:Corel VENTURA
    144 Issues in Review The Red Bull Repertory in Print, 1605–60 With remarkable consistency throughout the early modern period, Red Bull playgoers are characterized as unlettered, ignorant, or possessed of a crass literary sensibility. Interestingly, though, they are also imagined as avid readers: Webster’s well-known depiction, following the failure at the Red Bull of his The White Devil, declares that ‘most of the people that come to that Play-house, resemble those ignorant asses (who visiting Stationers shoppes their use is not to inquire for good bookes, but new bookes).’1 Webster’s association of Red Bull spectators with book-buyers suggests that the persistent representations of the low literacy of this audience may obscure the extent to which the famously spectacle-driven Red Bull repertory intersects with early modern print culture. The number of Red Bull plays that were published with an explicit theatrical attribution, and more importantly the similarities in design and typography between them and plays belonging to the more elite indoor repertories, would seem to bear this out. As reading material, the Red Bull plays indicate that a seemingly ‘low’ or popular theatrical repertory is not sufficient evidence of the social or educational make-up of its audience. It is crucial at the outset to confront the publication figures that have led scholars to assume that a Red Bull attribution on the title page of a play quarto did not have any meaningful currency in early modern print culture: of the roughly 400 editions of plays published
    [Show full text]
  • The Queen's Servants at the Red Bull Theatre (C.1605–1619)
    Eva Griffith, A Jacobean Company and its Playhouse: The Queen’s Servants at the Red Bull Theatre (c.1605–1619) (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2013). xiv+292 pp. ISBN 978 1 1070 4188 2. Tom Rutter University of Sheffield [email protected] In recent years, a number of critics and theatre historians have challenged a once- widespread view of the Red Bull playhouse in Clerkenwell as a downmarket venue playing old-fashioned, rowdy fare to socially inferior and aesthetically unsophisticated audiences. Essays collected in a special section of Early Theatre, 9.2 offered revisionist views, as did Mark Bayer’s Theatre, Community and Cultural Engagement in Jacobean London (2011). Eva Griffith’s book, which complements her previously published research on the playhouse, is a significant contribution to this body of work; but more than that, it should be a vital starting point for anyone working on the Red Bull and on the Queen’s Men, who performed there until 1619. In her opening chapter, Griffith sketches out some of the history of Clerkenwell, and its long association with dramatic performance. She details the acquisition of property near St John’s Priory by Thomas Seckford in 1573, and his later subletting to Eustace Bedingfeld of a parcel of land including the future Red Bull site (which subsequently passed to his widow Anne). Griffith is adept at reconstructing early modern social networks: that Anne’s brother was associated with the theatre owner Philip Henslowe, for example; that Eustace was the nephew of the future Queen Elizabeth’s gaoler Henry Bedingfeld, unflatteringly depicted in the Red Bull play If You Know Not Me You Know Nobody, Part I; that Thomas Seckford’s brother Henry was a servant of Bedingfeld in the 1550s, and would by the 1580s be working in the Revels Office.
    [Show full text]
  • Repertory by Genre at Lisle's Tennis Court
    A University of Sussex PhD thesis Available online via Sussex Research Online: http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/ This thesis is protected by copyright which belongs to the author. This thesis cannot be reproduced or quoted extensively from without first obtaining permission in writing from the Author The content must not be changed in any way or sold commercially in any format or medium without the formal permission of the Author When referring to this work, full bibliographic details including the author, title, awarding institution and date of the thesis must be given Please visit Sussex Research Online for more information and further details UNIVERSITY OF SUSSEX LANA MARIE HARPER PHD ENGLISH THE DEVELOPMENT OF EARLY ENGLISH PLAYHOUSES, 1560-1670 I hereby declare that this thesis has not been and will not be submitted in whole or in part to another university for the award of any other degree Signature: Lana M Harper Abstract This thesis presents a study of playhouse spaces and the theatre industry in early modern England, and how they developed from 1560-1670. The period considered spans the English civil wars and Commonwealth to complicate the notion of a cessation of theatrical activity in 1642, and argues against the division of theatre history into distinct Renaissance and Restoration periods. The study builds on recent scholarly trends which have productively read early modern playing companies as consistent cultural entities with individual identities, by extending and applying this methodology to playhouse spaces. As such, this thesis proposes that all early modern playhouses had unique identities, and suggests that the frequent division into amphitheatre and indoor playhouses can produce an oversimplified binary with homogenising consequences.
    [Show full text]
  • Popular Theatre and the Red Bull
    Early Theatre 9.2 Issues in Review Lucy Munro, Anne Lancashire, John Astington, and Marta Straznicky Popular Theatre and the Red Bull Governing the Pen to the Capacity of the Stage: Reading the Red Bull and Clerkenwell In his introduction to Early Theatre’s Issues in Review segment ‘Reading the Elizabethan Acting Companies’, published in 2001, Scott McMillin called for an approach to the study of early modern drama which takes theatre companies as ‘the organizing units of dramatic production’. Such an approach will, he suggests, entail reading plays ‘more fully than we have been trained to do, taking them not as authorial texts but as performed texts, seeing them as collaborative endeavours which involve the writers and dozens of other theatre people, and placing the staged plays in a social network to which both the players and audiences – perhaps even the playwrights – belonged’.1 We present here a variation on this approach: three essays that focus on the Red Bull theatre and its Clerkenwell locality. Rather than focusing on individual companies, we take the playhouse and location as our organising principle. Nonetheless, we are dealing with precisely the kind of decentring activity that McMillin had in mind, examining early drama through collaborative performance, through performance styles and audience taste, and through the presentation of a theatrical repertory in print. Each essay deals with a different ‘social network’: Anne Lancashire re-examines the evidence for the London Clerkenwell play, a multi-day biblical play performed by clerks in the late fourteenth and early fifteenth centuries; John Astington takes a look at acting traditions and repertory composition at the Red Bull and its fellow in the northern suburbs, Golden Lane’s Fortune playhouse; and Marta Straznicky looks at questions relating to the audience for Red Bull plays in the playhouse and the print-shop.
    [Show full text]
  • Elizabethan and Jacobean Theatres
    Published on Great Writers Inspire (http://writersinspire.org) Home > Elizabethan and Jacobean Theatres Elizabethan and Jacobean Theatres Elizabethan and Jacobean London contained a myriad of playhouses, indoors and outdoors. What follows is a very brief outline of some of the most famous of those playhouses, arranged alphabetically. ('Hover' mouse pointer over picture to see caption. Click to go to larger version with more information). Blackfriars Theatre The name Blackfriars actually refers to two successive theatres. The 1st theatre was established on the grounds of what was the Blackfriars Dominican monastery in 1576, and until 1584 it housed the children?s company The Children of the Chapel Royal. They worked under the direction of Richard Farrant, Master of Windsor Chapel. After Farrant?s death in 1580, William Hunnis took over direction. In 1583 the theatre was given to John Lyly, who wrote plays for performance in the theatre, and the theatre?s lease expired in 1584. In 1596 James Burbage bought the lease to a different part of the Blackfriars priory with the intention of building an indoor playhouse. Wealthy area residents kicked up a fuss, and the endeavour was forbidden by the Privy Council. In 1599 Burbage leased the playhouse to Nathaniel Giles and his Children of the Chapel, a boys company that performed plays by Middleton, Chapman, Jonson, Marston, Beaumont, and Fletcher. From 1609 the King?s Men, the company of William Shakespeare and the famous actor (and son of James) Richard Burbage, took up residence at Blackfriars, playing to a wealthier and better-behaved audience than at the raucous outdoor Globe.
    [Show full text]
  • CHAPTER 6 ‘False Runagates’ and ‘Superlunatical Hypocrites:’ Securing Religious Identity on the Stage
    Cover Page The handle http://hdl.handle.net/1887/22211 holds various files of this Leiden University dissertation. Author: Stelling, Lieke Julia Title: Religious conversion in early modern English drama Issue Date: 2013-11-12 CHAPTER 6 ‘False Runagates’ and ‘Superlunatical Hypocrites:’ Securing Religious Identity on the Stage The year 1576 is crucial in the history of the early modern English theatre. It marked the establishment of the first permanent playhouses and thus the beginning of the commercial presentation of plays in London, and it was also the year when the government decided to “suppress performance and publication of all drama of an overtly religious character.”1 Yet this type of religious drama did not include interfaith conversion plays.2 Indeed, in the last two decades of the sixteenth century and the first part of the seventeenth century, playwrights showed a considerable interest in interfaith conversion. This was because it proved a highly suitable topic for the commercial theatre. To make a profit, playwrights needed to appeal to the taste of people from every stratum of society, and an effective way of achieving this was to address issues of current interest.3 As is demonstrated in chapter five, if early moderns had not converted themselves, they had relatives or acquaintances who had adopted a new religion; they had heard or read about Christianizations, apostasies and recantations in sermons, news pamphlets, travel reports or personal statements of converts. This growing visible presence of interfaith conversion helps to account for the success of interfaith conversion as a dramatic subject. Interfaith conversion had more to offer than just familiar or topical narratives, however.
    [Show full text]
  • He Theatres of Inigo Jones and John Webb John Orrell Index More Information
    Cambridge University Press 978-0-521-25546-2 - The Theatres of Inigo Jones and John Webb John Orrell Index More information Index Accademia Olimpica, 102 Beeston, Christopher, 11, 42, 43, 44-5, 48, acting companies 49, 63 Duke's, i Beeston, William, 63, 67, 68 George Jolly's, 77, 169 Bentley, Gerald Eades, 63, 97 King's, 9, 11, 13 Best, John, 11, 42, 47, 48, 50, 57, 91 King's and Queen's Boys, 63, 149 Blackfriars theatre, 4,11,32,39-42,90,111, Prince's, 9, 10 189 Queen Anne's, 9, 11, 13, 48, 49 Boleyn, Anne, see Anne Boleyn Queen's, 9 Bologna, 8 Queen's Revels, 35 Bolton, Edmond, 7 ad quadratum design, 58-60, 93,125-6, 127, Boswell, Eleanore, 104-5, 108, 112, 169-76 143-4, 187 passim, 177 'Agas' map, 91 Boyle, Roger, see Orrery, Earl of Agathon, 101 Bramante, Donato, 7 Ajax Flagellifer, 30, 32, 33-4, 35, 36, 37-8 Brett-James, Norman, 43 Alberti, Leon Battista, 15, 57,146,147,186 Brice, Raphe, carpenter, 10, 81 Aldrich, Henry, 160, 161, 164 Brome, Richard, 22 Alençon, François, Duke of, 94 Bruges, 168 Aleotti, Giambattista, 87 Brussels, 65, 66, 67, 168 Alleyn, Edward, 11, 42 Buckingham, George Villiers, Duke of, 112 Ancell, James, bricklayer, 129 Buffequin, Denis, 64, 65 Anne Boleyn, 2nd wife of Henry VIII, 92 Burbage, Richard, 11 Anne of Denmark, Queen, 4,6,37,48-9,63, Burton, Robert, and others 80, 81 Alba, 30, 35, 36, 37 Ansell, Richard, matlayer, 129 busts, 54, 165 Apothecaries' Hall, 68 Butleigh, Somerset, 118, 121, 127 Aquinas, Saint Thomas, 6 buttress, 49, 128, 155 Argument of the Pastorall of'Florimène', 128, 139, 146 Caen stone,
    [Show full text]