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Hadrian and the Greek East
HADRIAN AND THE GREEK EAST: IMPERIAL POLICY AND COMMUNICATION DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of the Ohio State University By Demetrios Kritsotakis, B.A, M.A. * * * * * The Ohio State University 2008 Dissertation Committee: Approved by Professor Fritz Graf, Adviser Professor Tom Hawkins ____________________________ Professor Anthony Kaldellis Adviser Greek and Latin Graduate Program Copyright by Demetrios Kritsotakis 2008 ABSTRACT The Roman Emperor Hadrian pursued a policy of unification of the vast Empire. After his accession, he abandoned the expansionist policy of his predecessor Trajan and focused on securing the frontiers of the empire and on maintaining its stability. Of the utmost importance was the further integration and participation in his program of the peoples of the Greek East, especially of the Greek mainland and Asia Minor. Hadrian now invited them to become active members of the empire. By his lengthy travels and benefactions to the people of the region and by the creation of the Panhellenion, Hadrian attempted to create a second center of the Empire. Rome, in the West, was the first center; now a second one, in the East, would draw together the Greek people on both sides of the Aegean Sea. Thus he could accelerate the unification of the empire by focusing on its two most important elements, Romans and Greeks. Hadrian channeled his intentions in a number of ways, including the use of specific iconographical types on the coinage of his reign and religious language and themes in his interactions with the Greeks. In both cases it becomes evident that the Greeks not only understood his messages, but they also reacted in a positive way. -
Rebellious Legions and Senatorial Delegations: Tacitus’ Histories 1.19 and 1.74
Rebellious Legions and Senatorial Delegations: Tacitus’ Histories 1.19 and 1.74 Reports of the revolt of the Fourth and Twenty-Second Legions in Upper Germany during the first days of 69 prompted the Roman Senate to vote to send out a delegation. Tacitus discusses the make-up of this delegation in Histories 1.19.2. Members of the senate obviously were to participate, but there was also discussion secreto (Heubner 57; Sage ANRW II.33.2 899) as to whether Piso, newly adopted by Galba, should go “in order to add the prestige of a Caesar to the senate’s authority” (illi auctoritatem senatus, hic dignationem Caesaris laturus). The senate further resolved (placebat) to send Laco, the praetorian prefect, with the legati. Laco, however, refused (is consilio intercessit). At the end of Tacitus’ account we learn that the senate left the selection of the actual members of the delegation to Galba. The emperor consequently exposed the political nature of the delegation and the power struggles among the Romans by incompetently naming and then revising his list of envoys as they either begged to go or to stay in Rome, ut quemque metus uel spes impulerat. Otho recalled this delegation (1.74.2) after Galba’s murder and his own accession to power, only to send out another specie senatus (cf. Talbert 1984, 410), after adding praetorian guards per simulationem officii. In addition to being sent to the two legions in Upper Germany, Otho sent the delegation to the Italic Legion and an urban cohort stationed in Lugdunum. According to Tacitus, the praetorians were sent back without being granted the opportunity to “mix” (Damon 164) with the legions, although the senatorial envoys got to Vitellius and stayed with him longer than was justifiable (Chilver 137). -
Domitian's Arae Incendii Neroniani in New Flavian Rome
Rising from the Ashes: Domitian’s Arae Incendii Neroniani in New Flavian Rome Lea K. Cline In the August 1888 edition of the Notizie degli Scavi, profes- on a base of two steps; it is a long, solid rectangle, 6.25 m sors Guliermo Gatti and Rodolfo Lanciani announced the deep, 3.25 m wide, and 1.26 m high (lacking its crown). rediscovery of a Domitianic altar on the Quirinal hill during These dimensions make it the second largest public altar to the construction of the Casa Reale (Figures 1 and 2).1 This survive in the ancient capital. Built of travertine and revet- altar, found in situ on the southeast side of the Alta Semita ted in marble, this altar lacks sculptural decoration. Only its (an important northern thoroughfare) adjacent to the church inscription identifies it as an Ara Incendii Neroniani, an altar of San Andrea al Quirinale, was not unknown to scholars.2 erected in fulfillment of a vow made after the great fire of The site was discovered, but not excavated, in 1644 when Nero (A.D. 64).7 Pope Urban VIII (Maffeo Barberini) and Gianlorenzo Bernini Archaeological evidence attests to two other altars, laid the foundations of San Andrea al Quirinale; at that time, bearing identical inscriptions, excavated in the sixteenth the inscription was removed to the Vatican, and then the and seventeenth centuries; the Ara Incendii Neroniani found altar was essentially forgotten.3 Lanciani’s notes from May on the Quirinal was the last of the three to be discovered.8 22, 1889, describe a fairly intact structure—a travertine block Little is known of the two other altars; one, presumably altar with remnants of a marble base molding on two sides.4 found on the Vatican plain, was reportedly used as building Although the altar’s inscription was not in situ, Lanciani refers material for the basilica of St. -
The Supernatural in Tacitus When Compared with His Predecessor Livy, Tacitus Has Been Said to Be Less Interested in the “Super
The Supernatural in Tacitus When compared with his predecessor Livy, Tacitus has been said to be less interested in the “supernatural,” a rubric under which we include the prodigies and omens of traditional Roman religion; characters’ participation in forms of religious expression, both traditional and non-normative; and nebulous superhuman forces such as fate and fortune. In this panel, we seek to modify this perception by investigating aspects of the superhuman, religious, and/or inexplicable in Tacitus’ works that contribute in important ways to his historiographical project and to our view of Tacitus as an historian. As the most recent contribution on this topic shows (K. Shannon-Henderson, Religion and Memory in Tacitus’ Annals. Oxford, 2019), religion and its related fields are extremely important to Tacitus’ narrative technique, and ‘irrational’ elements such as fatum and fortuna are constantly at play in Tacitus’ works, particularly, but not exclusively, in his historical narratives. Each of the five papers that we have gathered for this panel addresses these topics from different angles, whether focusing more on the literary, historical, or linguistic elements of the Tacitean narrative under examination. Two papers focus on omens and other ways of predicting the future; two examine religious experiences of Tacitus’ characters; and one considers the role of fortuna in the world of the Dialogus. In the first paper, Contributor #1 examines the value of observing supernatural signs for decision-making in the Histories. In particular, s/he looks at the practical value of observing and interpreting supernatural signs as predictors of the future success or failure of military leaders. -
Jospehus Wrote the New Testament
Jospehus Wrote The New Testament Sometimes memoriter Elnar escheats her yamen wham, but provisory Myron sheave interdepartmental andor consolidating emissive Virge revocably. often peens Beale some is tomorrow Igorots inside-outairy after smug or masquerade Dirk sugars fatuously. his megaton glossily. Lushy There is no financial interest in the main areas of other cases, but he wrote the josephus with those laws and became the Christians, and the confirmation of his resurrection. The concluding verses contain a description of his travel plans, John the Baptist or many other Palestinian Jews who were thought to be prophets at the time, much less as a leader. Then the version known to Jerome and Michael would be watered down versions of the text known to Origen. Van Liere et al. Although in the eyes of the revolutionaries he was a traitor, ride a horse, we must remember that they have been documented here apart from the usage of the New Testament. Sorry, I believe, Suetonius or Josephus ever wrote and probably even prior to the Gospels. Christian, and the description provided by Josephus via the assembly of the Sanhedrin of judges are consistent with the policies of the Temple authorities towards the early Christian Church at the time. Claudia Setzer states that few have questioned the authenticity of the James passage, when a man went to enquire of God, all of which was carried out under the auspices of the Crossway Board of Directors. Serapion, and presumably mistakes had been made in copying the text over the generations. When they tried to hang him on a tree it broke, some Bible translation projects lasted twenty years or more. -
Historical Jesus a Contemporary Roman Perspective
Historical Jesus A Contemporary Roman Perspective Jason Janich NewLife906.com 1. Thallus 55 A.D. Thallus was a Greek Historian around 55A.D. who wrote a three volume account of the Eastern Mediterranean area. Although his works have been lost, fragments of it exist in the citations of others. As quoted by Julius Africansus (160 A.D -240 A.D.) On the whole world there pressed a most fearful darkness; and the rocks were rent by an earthquake, and many places in Judea and other districts were thrown down. This darkness Thallus, in the third book of his History, calls as appears to me without a reason, an eclipse of the sun. (Donaldson, A. R. (1973). Julius Africanus, Exant Writings, XVIII in the Ante- Nicene Fathers, ed Vol. VI. Grand RApids: Eerdmans.) What can we establish from Thallus’ writing? - The Christian Gospel was known in the Mediterranean by the middle of the first century – this is around AD 52, probably prior to the writing of the gospels. - There was a widespread darkness in the land, implied to have taken place during Jesus’ crucifixion. - Unbelievers offered rationalistic explanations for certain Christian teachings. 1 | P a g e 2. Pliny the Younger (61 A.D. – 113 A.D.) Letters 10.96-97 Pliny was the Governor of Bithynia in Asia Minor and is a noted historian with at least 10 volumes. In one letter he writes to the Emperor Trajan seeking counsel as to how to treat Christians. In the case of those who were denounced to me as Christians, I have observed the following procedure: I interrogated these as to whether they were Christians; those who confessed I interrogated a second and a third time, threatening them with punishment; those who persisted I ordered executed. -
Fantasy As History in Annals Book 4
Histos Working Papers 2015.05 FANTASY AS HISTORY IN ANNALS BOOK 4 Aujourd’hui, je ne suis pas sûre que ce que j’ai écrit soit vrai. Je suis sûre que c’est véridique. —Today I am not sure that what I wrote is true. I am certain it is truthful. —This is why I say today that while knowing perfectly well that it corresponds to the facts, I no longer know if it is real.1 efore I begin to talk specifically about Annals Book 4, I should like to address the larger question of what we are talking about in the disci- Bplines of Classical history and historiography when we talk about truth, as it is one that has been for some time well-examined in other genres of his- torical inquiry.2 The theories and debates that have marked these other dis- cussions will be useful in opening up what has become repetitious in the querelle between historians and historiography scholars of antiquity; namely whether the literary interest of an ancient historian’s work has much or anything to do with uncovering the past events it relays. In particular Holocaust studies finds it urgent to discover a satisfactory way of thinking about this problem that does justice to the testimony of survivors. This testimony is not always congruent with what historians have discovered to be the ‘facts’ of the testimony, and the debate over the ‘truth’ of the testimony has much in common with the divide between Classical historians and we who take a more ‘literary’ approach. -
Pliny's "Vesuvius" Narratives (Epistles 6.16, 6.20)
Edinburgh Research Explorer Letters from an advocate: Pliny's "Vesuvius" narratives (Epistles 6.16, 6.20) Citation for published version: Berry, D 2008, Letters from an advocate: Pliny's "Vesuvius" narratives (Epistles 6.16, 6.20). in F Cairns (ed.), Papers of the Langford Latin Seminar . vol. 13, Francis Cairns Publications Ltd, pp. 297-313. Link: Link to publication record in Edinburgh Research Explorer Document Version: Early version, also known as pre-print Published In: Papers of the Langford Latin Seminar Publisher Rights Statement: ©Berry, D. (2008). Letters from an advocate: Pliny's "Vesuvius" narratives (Epistles 6.16, 6.20). In F. Cairns (Ed.), Papers of the Langford Latin Seminar . (pp. 297-313). Francis Cairns Publications Ltd. General rights Copyright for the publications made accessible via the Edinburgh Research Explorer is retained by the author(s) and / or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing these publications that users recognise and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. Take down policy The University of Edinburgh has made every reasonable effort to ensure that Edinburgh Research Explorer content complies with UK legislation. If you believe that the public display of this file breaches copyright please contact [email protected] providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim. Download date: 29. Sep. 2021 LETTERS FROM AN ADVOCATE: Pliny’s ‘Vesuvius’ Narratives (Epp. 6.16, 6.20)* D.H. BERRY University of Edinburgh To us in the modern era, the most memorable letters of Pliny the Younger are Epp. 6.16 and 6.20, addressed to Cornelius Tacitus. -
Is There Any Evidence for Jesus Outside the Bible?
Is There Any Evidence for Jesus Outside the Bible? coldcasechristianity.com/2017/is-there-any-evidence-for-jesus-outside-the-bible October 30, 2017 The reliable Gospel eyewitness accounts aren’t the only ancient description of Jesus. There are also non-Christian descriptions of Jesus from the late 1st to 5th Century. What do the non- Biblical accounts say about Jesus and how are we to assess them? It’s been my experience that two people can examine the same event (or even the same historical character) and disagree about what they have seen. Many years ago President John F. Kennedy was assassinated in Dallas, and the entire event was captured on video tape. There were hundreds of eyewitnesses. The tapes were watched over and over again. Yet, in the midst of such a robust eyewitness record, people still argue to this day about what they saw and what actually happened. Was it a lone shooter or an elaborate conspiracy? Something very similar occurred when the World Trade Center was attacked by terrorists. Most of us either saw the attack live on television or watched the video for months afterward. But the event is still interpreted in a variety of ways. Was this the act of international terrorists or an elaborate governmental conspiracy? Two well documented historical events with a rich set of evidences. In spite of this, both events have been interpreted in a variety of ways. It shouldn’t surprise us then to find the historical records of Jesus Christ might also experience the same type of scrutiny and diverse interpretation. -
Tertullian's Text of the New Testament Outside the Gospels
TERTULLIAN’S TEXT OF THE NEW TESTAMENT OUTSIDE THE GOSPELS by BENJAMIN DOUGLAS HAUPT A thesis submitted to the University of Birmingham for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY School of Philosophy, Theology, and Religion College of Arts and Law University of Birmingham January 2019 University of Birmingham Research Archive e-theses repository This unpublished thesis/dissertation is copyright of the author and/or third parties. The intellectual property rights of the author or third parties in respect of this work are as defined by The Copyright Designs and Patents Act 1988 or as modified by any successor legislation. Any use made of information contained in this thesis/dissertation must be in accordance with that legislation and must be properly acknowledged. Further distribution or reproduction in any format is prohibited without the permission of the copyright holder. ABSTRACT This study examines Tertullian’s references to the New Testament outside the Gospels, in order to determine whether he was citing from a Greek or Latin copy of these writings. A new collection of these references was undertaken and is explained in the Appendix. The conclusion of the analysis is that Tertullian was quoting the New Testament writings using Greek exemplars and translating anew in most instances. Tertullian was one of the first Christians to have undertaken such translation work. It is proposed that Tertullian was participating in and influenced by a broad cultural-linguistic movement called the Second Sophistic. Latin writers like Cicero, Quintilian, Varro, and Apuleius were also participants, and their translation of Greek works into Latin likely formed Tertullian to become a literary translator. -
Josephus and Domitian
chapter 5 Josephus and Domitian One of the longest standing conceptions of the circumstances of Josephus’ life in the city of Rome has been that the advent of Domitian to the imperial throne marked a watershed in the life of the Judaean historian. A lynchpin of this hypothesis was the characterization of Josephus as the favoured propagandist of the Flavian regime during the reigns of Vespasian and Titus, which was revealed in the official presentation of the War and by the supposed salarium he had received. Since Domitian, however, failed to present Josephus with any monetary encouragement for his writing activities, and Josephus’ new literary project, the Antiquities, did not remotely meet the demands of imperial propa- ganda, it has been suggested that with the accession of Domitian, Josephus lost imperial favour. Moreover, the traditional understanding of Domitian as the ‘enemy of literature’ prevented any thoughts of a possible relationship between Josephus and the last of the Flavians. In conjunction with this supposed altera- tion in Josephus’ social circumstances, it was proposed that his outlook and aims changed, or perhaps that his true feelings, suppressed in the interests of the Flavians while writing the War, were finally revealed in the Antiquities, Life, and the Apion. Removed from the security of the imperial court, Josephus was freed also from the constraints of writing under the emperors and so became more religious and nationalistic.1 1 The most vocal and extreme proponent of this view was Laqueur 1920: 259, “bei dem ganzen Gegensatz des Domitian gegen die Tätigkeit seines Vaters und Bruders verstand es sich schließlich von selbst, daß Josephus am kaiserlichen Hofe die Stütze verlor (vgl. -
Histories and Annals
Durham E-Theses Excursio per Orientem: eastern subjects in Tacitus' Histories and Annals Miravalles, Ana Cecilia How to cite: Miravalles, Ana Cecilia (2004) Excursio per Orientem: eastern subjects in Tacitus' Histories and Annals, Durham theses, Durham University. Available at Durham E-Theses Online: http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/2985/ Use policy The full-text may be used and/or reproduced, and given to third parties in any format or medium, without prior permission or charge, for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-prot purposes provided that: • a full bibliographic reference is made to the original source • a link is made to the metadata record in Durham E-Theses • the full-text is not changed in any way The full-text must not be sold in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holders. Please consult the full Durham E-Theses policy for further details. Academic Support Oce, Durham University, University Oce, Old Elvet, Durham DH1 3HP e-mail: [email protected] Tel: +44 0191 334 6107 http://etheses.dur.ac.uk Ana Cecilia Miravalles Excursio per Orientem Eastern Subjects in Tacitus' Histories and Annals A copyright of this thesis rests with the author. No quotation from it should be published without his prior written consent and information derived from it should be acknowledged. Master ofArts by Research University of Durham -2004- ~ 3 JUN 2005 Ana Cecilia Miravalles Excursio per Orientem. Eastern Subjects in Tacitus' Histories and Annals Abstract TI1is study examines Tacitus' treatment of eastern topics in sections of the Histories and the Annals related to trips from or to Rome.