Submission from IPPR to the Leveson Inquiry: Module 4

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Submission from IPPR to the Leveson Inquiry: Module 4 Submission from IPPR to the Leveson Inquiry: Module 4 The IPPR welcomes this opportunity to contribute to Module 4 of the Leveson Inquiry’s deliberations: Recommendations for a more effective policy and regulation that supports the integrity and freedom of the press while encouraging the highest ethical standards. The main part of this submission draws upon a public attitudes survey commissioned by IPPR in late May 2012 into trust, impartiality and ownership in UK media. We hope the Inquiry will find the responses to this survey a helpful insight into how public attitudes are shaping up on some of the key issues the Inquiry is tackling as it draws together its evidence and analysis under Module 4. Background The IPPR’s Next Generation Media Project is focused mainly on producing a set of clear principles to shape and underpin future media policy. This is necessary both in response to the collapse of public trust following the phone hacking scandal and in the face of longer-standing challenges posed to traditional regulatory systems around the world by the disruptive effects of convergence in digital media content and platforms. The project will cover the areas of regulation and ownership and aims to bring some consistency to the rules that would apply both to traditional and new media forms as they converge. The Next Generation Media project starts with a recognition that there are competing policy priorities in this space. We believe it is important to focus on what is do-able, as well as what is desirable, within the technological constraints of a globalised media marketplace, the economic constraints of sustaining a valuable industrial sector which is in some cases struggling to survive – never mind grow and develop – and the democratic constraints on how far Parliament can go (or will be prepared to go) in limiting freedoms of expression and action in increasingly open public forums. As part of this project, IPPR is looking at options around: The future structure of press regulation (in print and online) The legal framework for balancing privacy rights, freedom of expression and the public interest, in the age of Twitter etc The system for measuring and promoting plurality of ownership, especially in news A coherent framework for content regulation across digital platforms, perhaps including the BBC A challenge for all contributors to the wider public policy debate is to help policymakers decide what media policy is for in this new era, particularly in terms of the outcomes that matter most to the general public. News, information and entertainment are all highly regarded by users, regardless of how they choose to consume them: radio, TV, print or online. But they are not all economically equal. News production almost invariably requires a subsidy from more profitable forms of media, mainly entertainment. So scale remains an important feature of those private companies who provide news services. This is one of the paradoxes at the heart of the debate over media plurality. Public Attitudes to Media Regulation In the context of this work, IPPR commissioned a survey into public attitudes on trust, impartiality, and ownership in the UK media. The survey was conducted by YouGov (online) among 1,705 adults, with fieldwork undertaken between 20–21st May 2012. The figures have been weighted and are representative of all GB adults (aged 18+). The full results are attached and are also available online. The YouGov survey focused on a number of areas currently being considered by the Inquiry, including: Whether a new press regulator should have a statutory basis Mechanisms of redress and prominence of corrections/apologies Scope of new regulatory arrangements, including video material on newspaper websites and online-only news services Qualifications for media ownership Plurality: Limits on newspaper ownership Plurality: Limits on cross-media ownership The overall results suggest that there is a strong public mood towards a more interventionist approach to regulation of print and online media than is currently the case. This includes both content and ownership regulation and extends to regulatory structures. Particular responses in individual areas are covered below. Should a new press regulator have a statutory basis? YouGov asked respondents whether they thought that the press should be regulated through a “legally established body”. 62 per cent of respondents said they thought it should, with less than one in five preferring a continuation of self-regulation. Politically, Lib Dem voters were more persuaded of the case for a statutory basis for press regulation, with Conservative voters the least (though support for a legally established body was still at 60 per cent among Conservative voters). While it might be possible to argue that the finer distinctions between self and statutory regulation would not be completely appreciated by all the respondents to a survey of this nature, the strength of feeling is clear. At the very least, the public response would suggest that they want to see a much stronger and more binding form of regulation than is currently provided by the PCC. In response to a follow-up question on how strict the regulation should be, 94 per cent of respondents said they thought regulation of the press should be “very” or “fairly” strict. Should newspapers print apologies or corrections of equal prominence? There was very strong support from respondents for this principle. 84 per cent supported requiring a newspaper to print a correction and/or an apology on the same page number as the original story if it reports something incorrectly, even if the original story was on the front page. This support extended across all ages, income groups and political persuasions. Should online news outlets be regulated? 55 per cent supported and only 13 per cent opposed the introduction of “laws to regulate content on online news outlets”. One way of reading this response is that the salience of online news has steadily grown and that people are more aware of it as an alternative/competitor to traditional forms of news output, and therefore feel it should be regulated in a similar way. The response presents a challenge to policymakers which they almost certainly cannot ignore altogether, however difficult it might be to frame regulation of online news. The mood appears to have shifted since the last major piece of legislation in this area, the 2003 Communications Act, which famously made no reference to the internet. Rt Hon Tessa Jowell MP, then Secretary of State, was adamant during the passage of the Bill, that “...we do not intend to regulate the internet”. Qualifications for UK media ownership Perhaps unsurprisingly, given the prominence of current concerns about the activities of a News Corp-owned newspaper, there is considerable support among the YouGov respondents for the idea that in order to own a UK newspaper, radio of TV channel, a person or company should be “a full time resident of the UK and pay full UK tax”. 74 per cent of the people surveyed supported this idea. Older people in particular were strongly attracted to it. Conservative voters favoured the proposition marginally more than supporters of the other two parties, but only by a whisker. There was some support also for the notion of stricter laws on the “fitness” of a person or company to own a media outlet. Just under half of respondents to this question thought the laws should be more strict. Plurality of newspaper ownership A set of questions in the YouGov survey explored attitudes towards limiting the proportion of overall UK media any one person or company should be allowed to own and whether there should be fixed limits, particularly on newspaper ownership. Responses to the general questions were emphatic. 73 per cent of respondents said there should be a specific limit on the overall proportion of the UK media (print, television, radio and online) that a single person or company can own. This proportion was high among all ages, income groups and political persuasions. 76 per cent supported fixed limits on the number of newspapers any one person or company could own, which was again consistent across all categories of respondents. On the specific point about what the limit on the number of national newspapers should be, 62 per cent thought the limit of what any one person or company could own should be no more than one or two. There was surprisingly little political divergence on this point with Conservative voters being as enthusiastic about fixing tight limits on national newspaper ownership as Labour or Lib Dem voters. Again the public response presents a challenge to policymakers given how economic pressures might be moving the industry towards greater consolidation. It may be that the broader point that respondents were expressing through their answers was that they strongly value the diversity of media that the UK has traditionally enjoyed and do not want to see that threatened. Cross-media ownership YouGov posed the question that if someone owned one or more national newspapers, should they be allowed to own a national radio station or national television broadcaster or cable or satellite broadcaster. Responses on these points were much more evenly spread. On whether newspaper/radio cross-ownership should be allowed, the split was 41 per cent (“should”) to 35 per cent (“should not”). On newspaper/national television broadcaster cross-ownership, it was 34 per cent to 42 per cent. And on newspaper/cable or satellite broadcaster cross-ownership the split was 39 per cent to 37 per cent. Generally the figures skewed towards tighter restrictions among older people and Lib Dem voters. Questioned further on setting limits on the overall level of media ownership secured by any one person or company, respondents marginally favoured leaving this to be judged by Ofcom or the Competition Commission on a case by case basis.
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